Sitting of 22 July 1925

Preamble
The House met at a Quarter before Three of the Clock, Mr. SPEAKER in the Chair.

PRIVATE BUSINESS.
Great Yarmouth Haven Bridge Bill [Lords] (King's Consent signified),
Bill read the Third time, and passed, with Amendments.
London, Midland and Scottish Railway Bill [Lords],
Surrey County Council Bill [Lords],
As amended, considered; to be read the Third time.

LANARKSHIRE COUNTY COUNCIL ORDER CONFIRMATION BILL,
"to confirm a Provisional Order under the Private Legislation Procedure (Scotland) Act, 1899, relating to Lanarkshire County Council," presented by Sir JOHN GILMOUR: and ordered (under Section 7 of the Act) to be considered To-morrow.

MEMBER SWORN.
The following Member took and subscribed the Oath:
TAMES ALEXANDER PRINGLE, esquire, K.C., for County of Fermanagh and Tyrone.

COLONIAL STOCK ACT, 1900.
Copy ordered of Treasury List of Colonial Stocks in respect of which the provisions of the Act are, for the time being, complied with.—[Mr. Guinness.]

COLLIERY ACCIDENT FUNDS (GREAT BRITAIN).
Return ordered, setting forth the following particulars in relation to the Colliery Accident Funds in Great Britain which have been raised prior to
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the 31st day of December, 1924, by public subscription, for the relief of sufferers and their dependants:

(1) Name of fund;

(2) The date of foundation;

(3) The authority responsible for administration;

(4) The balance in hand;

(5) The estimated amount of surplus;

(6) The number of persons at present receiving relief;

(7) The number of persons receiving relief who have been doing so from the date of foundation; and

(8) The number of persons receiving relief who have become recipients since the foundation

(in continuation of Parliamentary Paper, No. 359, of Session 1893).—[Colonel Lane-Fox.]

ORAL ANSWERS TO QUESTIONS.
  CHINA (PRESENT POSITION).

    FOREIGN SECRETARY'S STATEMENT.
    Colonel DAYasked the Secretary of State for Foreign Affairs whether he has any further information that could be-furnished to the House on the present position in China?
    The SECRETARY of STATE for FOREIGN AFFAIRS (Mr. Austen Chamberlain): My latest information shows the general situation in China to have become somewhat more satisfactory since I made my last statement upon it in this House on the 18th June.
    Within the last week no further serious disturbances have been reported from any of the ports, while the striks movement at Shanghai, Nanking and elsewhere shows signs of weakening. The boycott movement, on the other hand, is gradually spreading with the aid of bands of students, who travel through the country on free railway passes provided by the Chinese Ministry of Education. Peking itself is now perfectly quiet, and a monster student demonstration planned for the 18th July was a failure. British women and children are, however, being gradually evacuated from the province of

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    Szechuan, where the position of foreigners is made more dangerous by the clash between rival military factions.
    At Canton the situation remains the same. His Majesty's Consul-General there does not apprehend a further attack on Shameen, the foreign concession, but the Canton authorities, who have refused the mediation of the Central Government, of which they have re-affirmed their complete independence have renewed their previous demands for the retrocession of the concession and the withdrawal of all the foreign warships.
    In the north of China Marshal Chang Tso-lin is still in Tientsin, but is expected to leave there shortly for Mukden. His rival, General Feng Yu-hsiang, who has adopted an anti-foreign and particularly anti-British attitude, has just given orders to prevent the transit of British goods from Mongolia through Paotow. His Majesty's Chargé d' Affaires has entered a strong protest against this hostile act.
    I may mention that the case of the Russian agitator, Dosser, as to which inquiries have been addressed to me by various hon. Members, has now ended in a judgment of the Mixed Court at Shanghai dismissing the actual charge against him for lack of evidence, but declaring his certificate from the Soviet authorities to be genuine and ordering him to be expelled from the settlement as an undesirable. On the 13th July Dr. Fortunatoff, medical officer to the Soviet Consulate-General at Shanghai, was arrested in the act of tendering 10.000 dollars to a detective who had been asked to state that he had forged Dosser's certificate. He was brought before the Mixed Court and remanded on bail.
    I am in communication with the other Governments concerned as to the settlement of the questions arising out of the collision of the 30th May between Chinese rioters and the Shanghai municipal police. The one concern of His Majesty's Government in this matter is to see that justice is done to all parties.
    Colonel DAY: When is the official Report of the evidence on the shootings at Shanghai expected, and will it be given publication?
    Mr. CHAMBERLAIN: May I refer the hon. and gallant Gentleman to an answer
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    the other day, in which I begged the House to excuse me from making a passing statement on the subject?
    Mr. TREVELYAN: Has the right hon. Gentleman got the full evidence yet?
    Mr. CHAMBERLAIN: I think there is another question on the subject.

    FACTORIES, SHANGHAI (ELECTRICITY SUPPLY).
    Mr. BECKETTasked the Secretary of State for Foreign Affairs on what grounds the Shanghai Municipal Council have stopped the electrical supply to Messrs. Nanyang Brothers' Tobacco Company and other Chinese factories?
    Mr. CHAMBERLAIN: I have no official information, but I understand from the Press that the supply was cut off owing to the strike in the electricity department of the municipality.
    Mr. BECKETT: Is the right hon. Gentleman aware that when I asked him last week as to the electricity strike he was unable to give me any information?
    Mr. CHAMBERLAIN: If the hon. Member had listened to my answer, he would have heard me say I had no official information, but I had seen the statement in the Press that the cutting off of the electricity supply was owing to a large number of the labourers having walked out.
    Mr. BECKETT: Is the right hon. Gentleman aware that the large staff of Europeans were not affected by the strike and are still producing electricity?
    Mr. CHAMBERLAIN: That may be so, but if 3,000 workmen walk out it disorganises the work generally.

    SHANGHAI DISTURBANCES (INQUIRY).
    Captain WEDGWOOD BENNasked the Secretary of State for Foreign Affairs whether he is able to make any announcement as to the policy of the Government in reference to a judicial inquiry into the Shanghai disorders and the immediate summoning of a conference of the Powers?
    Mr. CHAMBERLAIN: Communications regarding these matters are still passing between the interested Powers, and I would refer the hon. and gallant

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    Member to the answer given to the hon. Member for Orkney and Shetland on the 16th July.
    Captain BENN: May we assume it is the intention of the Government that an impartial and judicial inquiry shall be held?
    Mr. CHAMBERLAIN: This is the very matter on which I have appealed to the House to excuse me from making a passing statement until a full statement is possible. Our object is to see that justice is done to all parties, and done in a way that convinces all parties that justice is done.
    Mr. BECKETTasked the Secretary of State for Foreign Affairs whether the Mixed Diplomatic Commission appointed to inquire into the Shanghai shootings had access to the published evidence taken in the trial at Shanghai before the Mixed Court of the persons who had been arrested in connection with the strike?
    Mr. CHAMBERLAIN: As the Commission did not leave Shanghai to return to Peking until a week after the trial it may be presumed that they were aware of the published evidence.

    FRENCH AMBASSADOR.
    Mr. BECKETTasked the Secretary of Stale for Foreign Affairs if he can now give any information as to the nature of the: divergence of views between the diplomatic representatives in Peking which led to the withdrawal of the French Ambassador from the Council of Three?
    Mr. CHAMBERLAIN: I have no further information to add to my reply to the hon. Member's previous question on this subject on the 15th July.
    Mr. BECKETT: As the right hon. Gentleman then had no information, and as this is a very important matter, is he taking any steps to find out what the reasons are?
    Mr. CHAMBERLAIN: No, I have not taken any steps to find out particularly what the reasons are. What I am chiefly concerned with is that all the Powers concerned should act together.

    BOXER INDEMNITY (ADVISORY COMMITTEE).
    Mr. FOOT MITCHELLasked the Secretary of State for Foreign Affairs if he can now give the full composition of
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    the Advisory Committee on the Application of the Boxer Indemnity and when it proposes to start its investigations?
    Mr. CHAMBERLAIN: The Chinese Indemnity Fund (Application) Act requires that the Advisory Committee shall consist of 11 members, of whom one must be a woman and at least two must be Chinese nationals. The following eight members have been appointed:

    Earl Buxton (Chairman).

    Dame Adelaide Anderson

    Sir John Jordan.

    Sir Charles Addis.

    Sir Christopher Needham

    Professor Soothill.

    Sir William Clark, Comptroller-General of the Department of Overseas Trade.

    Mr. S. P. Waterlow, of the Foreign Office.

    I regret that my hon. Friend the Member for Dover (Major Astor) who had accepted an invitation to serve on the Committee, has found it necessary to resign owing to his absence in Australia. The Committee cannot begin its investigations until the three vacant seats which thus remain have been filled. For two out of the three I am anxious to secure the services of two Chinese nationals with high qualifications, and I greatly regret the delay in filling these appointments which the present disturbances in China have made inevitable.

  RUSSIA.

    On. CONCESSIONS (BAKU).
    Sir WALTER de FRECEasked the Secretary of State, for Foreign Affairs whether his attention has been called to the Soviet Government's proposal to offer to the French a concession of oil-bearing properties in Baku, some of which were confiscated from British companies; and whether he can make any statement on the point?
    Mr. CHAMBERLAIN: I have been informed that there have been newspaper reports to the effect that the possibility of an oil concession was being considered in connection with the recent discussions in Paris; but I have no knowledge of an official proposal from the Soviet Government involving British interests, or, indeed, of any official proposal at all.

    SOVIET PROPAGANDA.
    Mr. TREVELYANasked the Secretary of State for Foreign Affairs whether he has considered the memorandum of the British Foreign Office of 29th May, 1923, in which it was stated that His Majesty's Government would be quite willing, in case of future infringements of the undertaking about propaganda by the Soviet Government, that the case should be brought immediately to the attention of the Government concerned rather than that such incidents should be allowed to accumulate before complaint is made; and whether he proposes to observe this engagement at the present time?
    Mr. CHAMBERLAIN: Owing to pressure of work, I have only just seen this question, and I shall be obliged if the right hon. Gentleman will postpone it.

    ANGLO-POETUGUESE AGEEEMENT.
    Sir W. de FRECEasked the Secretary of State for Foreign Affairs whether the Portuguese Minister of Foreign Affairs and the British Ambassador have exchanged Notes relating to the agreement between the British Government and the Portuguese Republic canceling the Portuguese concession in Chipoli and the British concession in Chinde; and if he will state the significance of this agreement?
    Mr. CHAMBERLAIN: The answer to the first part of the question is in the affirmative. The agreement was concluded as being mutually advantageous in view of the present course of trade in the part of Africa concerned, which renders the special arrangement formally existing at Chinde no longer necessary.

    ICELAND (BRITISH TRAWLERS).
    Mr. GROTRIANasked the Secretary of State for Foreign Affairs whether his attention has been drawn to the circumstances attending the recent arrest of the steam trawler "Lowther," of Hull, in Icelandic waters; is he aware that the skipper of the vessel, T. Mason, had sustained serious injuries to his arm and thigh as the result of an accident on board, and was proceeding to an Icelandic port for the sole purpose of procuring
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    medical aid, when he was arrested by the Icelandic authorities on a charge of non-compliance with the local regulations regarding the stowage of his fishing gear, and that he was not allowed to land and see the doctor until he had signed an admission of guilt and agreed to pay a fine of £115; and whether His Majesty's Government will take steps with a view to the reconsideration of this case by the Icelandic authorities and with a view to protecting British fishermen against treatment of this nature?
    Mr. CHAMBERLAIN: A telegraphic report has now been received from the British Consul at the place stating that a copy of the Court records of the case will be despatched as soon as possible. Upon receipt of these, the matter will receive further careful consideration from His Majesty's Government.
    Lieut.-Commander KENWORTHYasked the First Lord of the Admiralty if he is aware of complaints made by British fishermen at their treatment by the Icelandic authorities while pursuing their lawful calling in waters adjacent to the Icelandic coast, and that the British Navy is not frequently represented in those waters; and what visits have been paid by vessels of His Majesty's Navy to Icelandic waters since the conclusion of the late War?
    The FIRST LORD of the ADMIRALTY (Mr. Bridgeman): I am aware of the complaints made and of the fact that visits of His Majesty's ships have been infrequent in these waters. With the hon. and gallant Member's permission I will circulate in the OFFICIAL REPOET particulars of the visits made since the conclusion of the War.
    Lieut.-Commander KENWORTHY: I think I would rather have the full answer now.
    Mr. BRIDGEMAN: If it be the wish of the House, I will read it.
    Mr. SPEAKER: Perhaps the hon. and gallant Member will forgo that, having regard to the fact that there are 89 questions on the Paper to-day.
    Mr. GROTRIAN: Is the right hon. Gentleman aware that the ships that have been sent into these parts are quite unsuited to the work, and that it is highly dangerous to send them there?
    Lieut.-Commander KENWORTHY: I do not press for the details, but I would ask the right hon. Gentleman whether he will sec that more frequent visits are made for the purpose of showing the flag, for the protection of our nationals?
    Mr. BR1DGEMAN: I will consider that, and, if possible, I should be glad to accede to the hon. and gallant Member's request. With respect to the matter raised by the hon. Member for South-West Hull (Mr. Grotrian), I should be glad to hear any views or to receive any particulars which he may bring to my notice.
    Sir WILFRID SUGDEN: Will the right hon. Gentleman be so good as to consult the leaders of the fishing fleets on the East Coast to ascertain from them their views as to the unjust treatment and penalties imposed upon them by these Icelandic people, and take into a consideration the fact that these fishermen are appealing for naval support?
    The particulars promised are as follow:
    1921. His Majesty s Ship "Harebell" visited Reykjavik from 4th August to 12th August.
    His Majesty's Ship "Harebell" visited Reykjavik from 27th July to 5th August.
    On occasion of search for missing British and Icelandic trawlers, His Majesty's Ship "Harebell" and His Majesty's Ship "Godetia" were in Icelandic waters from 2nd to 8th March and visited Seydis Fiord and Lodmunder Fiord.

    RUHR OCCUPATION.
    Captain BENNasked the Secretary of State for Foreign Affairs whether the British Government of the day was a party to the decision to occupy Dusseldort, Ruhrort, and Duisburg; and, if so, whether they have expressed to their Allies their own view as to the proper date for the evacuation of the said towns?
    Mr. CHAMBERLAIN: The answer to both parts of this question is in the affirmative.

    CAIRO RESIDENCY.
    Sir FREDR1C WISEasked the Secretary of State for Foreign Affairs what is the cost of the Residency in Cairo, including the officials, in 1913–14 and in 1925–26?
    Mr. CHAMBERLAIN: The cost of the Residency in Cairo in 1913–14, including the officials, was £12,261. The cost of the staff in 1925–26 is estimated at £27,287, while incidental expenses, including the maintenance of the house occupied by the High Commissioner, for 1924–25, the last-period for which figures are available, was £6,322. The above figures do not include capital expenditure of £3,395 in 1913–14 and £9,435 in 1924–25.

  ROYAL NAVY.

    PEMBROKE DOCKYARD (DISMISSALS).
    Mr. GRIFFITHSasked the First Lord of the Admiralty whether he is aware that about 90 men have received notice of dismissal from Pembroke Dockyard; and whether, in view of the present industrial conditions, efforts will be made to retain these men in employment?
    The PARLIAMENTARY SECRETARY to the ADMIRALTY (Mr. Davidson): Workmen to the number of 83 were entered for a particular job and were informed on entry that their employment was of a temporary nature. The work having been completed it was necessary to discharge 66 of them as their services were no longer required, and no provision for their retention has been made in Navy Votes.

    OFFICERS' MARRIAGE ALLOWANCE.
    Colonel DAYasked the First Lord of the Admiralty whether any decision has yet been reached in the matter of the payment of marriage allowance to officers in the Navy?
    Major HORE-BELISHAasked the First Lord of the Admiralty whether the Government has reached a decision as to whether or not the sum of money voted for officers' marriage allowance in the Royal Navy is to be spent?
    Mr. BRIDGEMAN: I regret that I am not yet in a position to make any statement.
    Colonel DAY: Is the right hon. Gentleman aware that a great many of the officers concerned consider that they are suffering great injustice through no concession being made?
    Mr. BRIDGEMAN: Yes.
    Major HORE-BELISHA: Does not the right hon. Gentleman think that much difficulty is arising through this delay. Would it not be perfectly simple to say something one way or the other?
    Mr. HARRIS: Is it possible for the Government to make up their minds about anything?
    Colonel DAY: Can the right hon. Gentleman say whether we shall have a reply before the Recess?
    Mr. BRIDGEMAN: I hope there will be a reply very soon.

    ROYAL DOCKYARDS (COMMERCIAL WORK).
    Major HORE-BELISHAasked the First Lord of the Admiralty whether he is now examining into the possibilities of using the equipment and personnel of the dockyards for the making or repairing of products other than and in addition to ships of war?
    Mr. DAVIDSON: The Royal Dockyards are maintained for the purposes of the Royal Navy, and are not suitably equipped and organised for the economical performance of commercial work; there is no intention to enlarge their functions by undertaking work not directly required for His Majesty's service which could equally well be carried out elsewhere.
    Major HORE-BELISHA: Is the hon. Member aware that the First Lord promised to consider this matter, in view of the very strong opinions expressed in all quarters of the House? Seeing that grave unemployment is bound to follow a progressive policy of disarmament, cannot he take a more considerate view?
    Mr. DAVIDSON: This answer was framed after consideration.

    "KENT" CLASS CRUISERS (COST).
    Lieut.-Commander KENWORTHYasked the First Lord of the Admiralty what will be the estimated total cost of each of the new cruisers of the "Kent" class now building, including the cost of armament, armour, ammunition and stores; and what is the estimated annual cost of upkeep and maintenance of each of these vessels in full commission?
    Mr. DAVIDSON: I would refer the hon. and gallant Member to the replies of the 11th and 25th February to the hon.
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    Members for Shoreditch and Leith respectively (OFFICIAL REPORT, 11th February, columns 174–5, and 25th February, column 1952).
    Lieut. - Commander KENWORTHY: Those replies did not give the figures. Is it not essential that the House should be informed as to the actual cost of the ships?
    Mr. DAVIDSON: The cost was estimated to be from £1,500,000 to £2,000,000.
    Lieut.-Commander KENWORTHY: Does that include the armaments and stores?
    Mr. DAVIDSON: That is the complete cost.

    POLITICAL RIGHTS (OFFICERS AND MEN).
    Major Sir BERTRAM FALLEasked the First Lord of the Admiralty whether he is aware that the amendments directed by A.F.O. 757/1924 to be made to A.F.O. 3,349/1922 have converted the latter order solely into instructions for officers and men of the Royal Navy who wish to stand as Parliamentary candidates; and whether, in view of the fact that, previous to 1018, the restrictive rules regarding Parliamentary elections were not at that period codified and that the custom and rule of the Service prior to 1018 gave no encouragement to, but discountenanced the participation in, political campaigns of serving naval officers and men, he will consider the codifying of the unwritten rule amended in the light of present-day customs, and extend the ordinary political rights of other electors to officers and men of the Royal Navy?
    Mr. BRTDGEMAN: The Admiralty do not think it desirable to reverse previous practice in this matter.
    Sir B. FALLE: Would it be a reversal of previous practice?
    Major HORE-BF.LISHA: Is the hon. Member aware that it has not always been the practice to deprive sailors of their civilian rights?

    ESTABLISHMENTS ABROAD (APPOINTMENTS).
    Major HORE-BELISHAasked the First Lord of the Admiralty, with refer-

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    ence to the 12 naval establishments outside the United Kingdom at which only 600 odd workers are appointed from home and 13,000 are engaged locally, whether he has now examined into the possibility of increasing, wherever practicable, the number of jobs that can be given to those men appointed from home in the special circumstances of the present unemployment situation?
    Mr. DAVIDSON: As the suggestion of the. hon. Member would add to the cost of the dockyard services overseas without increasing their efficiency, I regret that I am unable to adopt it.
    Major HORE-BELISHA: Would it not diminish the cost of unemployment benefit

    WELFARE REQUESTS (FLEET ORDER).
    Colonel PERKINSasked the First Lord of the Admiralty if he can inform the House of the nature of the Admiralty reply to the requests from the lower deck put forward by last year's Welfare Conference?
    Mr. DAVIDSON: I will send my hon. and gallant Friend a copy of the Admiralty Fleet Order containing the decisions.
    Sir B. FALLE: Is-it not a fact that 15 per cent. of the refusals of the requests put forward by the Welfare Conference were said to be absolutely final, and that the requests were not to be repeated by the Conference? In that case, what is the use of the Welfare Conference?

    His MAJESTY'S SHIPS "RODNEY" AND "NELSON" (ROLLER BEARERS).
    Mr. CONNOLLYasked the First Lord of the Admiralty if he is aware that the roller bearers for gun rammers of His Majesty's Ships "Rodney" and "Lord Nelson," which were manufactured in Sweden, have been condemned by His Majesty's inspector, and will he state whether the new roller bearers are to be manufactured abroad or in this country?
    Mr. DAVIDSON: Yes, Sir The roller bearings referred to were manufactured in Sweden. This fact led to their rejection by the Admiralty, as the contract stipulated that they were to be of British manufacture.
    Sir W. SUGDEN: Is it not a fact that I received a reply from the Government Bench that these two vessels, which were being built in certain yards, were being built entirely of British material; and is it not a fact that we have steel engineers and shipwright engineers on the east coast, particularly The Hartle-pools, who were prepared to give guarantees that the ships should be built entirely of British material if the Admiralty gave them the orders?
    Mr. DAVIDSON: The hon. Member must have misunderstood my answer. These roller bearings were condemned because they were not of British manufacture.
    Sir W. SUGDEN: Is it not a fact that the Admiralty stated that there were no foreign materials being used in these battleships, and that, as a fact, these foreign bearings were put into the ship?
    Mr. CONNOLLY: The last part of my question has not been answered. Are all roller bearings to be manufactured in this country? Is the hon. Member aware of the great amount of work that is involved in this matter, seeing that there are 950 roller bearings for each ship? Are these bearings in future to be manufactured in this country, or not?
    Mr. DAVIDSON: The hon. Member must understand that the firm to whom the order was given sent the order for these bearings to Sweden. Because they were made abroad, the Admiralty officer, whose duty it is to inspect these bearings, condemned them. No material used on a British warship is manufactured abroad.
    Sir W. SUGDEN: These foreign bearings were actually put into the ships.
    Mr. SPENCER: Was the contractor of the ship responsible for bringing these bearings over?
    Mr. DAVIDSON: Yes. The firm that had received the contract. We had nothing to do with it, except that, being of foreign manufacture, they were condemned by our inspector.
    Colonel DAY: Were they condemned before they were put into the ship?
    Mr. DAVIDSON: Not to the best of my knowledge.

    PAY RECOKDS (UNCLAIMED CREDIT BALANCES).
    Captain GARRO-JONESasked the Parliamentary Secretary to the Admiralty whether pay records of officers or naval ratings which show an unclaimed credit balance are preserved for five years?
    Mr. DAVIDSON: The answer is in the affirmative.

    LUNATIC CASES (PENSIONS).
    Sir B. FALLEasked the Parliamentary Secretary to the Admiralty whether he will take steps to obtain the special treatment for naval attributable lunatic cases under the scheme of national health insurance, in order that the patients' pensions may be made payable to their wives?
    Mr. DAVIDSON: As stated in the reply given to my hon. Friend on the 18th June, the pensions of naval lunatics are disposed of under the Lunacy Acts and the Naval Regulations, and the institution having charge of the pensioner has first claim on the pension. I regret I am unable to recommend any alteration of the present position.

    CONSTRUCTION PROGRAMME.
    Captain BENNasked the Prime Minister if he can now state the Government s programme of naval construction?
    Major HORE-BELISHAasked the Prime Minister whether he can now make an announcement of the Government's proposals for naval construction?
    The PRIME MINISTER (Mr. Baldwin): I hope that a statement will be made to-morrow.
    Captain BENN: Will a Supplementary Estimate be needed before the House rises?
    The PRIME MINISTER: I think not. I have answered that several times. I believe that the answer will emerge in reply to a question to-morrow.
    Colonel GRETTONWill the statement be one that can be debated, or will the debate be deferred until the Estimates?
    The PRIME MINISTER: The statement will toe in answer to a question, and naturally, if there be any Estimate, there will be a debate, or on the Navy Estimates.

    EX-GERMAN WARSHIPS, SCAPA FLOW (SALVAGE).
    Colonel PERKINSasked the First Lord of the Admiralty whether any profit and, if so, what, is accruing to the State from the salving of German warships sunk in Scapa Flow?
    Mr. DAVIDSON: I would refer my hon. and gallant Friend to the replies given to the hon. Member for King's Norton on 29th June and 8th July last (OFFICIAL REPORT,' 29th June, column 2038, and 8th July, column 407).

  UNEMPLOYMENT.

    SOUTHWAKK.
    Colonel DAYasked the Minister of Labour whether he will give the number of persons in receipt of unemployment benefit in the borough of Southwark on the last convenient date; and if the Unemployment Grants Committee has under consideration any proposals for the employment of men and women in the autumn and winter of this year?
    The PARLIAMENTARY SECRETARY to the MINISTRY of LABOUR (Mr. Betterton): The number of persons with claims to benefit current on 13th July at the Walworth Road Employment Exchange was 7,171. I am informed that local authorities in the Borough of Southwark have submitted to the Unemployment Grant? Committee for approval schemes of work estimated to cost £17,500, for operation during the autumn and winter months.
    Colonel DAY: Is the hon. Member aware that extended benefit has been refused to many of these people, especially to Ormond Arthur Passey, who was unable to obtain extended benefit, or relief from the guardians, and who committed suicide?
    Mr. BETTERTON: The hon. And gallant Member raised that question last-week, and I asked him to give me particulars or to put down a Question, and he has done neither.
    Colonel DAY: The hon. Member says that I have not put down a Question. I put down a Question on the same day, and it has been on the Order Paper ever since. Perhaps he will look it up

    ELECTRICAL TRADE.
    Sir FREDERICK RICEasked the Minister of Labour the numbers of wire-men, linesmen, and fitters in the electrical trade who are unemployed, and the number receiving the unemployment benefits?
    Mr. BETTERTON: The number of electrical wire-men, linesmen, and fitters on the registers of Employment Exchanges in Great Britain at 1st June was 6,937. Figures with regard to the number in receipt of unemployment benefit are not available.

    BENEFIT (STATISTICS).
    Mr. HAYDAYasked the Minister of Labour the number of persons in receipt of unemployment benefit on the latest available date; and the number of persons who had registered as unemployed and had been disqualified for benefit since the passing of the 1920 Act?
    Mr. BETTERTON: At 6th July the number of persons in Great Britain with current claims to benefit was 1,217,578. I am unable to state the total number of persons who since the passing of the 1920 Act have been disqualified for benefit. In the 4¼ years between 3rd March, 1921, and 8th June, 1925, the number of applications for uncovenanted or extended benefit refused by local employment committees was 1,764,168, but this total, of course, includes in many cases more than one application from the same individual.
    Mr. CLYNES: Can the hon. Gentleman give the reason for not being able to give the information as to the number of people disqualified?
    Mr. BETTERTON: I cannot give it, because we have not any record of it.

    WORK ON ROADS.
    Mr. HARRISasked the Minister of Labour why work done on the roads for borough councils is not counted towards benefit, although both employers and employés have to pay their insurance contributions; and whether he is aware that some men have as much as six or eight months stamps on their cards paid on wages earned on road work for local authorities, yet are refused benefit when out of employment?
    Mr. BETTERTON: I would refer the hon. Member to the replies given to the hon. Member for Shoreditch on the 1st July and to the hon. Member for the Western Isles on the 8th July. As was pointed out on 8th July, contributions paid in respect of relief work are treated as valid contributions for the purpose of qualifying for standard benefit and the point to which the hon. Member refers only arises in connection with extended benefit.
    Mr. HARRIS: Does not this involve heavier work than ordinary insurance work, as it requires greater strength on the part of the men employed, and yet you have disqualification in consequence?
    Mr. BETTERTON: I would ask the hon. Member to look at the answer given by my right hon. Friend on the 1st and the 8th July, dealing with this very point.
    Mr. MARCH: What do the Ministry think with regard to these men who are doing this work, and how is it possible for them to look for other work while they are doing this?
    Mr. BETTERTON: That, again, has been dealt with by my right hon. Friend. What he said in effect was, that it has never been considered that the condition of a man making every reasonable effort to obtain employment should be satisfied merely by the fact that he is given relief work. It may be a fact or not, but it is not conclusive.
    Mr. MARCH: How can a man doing relief work for eight hours go and look for other work?
    Mr. LANSBURY: Is the hon. Gentleman aware that the board of guardians would stop a man's relief instantly if he threw up his work for any reason? Is it not unfair to take his money and not let him have the benefit and the council's money too?
    Mr. BETTERTON: That is taken into consideration; but when the hon. Member refers to taking his money, it only applies to standard benefit.
    Mr. LANSBURY: But you keep him out of standard benefit.

    EMPLOYMENT EXCHANGES (STAFFS AND HOUSE).
    Mr. HARRISasked the Minister of Labour on what percentage of unemploy-

    2191
    ment is the present staff of the Employment Exchanges fixed; and what extra staff is employed to deal with the present abnormal amount of unemployment?
    Mr. BETTERTON: For various reasons the staff required at Employment Exchanges is not arithmetically proportionate to the amount of unemployment. The procedure adopted has been to provide a staff of permanent clerks which is estimated to be sufficient, in general, to deal with 4 per cent. unemployment, and any additional clerks are engaged, according to requirements, on a temporary basis. The higher staff cannot very well be related to any particular percentage of unemployment; it has so far been found to be sufficient to deal with the situation. The total number of temporary staff employed at Employment Exchanges during the first six months of the present year has averaged about 4,859 out of an average total staff of 8,946.
    Mr. HARRIS: Does the hon. Gentleman realise that, owing to the large number of unemployed to be dealt with, they have no time to investigate the opportunity for finding work, and assisting men to find employment, and that therefore the Employment Exchanges are not fulfilling their original function?
    Mr. BETTERTON: My right hon. Friend is satisfied that, speaking broadly, the staff provided is sufficient for the work. It may be that in some cases in a particular Exchange it would be more satisfactory to have a larger staff, but, speaking broadly, my right hon. Friend is satisfied that the staff provided is adequate
    Lord H. CAVF.NDISH-BENT1NCK: What time has been lost through sickness during the last three months as com oared with the corresponding three months of last year?
    Mr. BETTERTON: There is another question on that point.
    Mr. TINKERasked the Minister of Labour whether be is aware of the nature of the Exchange premises at Leigh, Lancashire; that the clerks are at present working in a cleaner's scullery, hitherto disused, where the smells are very repellent; and that a space 14 feet by 9 feet is occupied by cabinets tables, and six
    2192
    women clerks; and whether he proposes, in the interests of the health of the staff, to provide more satisfactory accommodation?
    Mr. BETTERTON: As stated in a letter to the hon. Member on the 20th May, plans for alternative premises on a suitable site have been prepared. The women staff have already been moved temporarily until the new premises are completed.
    Mr. TINKER: Have they removed to other premises?
    Mr. BETTERTON: They have removed temporarily from the promises of which the hon. Member complained, to more appropriate and suitable premises.

    MEN OVER 60.
    Mr. FORRESTasked the Minister of Labour the number of men over 60 to whom uncovenanted benefit has been refused within the last six months on the ground that they have not proved they are fitted to do normally insurable work?
    Mr. BETTERTON: I regret that this figure is not available.
    Mr. FORRESTasked the Minister of Labour the number of men between 60 and 65 in receipt of uncovenanted benefit; and whether any estimate exists as to the number of such men who being insured, are expected to draw the old age pension at 65?
    Mr. BETTERTON: I regret that the figure asked for in the first part of the question is not available. As regards the second part of the question, all I can do is to refer the hon. Member to the Report of the Government Actuary on the Financial Provisions of the Widows', Orphans' and Old Age Contributory Pensions Bill (Cmd. 2406). In paragraph 32 of that Report it is estimated that when these pensions at 65 commence in January, 1928, some 300,000 of the persons insured under the unemployment insurance scheme will be over the age of 65, and that on present experience the average weekly number unemployed at these ages will then be about 65,000. The hon. Member will realise that these figures relate to all insured persons over the age of 65, and not merely to those reaching the age of 65 at a particular date.

    BENEFIT DISALLOWED.
    Mr. MORRISONasked the Minister of Labour whether he is aware that when applications for extended benefit are rejected by the claims officer against the decision of the rota committee, Form 503 A is sent to the applicant stating that the committee has rejected his claim; and, in view of the fact that this statement is incorrect, will he take steps to see that Form 503 A is not used in cases where the rota committee's decision has been overturned?
    Mr. BETTERTON: I find that on some occasions when the Department has not accepted the recommendations of a rota committee a form (503 A) has been sent to the applicant which is only applicable when the rota committee has recommended disallowance. An instruction is being issued to Exchanges calling attention to the proper procedure.
    Mr. GRIFFITHSasked the Minister of Labour whether he is aware that Mr. Bellringer, of 29, Veyvyan Street, Camborne, Cornwall, has been refused unemployment benefit, although he has given ample evidence that he is genuinely seeking work, and despite the fact that he has 455 stamps to his credit, having paid contributions since 1912: and whether, in view of these facts, the case will be referred back to the local committee?
    Mr. BETTERTON: I am having inquiries made into Mr. Bellringer's case and will let the hon. Member know the result as soon as possible.
    Mr. W. BAKERasked the Minister of Labour whether he is aware that men over 60 years of age, whose claims to unemployment benefit have been supported 'by the local rota committees in Bristol, are being denied benefit; and, seeing that these decisions are being taken on the ground that the men are not likely to be able to obtain further employment having regard to their age, will he, in view of the hardship involved, reconsider the grounds upon which such decisions are based?
    The MINISTER of LABOUR (Sir A. Steel-Maitland): Applicants are in no case refused unemployment benefit solely on the ground of their age; but it is a condition for the receipt of
    2194
    extended benefit under the Unemployment Insurance (No. 2) Act, 1924, that the applicant shall prove, among other things, that in normal times insurable work suitable to his capacities would be likely to be available for him, and my right hon. Friend is not authorised to grant payment of such benefit to any applicant who cannot satisfy this condition.
    Mr. MARCH: Is it necessary for a man to prove that, he is likely to be engaged in an insurable trade if hitherto he has been engaged in an insurable trade?
    Sir A. STEEL-MAITLAND: He has to show that it is employment suitable to his capacity, that he will be capable of taking employment suitable to his capacity.
    Mr. MARCH: The right hon. Gentleman do? not understand what I mean. We know of instances of men who have been engaged in insurable trades up to 60 years of age and have then obtained benefit, and then you toll these men they are not likely to be engaged in an insurable trade, and yet they have been in one ever since the Ant has been in operation.
    Sir A. STEEL-MAITLAND: That is what I intended to convey by my answer. The fact that a person has been engaged in an insurable- trade is always a strong presumption in his favour that he would be likely to be employed in it again, and, as I have said, the mere fact of age is not by any manner of means a disqualification.
    Mr. MAXTONasked the Minister of Labour the number of women's claims for insurance benefit which have, been rejected under Section 10 (1) of The Unemployment Act, 1921, during the three months from August, 1924, and the corresponding figures for the three months beginning 1st January, 1925?
    Sir A. STEEL-MAITLAND: I regret I have been unable to trace the Section quoted in the question. Perhaps the hon. Member will put down a further question explaining in detail the nature of the information he desires to obtain
    Mr. MAXTONasked the Minister of Labour the number of applicants for insurance benefit whose

    2195
    claim was rejected under Clause 1, Sub section (3) (a), (b), (c) and (d), of the 1924 Unemployment Insurance Act, respectively, during the three months August, September and October, 1924; and the corresponding number of claims rejected under each of those Clauses in the three months beginning 1st January, 1925?
    Sir A. STEEL-MAITLAND: The reply has been prepared in the form of a tabular statement, which, with the hon. Member's permission, I will circulate in the OFFICIAL REPORT.
    The following is the statement:

    APPLICATIONS for Benefit rejected under Section 1 (3), (a), (b), (c and (d) of the Unemployment Insurance (No. 2) Act, 1924.

    —

    1st Aug., 1924 to 10th Nov., 1924.

    13th Jan., 1925, to 13th Apr., 1925.

    Section 1 (3) (a)

    13,860

    13,749

    Section 1 (3) (b)

    3,657

    6,355

    Section 1 (3) (c)

    34,428

    36,000

    Section 1 (3) (d)

    25,899

    38,328

    EXTENDED BENEFIT (CLAIMS).
    Mr. MAXTONasked the Minister of Labour the number of men, women, and boys and girls, respectively, who have claimed extended benefit since November till the end of June, and the number of claims in each case rejected?
    Sir A. STEEL-MAITLAND: As the reply includes a considerable number of figures, I will, with the hon. Member's permission, circulate it in the OFFICIAL REPORT.
    Following is the reply:
    Between 11th November, 1924, and 8th June, 1925, the numbers of applications for extended benefit referred to local committees were:

    Men

    …

    …

    …

    1,602,498

    Women

    …

    …

    …

    350,235

    Boys

    …

    …

    …

    43,094

    Girls

    …

    …

    …

    27,644

    The numbers of applications rejected in the same period were:

    Men

    …

    …

    …

    183,772

    Women

    …

    …

    …

    93,050

    Boys

    …

    …

    …

    4,367

    Girls

    …

    …

    …

    3,741

    TAEIFF ADVISORY BOAED.
    Colonel GRETTONasked the Prime Minister whether the Tariff Advisory Board appointed at the end of 1923 made a Report; whether that Report was unanimous; and whether there is any objection to its publication?
    The PRIME MINISTER: The Report referred to by my hon. and gallant Friend was of a. preliminary nature only. In the intervening time circum stances have altered, and I consider that no useful purpose would now be served by publication.
    Colonel GRETTON: Is the Advisory Board holding any further sittings for considering an extension?
    The PRIME MINISTER: No. I think that the last time it met it published an Interim Report.
    Mr. HARRIS: Was not this Report paid for out of public funds, and are not the public entitled to know what the Report is?
    The PRIME MINISTER: I do not think so. I would like to look this up. The question was asked two years ago.

    AGRICULTURE (GOVERNMENT POLICY).
    Mr. FOOT MITCHELLasked the Prime Minister if he expects to be able, before the House adjourns and for the information of arable farmers, to state the agricultural policy of the Government?
    Major Sir HARRY BARNSTON: I have been asked to reply for my right hon. Friend the Minister of Agriculture. The Council of Agriculture for England, along with other agricultural organisations, was invited by my right hon. Friend to submit proposals in regard to agricultural policy, and the Council appointed a special Committee to consider the question. The Committee is about to submit its Report, and my right hon. Friend has been asked to summon a special meeting of the Council of Agriculture on 6th August to consider the Report. He proposes there fore to await the result of that meeting before coming to any final decision.

  COAL INDUSTRY.

    WAGES DISPUTE (CONFERENCE).
    Lord H. CAVENDISH-BENTINCKasked the Prime Minister whether, in order to facilitate an open conference between the mine owners and miners, he will invite the former to withdraw the notice and proposals?
    The PRIME MINISTER: I understand that the parties are already considering the question of another meeting; and no action by me is necessary at present.

    COAL GRADING (PIT-HEAD PRICE).
    Captain GARRO-JONESasked the Secretary for Mines whether he will consider the need to inaugurate a system of grading coal based on the pit head price, in order to give consumers some protection against unscrupulous factors and agents?
    The SECRETARY for MINES (Colonel Lane-Fox): I do not think that a system of grading coal based on the pit-head price would be practicable, or would serve the purpose which the hon. and gallant Member has in mind.
    Captain GARRO-JONES: Does the hon. and gallant Gentleman recollect that a similar system was put into effect with great success in the case of wheat during the War, and that any difficulties with coal could be similarly overcome?
    Colonel LANE-FOX: I do not think that the circumstances are at all analogous.
    Captain GARRO-JONES: In reference to the second part of the answer, may I ask the hon. and gallant Gentleman to emphasise the necessity for taking some measures; and whether his attention has been drawn to the results of investigations made by the London County Council, which have proved that coal of inferior grades is often sold as coal of a higher grade, particularly at the present time?
    Colonel LANE-FOX: That does not arise out of the question.
    Mr. SPEAKER: The hon. and gallant Member is trying now to put the fourth question that he has on the Paper. That cannot be allowed.

    ELECTRICITY DEVELOPMENT.
    Mr. HARRISasked the Prime Minister whether he can now make a statement as to the Government's proposals for dealing with electricity?
    The PRIME MINISTER: I would refer the hon. Member to the answer which I gave on the 15th June in reply to a question by the hon. Member for Cardigan. I am not yet in a position to make any statement.
    Mr. HARRIS: Is the Prime Minister aware that the Minister of Transport stated in this House that the Report was laid before the Government over two months ago, and that early lesgislation was contemplated, and is not two months a reasonable time, when the Government have the assistance of Commissioners, who are paid £40,000, to enable the Government to make up their mind on an important matter of this kind?
    The PRIME MINISTER: Any Report on a matter of this importance must be the subject of detailed examination. I hope to be in a position to make a statement before the House rises, though I do not pledge myself.

  ROYAL AIR FORCE.

    PAY RECORDS.
    Captain GARRO-JONESasked the Secretary of State for Air whether pay records of demobilised officers or air craftsmen showing a credit balance are preserved for five years?
    The UNDER-SECRETARY of STATE for AIR (Major Sir Philip Sassoon): The records referred to are preserved for a minimum period of six years.

    AIRSHIPS (COST).
    Mr. VIANTasked the Secretary of State for Air (1) what is the estimated cost of the repairs to the R. 33; when will this airship be ready to continue here experimental flights; when will the experts be able to decide upon the improvements to be embodied in the repairs to the mooring mast at Pulham; and when will the mast be ready for use?
    (2) when the completion of the mooring mast and air station, including hydrogen

    2199
    producing plant, at Ismailia is expected; when will the R. 36 be ready for the experimental service to Egypt; and what is the estimated cost of re-conditioning the R. 36 for this service?
    Sir P. SASSOON: I will answer the hon. Member's questions with regard to the R. 33 and R. 36 together, a differentiation of cost between the two airships being extremely difficult, both because they have been under repair simultaneously and because the accident to the R. 33 has affected the work on the R. 36. The cost of the direct labour and material for the repair of both the airships is estimated at £32,000, to which must be added the cost of a complete set of gas bags, namely, £24,000: this was necessary be cause only one set of serviceable gas bags could be made available out of those originally in the two airships. The repair to R. 33, which has involved practically a re-design of the forepart of the airship, should be completed by the middle of September, and the airship should be fully inflated and ready for flight three weeks from that date. The details of the repairs to the mooring mast at Pulham will be completed very shortly and the mast should be ready for use at the end of September. In view of the delays in the original programme that have been caused by the accident to the R. 33, it is not now proposed to carry out the mooring mast and other flying trials in Egypt before the late spring or early summer of 1926, by which time both the base at Ismailia and the repair of R. 36 should have been completed.
    Mr. VIANTasked the Secretary of State for Air whether, in view of the fact that the nearest mooring mast, at Ismailia, is approximately 1,900 miles away, and the safety and reliability of air ships for commercial purposes has not yet been proved, it is intended to try out the vessels which are intended for this service regularly on a route in this country, where mooring masts are already in existence, before attempting the Egyptian service?
    Sir P. SASSOON: The hon. Member is apparently under a misapprehension, there being no intention to establish a State airship service to Egypt. I may say, however, that, in view of the fact that the two new airships are to be of much larger dimensions than any hitherto
    2200
    built, an exhaustive programme of re search and experiment is being carried out in connection with their construction.

    BRITISH GOODS (PICTORIAL ADVERTISING).
    Sir W. de FRECEasked the Under secretary of State for the Home Department, as representing the First Commissioner of Works, whether the Government will consider the loan of a percentage of space in or on all public buildings for the display, with due: regard to artistic effect and under control by a small expert official committee, of poster, pictorial, and electric sign appeals to the community to promote the purchase of British goods?
    Mr. G. LOCKER-LAMPSON: The First Commissioner will take this matter into his careful consideration.

    LOCAL AUTHORITIKS (CHARTERS OF INCORPORATION).
    Mr. MARDY JONESasked the Minister of Health how many local authorities have presented petitions for charters of incorporation as municipal boroughs since 1919 to date, giving the name of each such local authority; and which of these local authorities are seeking municipal borough powers for their existing local government areas without encroaching upon any portion of the areas of adjoining authorities?
    The PARLIAMENTARY SECRETARY to the MINISTRY of HEALTH (Sir Kingsley Wood): As the answer is long, I will, with the hon. Member's permission, circulate it in the OFFICIAL REPORT.
    Following is the reply:
    The following is the information desired by the hon. Member Number of applications (since 1919), 17: charters granted (to the end of August, 1922), 7 (the Boroughs of Gosport, Acton, Lytham St. Anne's, Aldershot, Redcar, Blyth and Watford); the remaining 10 cases are Farnham, Tipton, Walthamstow, Leyton, Hebburn, Eston, Ilford, Twickenham, Pontypridd and Hoylake and West Kirby, and consideration of these applications has been deferred pending the report of the Royal Commission on Local Govern-

    2201
    ment. In one case, two separate urban districts were incorporated in one borough (Lytham St. Anne's); in the other cases, the applications for incorporation did not involve extensions of boundaries, but the boundaries of the urban districts were extended in the case of Watford shortly before incorporation and in the case of Farnham after the petition was presented.

    LOCAL GOVERNMENT (ROYAL COMMISSION).
    Mr. MARDY JONESasked the Minister of Health when the Royal Commission on Local Government are expected to present their Report?
    Mr. LOCKER-LAMPSON: I have been asked to reply. I understand that the Commission hope to submit, at a very early date, a First Report, which will relate to the constitution and extension of county boroughs.
    Mr. MARDY JONES: Will the Minister facilitate the publication of the Report, so that we can have it for consideration during the Recess?
    Mr. LOCKER-LAMPSON: I will consider that suggestion.

    TUBERCULOSIS (COMMERCIAL CLERKS).
    Lord H. CAVENDISH-BENTINCKasked the Minister of Health whether, in view of the heavy death and tuberculosis rate among commercial clerks, owing to the insanitary, overcrowded, and badly-lighted condition of the offices in which they work, he will introduce legislation to give local authorities further powers to secure the better regulation of such offices?
    Sir K. WOOD: Other circumstances, besides the condition of offices, go to account for the present death and tuberculosis rates among commercial clerks. Local authorities already have certain powers to deal with conditions in offices, and my right hon. Friend cannot at the present time promise further legislation.
    Lord H. CAVENDISH-BENTINCK: Does my hon. Friend not know perfectly well that the powers of local authorities are utterly inadequate to deal with insanitary offices?
    Mr. WALLHEAD: Is the hon. Gentle man of the opinion that the reason why clerks cannot get more legislation is their weakness as an organised body?
    Sir K. WOOD: The answer to that is in the negative. In reply to the Noble Lord, I believe that the powers are some what inadequate, but the Noble Lord knows the position of Parliamentary business and the difficulty of further legislation.

    CONTRIBUTORY PENSIONS BILL,
    Mr. THURTLEasked the Minister of Health whether, seeing that the number of pre-War dependants' pensions has been reduced from 194,180 in 1923ߝ24 to 191,580 in 1925–26, and the number of parents' flat-rate pensions from 101,440 to 97,490, he can state on what figures the actuarial calculation was made that, if these pensions were excluded from calculation under Clause 24 of the Widows,' Orphans, and Old Age Contributory Pensions Bill, this change would cost from £4,000,000 to £5,000,000 in the first year?
    Sir K. WOOD: The hon. Member is-under a misapprehension. The estimate in question included not only the pre-War dependants' pensions and parents' flat-rate pensions, but also service dependants' pensions to the widows and orphans of deceased service men.

  BRITISH ARMY.

    POISON GAS.
    Mr. CECIL WILSONasked the Secretary of State for War whether he is aware that in many countries scientific investigation is taking place regarding the most deadly forms of poison gas and other inventions designed to exterminate human life; whether any steps are now being-taken in this country, or when will they be taken, in instructing the civil population as to any means whereby they may protect themselves; and whether he can indicate to the House what such steps are?
    The SECRETARY of STATE for WAR (Sir Laming Worthington-Evans): The answer to the first part of the question is in the affirmative. As regards the remainder of the question, the measures

    2203
    to be taken for the protection of the civil population against poison gas are now being considered by the Committee of Imperial Defence.
    Mr. THURTLE: Can the right hon. Gentleman say whether any gas of this character is being manufactured in this country?
    Sir L. WORTHINGTON-EVANS: That does not arise out of the question.

    ROYAL ARTILLERY (FOREIGN STOP-WATCHES).
    Mr. HURDasked the Secretary of State for War why his Department is issuing to artillery officers service stop watches which are stamped made in Switzerland; and whether he will carry out the Government's policy of administrative preference for British Empire goods?
    Sir L. WORTHINGTON-EVANS: No purchase of stop-watches has been made by the Department since the War, and the issues referred to have been made from stock purchased during the War, some of which was necessarily of foreign manufacture. The answer to the second part of the question is in the affirmative.
    Mr. HURD: Will the right hon. Gentleman say whether any steps are being taken to replace these watches by British British watches?
    Sir L. WORTHINGTON-EVANS: Of course, they will be replaced by British watches when the stock is exhausted.
    Mr. HURD: What is the stock?
    Sir L. WORTHINGTON-EVANS: I must have notice of that question.
    Mr. HARRIS: Will the right hon. Gentleman consider making a Chinese wall round this country, and letting nothing in?
    Sir L. WORTHINGTON-EVANS: No, Sir.

    TELEPHONE SUBSCRIBERS (DEPOSITS).
    Mr. LOUGHERasked. the Post master-General the total amount of money held by his Department at the end of June last representing the deposits paid by telephone subscribers?
    Major Sir HARRY BARNSTON: I have been asked to reply. The answer is, approximately, £2,200,000.

    SEA POLLUTION (OIL).
    Mr. GERALD HURSTasked the President of the Board of Trade whether any steps have been taken to convene an international conference as to the pollution of the sea by the discharge of oil beyond territorial limits; and, if so, what are the prospects of its being held at an early date?
    The PARLIAMENTARY SECRETARY to the BOARD of TRADE (Sir Burton Chadwick): I would refer my hon. Friend to the answer on this subject given to the hon. and gallant Member for Bromley on 13th July, of which I am sending him a copy.
    Lieut.-Commander KENWORTHY: Is the hon. Gentleman aware that this nuisance not only continues but is in creasing, and is doing a great deal of damage round the coast: and will the Board of Trade take some action in the matter?
    Sir B. CHADWICK: If the hon. and gallant Gentleman will refer to the White Paper published by the Board of Trade, he will find that on the whole the trouble is not increasing, but diminishing, and probably it is not as serious as he thinks.
    Mr. HURST: Would my hon. Friend say whether or not steps have been taken to convene a conference?
    Sir B. CHADWICK: I can. only repeat that an answer was sent to a similar question the other day to the hon. Member, and that that answer indicated that an international conference is being arranged.

  TRADE AND COMMERCE.

    JUTE (IMPORTS).
    Mr. SAN DEMANasked the President of the Board of Trade what was the total amount of jute yarn and cloth imported into this country from the Continent for the years 1922, 1923, and 1924.
    Sir B. CHADWICK: As the answer involves a number of figures, perhaps my hon. Friend will allow me to circulate it in the OFFICIAL REPORT.
    Following is the answer:
    The following statement shows the quantity and value of jute yarn and cloth imported into the United Kingdom, registered as consigned from the Continent of Europe, during the years specified.

    Year.

    Jute Yarn.

    jute Piece Goods.

    (a) Quantities Imported.

    Cwts.

    Cwts.

    1922

    …

    …

    3,383

    97,434

    1923

    …

    …

    30,592

    256,366

    1924

    …

    …

    16,181

    107,047

    (b) Declared Values.

    £

    £

    1922

    …

    …

    9,998

    246 636

    1923

    …

    …

    59,971

    678,266

    1924

    …

    …

    35,589

    297,212

    Prior to 1st April, 1923, the particulars relate to imposts into Great Britain and Ireland. From the same date they relate to imports into Great Britain and Northern Ireland only.
    Sir W. SUGDEN: Will my hon. Friend be good enough also to circulate the details of textiles from the Continent coming into this country?
    Sir B. CHADWICK: I will consider that proposal.

    RUBBER PRODUCTION (MALAYA AND CEYLON).
    Sir ROBERT GOWERasked the President of the Board of Trade whether his attention has been called to the mani festo issued by the India Rubber Manufacturers' Association, protesting against the limitation of exports of rubber from Malaya and Ceylon; whether he is aware that such limitation and the consequent high price of rubber in this country will probably have the effect of causing works manufacturing rubber products to close down; and whether he will consider the necessity of terminating or modifying the Stevenson scheme?
    The SECRETARY of STATE for the COLONIES (Mr. Amery): I have seen the manifesto, but as regards the rest of my hon. Friend's question I would refer him to the answer given on the 14th July to the hon. Member for Southwark Central.
    Colonel DAY: Is the right hon. Gentleman aware that members of the Stevenson Committee are now becoming directors of new companies formed for the purpose of selling rubber?
    Mr. WADDINGTON: Is the right hon. Gentleman aware that there is definite unemployment caused by these: restrictions, and that the manufacturers of rubber goods of various classes are unable to put in hand the autumn trade, as they usually do?
    Mr. AMERY: If my hon. Friend will give me details, I shall be very glad to have them. So far I have not had any definite evidence of that kind.
    Mr. WALLHEAD: Would the Government take more definite action if this were ascribed to a trade union and not to a trade organisation?

    NEW ZEALAND (BRITISH TRADERS).
    Sir CLEMENT KINLOCH-COOKEasked the Secretary to the Overseas Trade Department whether his attention has been called to the statement made by the Minister for Lands in the New Zealand Parliament deploring the indifference of British manufacturers in not sending experienced men to ascertain New Zealand's requirements, and the further statement that this omission is mainly responsible for the United States getting a good deal of New Zealand's custom; and whether he will issue a Circular to British traders calling their attention to the matter?
    Sir B. CHADWICK: The statements referred to by my hon. Friend have not previously been brought to my notice. While I do not consider the allegation of indifference to be in any way generally warranted by the facts, the Report of His Majesty's Trade Commissioner in New Zealand, published by my Department early in the present year, gives careful attention to various aspects of British selling organisations which he regards as

    2207
    capable of improvement. I do not therefore think a further Circular necessary at this time.
    Sir C. KINLOCH-COOKE: Am I to understand that the hon. Gentleman contradicts the statement made by the Minister in New Zealand?
    Sir B. CHADWICK: No, I did not contradict it. I said it had not been brought to my notice until this moment. I think the hon. Gentleman will find that this matter is very extensively dealt with in the Report which has just been published on New Zealand trading.
    Sir C. KINLOCH-COOKE: Is the hon. Gentleman aware that the Report to which he refers was taken some time ago, and the statement to which I refer was made this week?
    Sir B. CHADWICK: The Report is a Report dated January of this year, which has not been disseminated throughout the country as it may be in the future.

    Class of Vessel.

    Vessels under Construction.

    In Great Britain and Ireland.

    In other Countries.

    In all Countries.

    No.

    Gross Tonnage.

    No.

    Gross Tonnage.

    No.

    Gross Tonnage.

    All Vessels

    …

    …

    …

    273

    1,093,587

    401

    1,276,244

    674

    2,369,831

    Of which—

    Steam Vessels

    …

    …

    …

    196

    687,607

    210

    524,918

    406

    1,212,525

    Motor Vessels

    …

    …

    …

    58

    399,070

    141

    730,842

    109

    1,129,912

    MOTOR TRAFFIC (SPEED LIMIT).
    Mr. ERSKINEasked the Minister of Transport whether he is aware of the new motor regulations in Rhode Island, United States of America, whereby 35 miles an hour or get-off-the-road is a new order to be enforced; and whether ho can see his way to allow of a speed-up on certain arterial roads, especially the Great North Road, on sections to be approved, in order to meet present-day conditions?
    The MINISTER of TRANSPORT (Colonel Ashley): The answer to the first part of the question is in the negative. As regards the second part, before I could take any steps of the nature suggested, it would be necessary for me to ask Parliament to repeal Section 9 of the Motor Car Act, 1903.
    Sir C. KINLOCH-COOKE: I refer to a statement made in July.

    SHIPBUILDING (STATISTICS).
    Mr. WADDINGTONasked the President of the Board of Trade what was the total world tonnage of shipping under construction at 30th June last; and what were the totals of such tonnage to be fitted with internal combustion and steam engines, respectively?
    Sir B. CHADWICK: The answer contains a table of figures and, accordingly, with my hon. Friend's permission, I will have it circulated in the OFFICIAL REPORT.
    Following is the answer.
    According to Lloyd's Register shipbuilding returns, the following merchant vessels of 100 tons gross and upwards were under construction at the close of the quarter ending 30th June, 1925:

  NAVAL AND MILITARY PENSIONS AND GRANTS.

    DEPENDANTS' PENSIONS.
    Mr. PETHICK-LAWRENCEasked the Minister of Pensions how many of the 191,580 pre-War dependants' pensions in issue are drawn by widows and widowers, respectively; and what has been the diminution in the number of pre-War dependants' pensions in each of the years 1922, 1923 and 1924?
    The PARLIAMENTARY SECRETARY to the MINISTRY of PENSIONS (Lieut.-Colonel Stanley): I regret that the records of the Ministry do not enable me to distinguish the number of widows or widowers who are in recept of pension as dependants. The aggregate numbers in receipt of the class of pension referred

    2209
    to diminished in the year ending March, 1923, by 3,300; in the year ending March, 1924, by 6,300; and in the year ending March, 1925, by 7,750.
    Mr. PETHICK-LAWRENCEasked the Minister of Pensions the number of invalid sisters, brothers and other dependants of men killed in the War or who died as the result of war service who are over 40 years, 50 years and 60 years of age, respectively; and the number of other dependants' pensions that have terminated owing to the death of the recipients in 1920, 1921, 1922, 1923 and 1924?
    Lieut.-Colonel STANLEY: The hon. Member refers, I presume, to pensionable dependants other than parents. I regret that I have no precise information as to the ages of this class, but a recent examination of a certain number of cases showed that 29 per cent. were 60 years of age and upwards. The number of pensioned dependants, other than parents, whose pension terminated owing to death, was, for the year ending March, 1923, 115; for the year ending March, 1924, 163; and for the year ending March, 1925, 124. Earlier figures are not available.

    PARENTS' PENSIONS.
    Mr. PETHICK-LAWRENCEasked the Minister of Pensions the number of parents' pre-War dependence pensions and parents' flat-rate pensions that are subject to transfer to the surviving parent and the number of parents receiving a pension, apart from need pensions, owing to the loss of a son through war service, who are over 40 years, 50 years and 60 years of age, respectively?
    Lieut.-Colonel STANLEY: I regret that the records of the Ministry do not enable me to distinguish the number of cases in which pensions of either of the two classes referred to are in issue to one member of a married couple. A recent examination of the age-grouping of dependent parents in receipt of pension of all classes showed that 6 per cent. of the parents were between the ages of 40 and 50; 38 per cent. were between the ages of 50 and 60; and 56 per cent. were of the age of 60 and over.

    VICE-CONSUL, CETINJE.
    Lieut.-Commander KENWORTHYasked the Parliamentary Secretary to the
    2210
    Overseas Trade Department who it is proposed should succeed Mr. Monck-Mason as vice-consul at Cetinje, Montenegro?
    The UNDER-SECRETARY of STATE for FOREIGN AFFAIRS (Mr. Ronald McNeill): Mr. Tottenham-Smith, at present vice-consul at Constanza, Roumania, is now on his way to Cetinje to relieve Mr. Monck-Mason.
    Mr. PONSONBY: Was Mr. Monck-Mason's removal from Cetinje due to representations from the Government at Belgrade?
    Mr. McNEILL: I am surprised at my hon. Friend putting that question. He will agree with me that to give public reasons for appointments in the diplomatic and consular service would be very undesirable.
    Mr. RILEY: Is the hon. Gentleman aware of the fact that there was considerable feeling in Cetinje in regard to this matter?
    Mr. McNEILL: Whether I am aware of that fact or not, I do not think it alters the situation.

    RAILWAY RATES (HOME PRODUCE).
    Lieut.-Colonel HENEAGEasked the Minister of Agriculture if he is aware that foreign growers export produce to consignees in England in large quantities, and that English growers often supply their customers direct in small quantities; and if he will make representations to the authorities concerned with a view to keeping the railway rates of fruit and vegetables below one hundredweight as low as possible with a view of helping the home grower?
    Sir H. BARNSTON: I have been asked to reply. My right hon. Friend will gladly bring this matter to the notice of his right hon. Friend the Minister of Transport, with a view to seeing whether any action is possible in the direction indicated.

    PUBLIC PLACES (ORDER) BILL.
    Mr. HURSTasked the Secretary of State for the Home Department whether he will consider the desirability of a Select Committee being appointed to

    2211
    inquire into and to report upon the proposals put forward in the Public Places (Order) Bill?
    The SECRETARY of STATE for the HOME DEPARTMENT (Sir William Joynson-Hicks): I am giving this question my careful consideration, but I am not prepared to make any announcement at present.

    GERMAN REPARATION.
    Mr. LOUGHERasked the Chancellor of the Exchequer whether he can give Returns showing the total amount Germany has paid in reparations to each of the Allies in money and kind to the end of June last?
    The FINANCIAL SECRETARY to the TREASURY (Mr. Guinness): As regards the period up to 31st August, 1924, I am not in a position to give the figures asked for pending the completion of the distribution accounts covering the period of the Ruhr occupation which are being drawn up by the Reparation Commission under Articles 11 and 12 of the Agreement of 14th January, 1925 (Command Paper 2339). I am circulating in the OFFICIAL REPORT a Return of the payments made by the Agent-General for Reparations to or for the account of the Allies during the period 1st September, 1924, to 30th June, 1925.
    Following is the Return:
    Payments made by the Agent-General for Reparation Payments from 1st September, 1924, to 30th June, 1925, to or for the account of the Powers specified:

    Gold Marks.

    British Empire

    …

    165,930,858.40

    France

    …

    325,506,390.01

    Italy

    …

    51,739,283.07

    Belgium

    …

    78,313,022.56

    Japan

    …

    3,711,459.46

    Serbia

    …

    23,971,559.50

    Portugal

    …

    4,054,248.39

    Roumania

    …

    6,218,355.03

    Greece

    …

    2,225,731.14

    Poland

    …

    40,179.12

    In accordance with the Dawes plan these payments cover not only reparation proper, but all obligations of the German Government under the Peace Treaty.
    Sir F. WISEasked the Chancellor of the Exchequer how much the United States of America has received from the Reparation Commission on account of the amount due for the cost of the Army of Occupation, etc.?
    Mr. GUINNESS: The gross costs of the United States Army of Occupation amounted to approximately £61 millions. As against this total, the United States Army requisitioned paper marks during the occupation to a value of approximately £7,750,000, and took over material surrendered by the German Government at the Armistice to a value of £1,040,000. The net costs due at the termination of their occupation were therefore slightly more than £53,000,000. Under Article 3 of the Agreement of 14th January, 1925 (Command Paper 2339), the United States retained a sum of 14,725,154 dollars (say, £3,044,000) derived from the sanctions in the Ruhr and deposited by the Belgian Government in New York, on account of their outstanding Army costs, and the balance of their claim is to be met by annual payments of 55 million gold marks (say, £2,750,000) out of the Dawes annuities, beginning from 1st September, 1926, and subject to the conditions laid down in the Article referred to.
    Sir W. SUGDEN: Are we to understand that the United States in respect of reparation money is being treated as a preferential creditor?
    Mr. GUINNESS: The United States has a prior charge for the arrears of its Army costs, after payments in connection with the German loan and the costs of commissions. It also retains the sum of money lodged by Belgium.
    Mr. SPENCER: Is it not the fact that Great Britain is coming in at the tail end in all these reparation accounts?

    REPARATION COMMISSION (STAFF).
    Sir F. WISEasked the Chancellor of the Exchequer the total staff of the Reparation Commission, etc., and the nationality of the various members employed?
    Mr. GUINNESS: The Agent-General for Reparation Payments in the Report

    2213
    recently published states that his staff on the 1st May last consisted of 129 persons, of whom 14 were American, 38 French, 43 British, 15 Italian, 10 Belgian, and nine Dutch nationals. Apart from this, I have no particulars as to the total numbers or the nationality of the staffs of the Reparation Commission, which, the hon. Member will recollect, is an international body not responsible to His Majesty's Government.

    EMPIRE SETTLEMENT..
    Sir C. KINLOCH-COOKEasked the Secretary of State for the Colonies how many persons other than ex-service men have been migrated under the Empire Settlement Act; what is the amount of money expended on the migration of these persons by the State; what is meant by a nominated emigrant; and, seeing that when the Empire Settlement Act was passing through the House of Commons no mention was made of nominated emigrants, and when the House voted the money to be expended on migration under the provisions of the Empire Settlement Act no restriction of this kind was placed on the choice of emigrants, will he reconsider the present policy?
    Mr. AMERY: The total number of migrants assisted under the Empire Settlement Act up to 30th June, 1925, was 109,022. It is not possible to state how many of those were ex-service men. The total amount expended on the migration of these persons was £892,838. A nominated migrant means a person with friends or relatives already resident overseas who are able and willing to undertake responsibility for his settlement. Nomination may also be effected by churches or other organisations approved by an oversea Government. The Empire Settlement Act, 1922, empowers His Majesty's Government to co-operate with oversea Governments in agreed schemes for affording joint assistance to suitable settlers. The final decision as to suitability rests entirely with the oversea Government concerned.
    Sir C. KINLOCH-COOKE: Is it not the case that the policy of His Majesty's Government at the present moment is to confine their attention as far as possible to nominated migrants?
    Mr. AMERY: Not at all. The policy of the Government is to assist every possible type of suitable migrant. The only case I know of in which an overseas Government have considered that the nominated kind is the only suitable kind is the case of the New South Wales Government.
    Sir C. KINLOCH-COOKE: How many intending migrants are at present awaiting migration?
    Mr. AMERY: Perhaps my hon. Friend will put that question down.
    Commander O. LOCKER-LAMPSON: When shall we have an opportunity of discussing this matter in the House?
    Mr. AMERY: Presumably on the Colonial Office Estimates.
    Mr. HARRIS: Are widows with children considered undesirable settlers?
    Mr. AMERY: No, Sir, and in certain cases special assistance is given. But, of course, the last thing one would wish to do is to invite people to go overseas who would not be able to succeed there or make a livelihood.

    MRS. MARGUERITE HARRISON.
    Mr. WALLHEADasked the Secretary of State for Foreign Affairs whether he is now able to state definitely whether reports from Marguerite Harrison, a self-confessed agent of the United States Military Intelligence, wore, or were not, received by the British Secret Service or any branch of it, or by any Department or official of the British Government?
    Mr. McNEILL: As the hon. Member was informed by my predecessor on the 4th August last, no communications of any nature have, so far as can be traced, been received by any Government Department from Mrs. Harrison.

    EAST AFRICAN COLONIES (RAILWAY DEVELOPMENT).
    Sir PHILIP RICHARDSONasked the Secretary of State for the Colonies whether, in view of the grave state of unemployment in the iron and steel industries in this country, he will endeavour to arrange for Treasury sanction, without delay,

    2215
    for the loan of £10,000,000, recommended by the East African Commission, for the development of railway construction in the East African Colonies, and so enable those Colonies to place their orders for rails and bridging materials at the earliest possible opportunity?
    Mr. AMERY: I am not yet in a position to give a definite reply on this matter, which is under discussion.

    LEVEL CROSSINGS, HULL.
    Mr. R. MORRISONasked the Minister of Transport whether his attention has been called to accidents which have arisen at level crossings in the district of Hull; whether he is satisfied that the Regulations as regards the exhibiting of lights at level crossings are sufficient to safeguard the users of the roads; whether he is aware that at certain level crossings there is no obligation upon the railway company to provide lights; and whether he will consider the introduction of an improved system of lighting and making general the obligation to observe same?
    Colonel ASHLEY: I am aware that in a recent case, when a motor car ran into gates at a railway level crossing near Hull, the Court of Appeal decided that the railway company could not be held to be negligent by reason of the fact that the gates were not lighted. I may, however, explain that while there is no general statutory provision requiring railway companies to exhibit lights during the night on level crossing gates, it is the normal practice of my Department, when sanctioning new railways, to require level crossing gates to be lighted. It is fair to the railway companies to say that they have, generally speaking, adopted this practice, not only in cases where they have been thus required to adopt it, but also in other cases where the lines may have been sanctioned many years ago by the Board of Trade without this condition having been imposed. If, however, any exceptional cases are brought to my notice where danger is caused by the absence of lights on railway level crossings I will take the matter up with the company concerned.

    SPECIAL CONSTABLES, LONDON.
    Mr. MONTAGUEasked the Home Secretary if he will state whether any, and, if so, what steps are being taken to recruit and swear in special constables in London on the ground that an industrial emergency may shortly be anticipated?
    Sir W. JOYNSON-HICKS: I apologise to the House for not having been in my place yesterday. The answer is in the negative.

    WOOLLEN TRADE (WAGES DISPUTE).
    Mr. FENBYasked the Minister of Labour whether he is taking any, and if so what steps, to bring together the parties in the threatened dispute in the woollen trade in Yorkshire?
    Mr. RILEYasked the Minister of Labour if he is aware that notices to enforce a reduction of wages on over 200,000 textile operatives in the West Riding of Yorkshire expire to-morrow; that the operatives' union has declined to accept the proposed reduction, and that unless an agreement to withdraw the notices is come to by to-morrow 200,000 textile operatives are likely to cease work; and if in view of the seriousness of the situation the Minister will state what steps he has already taken to bring the parties together; if he is prepared to invite both sides to submit their case to a public inquiry and in the meantime to ask the employers to withdraw the notices pending the result of an inquiry?
    Sir A. STEEL-MAITLAND: I am aware of the position in the wool textile industry. Officers of my Department have been in touch with both sides, and I have to-day caused letters to be sent to both sides reminding them that the industry has for long been accustomed to settle its differences without outside help, and suggesting that they should hold a further meeting with a view to finding means of avoiding a stoppage.
    Mr. RILEY: Is the right hon. Gentle-man also aware that up to to-day all attempts to get the parties together have failed, and that to-morrow the notices expire, and, in view of that contingency,

    2217
    is he prepared to take special steps to induce the employers to withdraw the notices in order that negotiations may be re-opened?
    Sir A. STEEL-MAITLAND: I am quite aware of the position, and I have taken what I think are the best possible stops for ensuring peace. As the hon. Member knows, there has been for a long time a most successful Joint Industrial Council in the woollen trade, and they have been accustomed to settle their difficulties quite successfully. In the present case some other trade unions besides those in the Joint Industrial Council are also involved, and, therefore, to that extent the Joint Industrial Council, as such, cannot function; but as the trade as a whole has boon so successful in settling its own differences before. I have taken the initiative in trying to bring the parties together, but I think that under the circumstances far the best plan is to see if once again they will not settle their own questions first, as the best chance of settling the matter.
    Mr. SNOWDEN: In view of the urgency of this question, may I ask the right hon. Gentleman why he should have sent a letter? I presume that if that letter has been sent to-day, as he stated, it will not be received until to-morrow, and the notices expire to-morrow. Could he not have taken some steps which would have notified the parties of his desire earlier?
    Sir A. STEEL-MAITLAND: Perhaps I have not given the right hon. Gentleman the right impression. I sent an officer of my Department up to Bradford for the purpose. He is up there, and the letters are being delivered by hand, which is quite the quickest way of dealing with this matter.
    Mr. J. HUDSON: Does the right hon. Gentleman recall the fact that this matter has been pending since May, when it became perfectly clear that a serious industrial dispute would emerge unless means of winning peace were taken, and
    does the right hon. Gentleman think that he is carrying out the desires of the Prime Minister for "peace in our time" in waiting until the very eve of the dispute before any effective action is taken.

    MERCHANDISE MARKS BILL.
    Lieut.-Commander KENWORTHY: May I ask the Prime Mini set r, with reference to the Bill which is to be presented to-day by the Minister of Agriculture in regard to merchandise marks, whether it is proposed to proceed with it before we rise for the Autumn Recess—to take another stage of it?
    The PRIME MINISTER: I do not think there is the slightest chance of that.

    HOUSE OF COMMONS (VENTILATION OF CHAMBER.)
    Mr. SPENCER: May I draw your attention, Mr. Speaker, to the fact that this House is very stuffy, and that there is scarcely a window in it open?
    Mr. SPEAKER: All the windows that will open are open.
    Mr. SPENCER: Are you prepared, Mr. Speaker, to send up a servant to break them, so that they will open?
    Mr. SPEAKER: We have all the windows open that will open. I think my circumstances make me the worst sufferer, and I will do anything that is possible to get more air.

BUSINESS OF THE HOUSE.
Motion made, and Question put,
"That the proceedings on the Widows, Orphans, and Old Age Contributory Pensions Bill be exempted, at this day's sitting, from the provisions of the Standing Order (Sittings of the House).—[The Prime Minister.]
The House divided: Ayes, 248; Noes, 124.

Division No. 310.]

AYES.

[3.51 p.m.

Acland-Troyte, Lieut.-Colonel

Ashmead-Bartlett, E.

Barclay-Harvey, C. M.

Agg-Gardner, Rt. Hon. Sir James T.

Astbury, Lieut.-Commander F. W.

Barnett, Major Sir Richard

Ainsworth, Major Charles

Astor, Viscountess

Barnston, Major Sir Harry

Alexander, E. E. (Leyton)

Athell, Duchess of

Beamish, Captain T. P. H.

Allen, J. Sandeman (L'pool, W. Derby)

Baldwin, Rt. Hon. Stanley

Beckett, Sir Gervase (Leeds, N.)

Amery, Rt. Hon. Leopold C. M. S.

Balfour, George (Hampstead)

Bellairs, Commander Carlyon W.

Applin, Colonel R. V. K.

Balniel, Lord

Benn, Sir A. S. (Plymouth, Drake)

Ashley, Lt.-Col. Rt. Hon. Wilfrid W.

Banks, Reginald Mitchell

Bennett, A. J.

Bentinck, Lord Henry Cavendish-

Gower, Sir Robert

Morrison-Bell, Sir Arthur Clive

Berry, Sir George

Grace, John

Murchison, C. K.

Betterton, Henry B.

Grant, J. A.

Nail, Lieut.-Colonel Sir Joseph

Birchall, Major J. Dearman

Greene, W. P. Crawford

Nelson, Sir Frank

Bird, Sir R. B. (Wolverhampton, W.)

Greenwood, Rt. Hn. Sir H.(W'th's'w, E.)

Neville, R. J.

Blades, Sir George Rowland

Grotrian, H. Brent

Newman, Sir R. H. S. D. L. (Exeter)

Blundell, F. N.

Guinness, Rt. Hon. Walter E.

Newton, Sir D. G. C (Cambridge)

Bourne, Captain Robert Croft

Hacking, Captain Douglas H.

Oakley, T.

Bowyer, Captain G. E. W.

Hall, Vice-Admiral Sir R. (Eastbourne)

Ormsby-Gore, Hon. William

Boyd-Carpenter, Major A.

Hall, Capt. W. D'A. (Brecon & Rad.)

Pennefather, Sir John

Brass, Captain W.

Hammersley, S. S.

Percy, Lord Eustace (Hastings)

Briggs, J. Harold

Hannon, Patrick Joseph Henry

Perkins, Colonel E. K.

Briscoe, Richard George

Harland, A.

Peto, G. (Somerset, Frome)

Brocklebank, C. E. R.

Harrison, G. J. C.

Philipson, Mabel

Brooke, Brigadier-General C. R. I.

Hartington, Marquess of

Pielou, D. P.

Brown, Maj. D. C. (N'th'l'd., Hexham)

Harvey, Major S. E. (Devon, Totnes)

Pilcher, G.

Buckingham, Sir H.

Hawke, John Anthony

Pownall, Lieut.-Colonel Assheton

Bullock, Captain M.

Henderson, Lieut.-Col. V. L. (Bootle)

Preston, William

Burgoyne, Lieut.-Colonel Sir Alan

Heneage, Lieut.-Col. Arthur P.

Pringle, J. A.

Burman, J. B.

Henn, Sir Sydney H.

Radford, E. A.

Burton, Colonel H. W.

Hennessy, Major J. R. G.

Ramsden, E.

Butler, Sir Geoffrey

Henniker-Hughan, Vice-Adm. Sir A.

Rawlinson, Rt. Hon. John Fredk. Peel

Cadogan, Major Hon. Edward

Herbert, S.(York, N. R., Scar. & Wh'by)

Rice, Sir Frederick

Campbell, E. T.

Hilton, Cecil

Richardson, Sir P. W. (Sur'y, Ch'ts'y)

Cautley, Sir Henry S.

Hoare, Lt.-Col. Rt. Hon. Sir S. J. G.

Roberts, Samuel (Hereford, Hereford)

Cayzer, Sir C. (Chester, City)

Hogg, Rt. Hon. Sir D. (St. Marylebone)

Ropner, Major L.

Cecil, Rt. Hon. Sir Evelyn (Aston)

Holt, Captain H. P.

Sandeman, A. Stewart

Chadwick, Sir Robert Burton

Homan, C. W. J.

Sanderson, Sir Frank

Chamberlain, Rt. Hon. N. (Ladywood)

Hope, Capt. A. O. J. (Warw'k, Nun.)

Sandon, Lord

Chapman, Sir S.

Hopkins, J. W. W.

Sassoon, Sir Philip Albert Gustave D.

Charterls, Brigadier-General J.

Hopkinson, A. (Lancaster, Mossley)

Shaw, Capt. W. W. (Wilts, Westb'y)

Christle, J. A.

Hudson, Capt. A. U. M. (Hackney, N.)

Sheffield, Sir Berkeley

Churchill, Rt. Hon. Winston Spencer

Hudson, R. S. (Cumberl'nd, Whiteh'n)

Simms, Dr. John M. (Co. Down)

Clarry, Reginald George

Hume, Sir G. H.

Sinclair, Col. T. (Queen's Univ., Belfast)

Clayton, G. C.

Huntingfield, Lord

Skelton, A. N.

Cobb, Sir Cyril

Hurd, Percy A.

Slaney, Major P. Kenyon

Cochrane, Commander Hon. A. D.

Hurst, Gerald B.

Smith-Carington, Neville W.

Cockerill, Brigadier-General G. K.

Hutchison, G. A. Clark(Midl'n & P'bl's)

Smithers, Waldron

Colfox, Major Wm. Phillips

Jacob, A. E.

Spender Clay, Colonel H.

Cooper, A. Duff

Joynson-Hicks, Rt. Hon. Sir William

Sprot, Sir Alexander

Cope, Major William

Kennedy, A. R. (Preston)

Stanley, Col. Hon. G. F.(Will'sden, E.)

Couper, J. B.

Kidd, J. (Linlithgow)

Stanley, Lord (Fylde)

Cralk, Rt. Hon. Sir Henry

King, Captain Henry Douglas

Stott, Lieut.-Colonel W. H.

Crook, C. W.

Kinloch-Cooke, Sir Clement

Stuart, Crichton-, Lord C.

Crooke, J. Smedley (Derltend)

Lamb, J. Q.

Stuart, Hon. J. (Moray and Nairn)

Crookshank, Col. C. de W. (Berwick)

Lane-Fox, Colonel George R.

Sueter, Rear-Admiral Murray Fraser

Crookshank, Cpt. H.(Lindsey, Gainsbro)

Lloyd, Cyril E. (Dudley)

Sugden, Sir Wilfrid

Curzon, Captain Viscount

Locker-Lampson, G. (Wood Green)

Tasker, Major R. Inigo

Dalziel, Sir Davison

Locker-Lampson, Com. O.(Handsw'th)

Thompson, Luke (Sunderland)

Davidson, J. (Hertf'd, Hemel Hempst'd)

Loder, J. de V.

Thomson, F. C. (Aberdeen, South)

Davies, A. V. (Lancaster, Royton)

Lougher, L.

Titchfield, Major the Marquess of

Davies, Maj. Geo. F.(Somerset, Yeovil)

Lowe. Sir Francis William

Tryon, Rt. Hon. George Clement

Davies, Sir Thomas (Cirencester)

Luce, Major-Gen. Sir Richard Harman

Turton, Edmund Russborough

Davison, Sir W. H. (Kensington, S.)

Lynn, Sir R. J.

Vaughan-Morgan, Col. K. P.

Dean, Arthur Wellesley

MacAndrew, Charles Glen

Waddington, R.

Dixon, Captain Rt. Hon. Herbert

McDonnell, Colonel Hon. Angus

Wallace, Captain D. E.

Edmondson, Major A. J.

McLean, Major A.

Ward, Lt.-Col. A. L.(Kingston-on-Hull)

Edwards, John H. (Accrington)

Macmillan, Captain H.

Warner, Brigadier-General W. W.

Elveden, Viscount.

Macnaghten, Hon. Sir Malcolm

Warrender, Sir Victor

Erskine, Lord (Somerset, Weston-s.-M.)

McNeill, Rt. Hon. Ronald John

Watts, Dr. T.

Erskine, James Malcolm Monteith

MacRobert, Alexander M.

Wells, S. R.

Fairfax, Captain J. G.

Maitland, Sir Arthur D. Steel-

Wheler, Major Sir Granville C. H.

Falle, Sir Bertram G.

Malone, Major P. B.

White, Lieut.-Colonel G. Dairymple

Falls, Sir Charles F.

Manningham-Buller, Sir Mervyn

Williams, Com. C. (Devon, Torquay)

Fermoy, Lord

Margesson, Captain D.

Winby, Colonel L. P.

Fielden, E. B.

Meller, R. J.

Windsor-Clive, Lieut.-Colonel George

Finburgh, S.

Meyer, Sir Frank.

Wise, Sir Fredric

Forestler-Walker, Sir L

Milne, J. S. Wardlaw-

Womersley, W. J.

Forrest, W.

Mitchell, S. (Lanark, Lanark)

Wood, Rt. Hon. E. (York, W. R., Ripon)

Fraser, Captain Ian

Mitchell, W. Foot (Saffron Walden)

Wood, E. (Chester, Stalyb'ge & Hyde)

Frece, Sir Walter de

Mitchell, Sir W. Lane (Streatham)

Wood, Sir S. Hill- (High Peak)

Ganzoni, Sir John

Moore, Lieut.-Colonel T. C. R. (Ayr)

Worthington-Evans, Rt. Hon. Sir L.

Gates, Percy

Moore, Sir Newton J.

Gilmour, Lt.-Col. Rt. Hon. Sir John

Moore-Brabazon Lieut.-Col. J. T. C.

TELLERS FOR THE AYES.—

Glyn, Major R. G. C.

Moreing, Captain A. H.

Commander B. Eyres Monsell and

Goff, Sir Park

Morrison H. (Wilts, Salisbury)

Colonel Gibbs.

NOES.

Adamson, Rt. Hon. W. (Fife, West)

Baker, Walter

Beckett, John (Gateshead)

Adamson, W. M. (Staff., Cannock)

Barker, G. (Monmouth, Abertillery)

Benn, Captain Wedgwood (Leith)

Ammon, Charles George

Barnes, A.

Broad, F. A.

Attlee, Clement Richard

Barr, J.

Brown, James (Ayr and Bute)

Baker, J. (Wolverhampton, Bilston)

Batey, Joseph

Buchanan, G.

2220

2221

Cape, Thomas

Hore-Belisha, Leslie

Scrymgeour, E.

Clowes, S.

Hudson, J. H. (Huddersfield)

Shaw, Rt. Hon. Thomas (Preston)

Cluse, W. S.

Jenkins, W. (Giamorgan, Neath)

Slesser, Sir Henry H.

Clynes, Rt. Hon. John R.

John, William (Rhondda, West)

Smith, H. B. Lees- (Keighley)

Dalton, Hush

Jones, Henry Haydn (Merioneth)

Smith, Rennie (Penistone)

Davies, Ellis (Denbigh, Denbigh)

Jones, T. I. Mardy (Pontypridd)

Snell, Harry

Davies, Rhys John (Westhoughton)

Kenworthy, Lt.-Com. Hon. Joseph M.

Snowden, Rt. Hon. Philip

Davison, J. E. (Smethwick)

Kenyon, Barnet

Spencer, G. A. (Broxtowe)

Day, Colonel Harry

Kirkwood, D.

Stamford, T. W.

Donnison, R.

Lansbury, George

Stephen, Campbell

Dunnico, H.

Lawson, John James

Sutton, J. E.

Edwards, C. (Monmouth, Bedwellty)

Lee, F.

Taylor, R. A.

Fenby, T. D.

Livingstone, A. M.

Thomson, Trevelyan (Middlesbro, W.)

Fisher, Rt. Hon. Herbert A. L.

Lowth, T.

Thorne, G. R. (Wolverhampton, E.)

Garro-Jones, Captain G. M.

Lunn, William

Thorne, W. (West Ham, Plaistow)

Gibbins, Joseph

MacLaren, Andrew

Thurtle, E.

Gillett, George M.

March, S.

Tinker, John Joseph

Graham, D. M. (Lanark, Hamilton)

Maxton, James

Trevelyan, Rt. Hon. C. P.

Greenail, T.

Mitchell, E. Rosslyn (Paisley)

Viant, S. P.

Greenwood, A. (Nelson and Colne)

Montague, Frederick

Wallhead, Richard C.

Grentell, D. R. (Giamorgan)

Morris, R. H.

Walsh, Rt. Hon. Stephen

Griffiths, T. (Monmouth, Pontypool)

Morrison, R. C. (Tottenham, N.)

Watson, W. M (Dunfermlins)

Groves, T.

Murnin, H.

Watts-Morgan, Lt.-Col. D. (Rhondda)

Grundy, T. W.

Naylor, T. E.

Webb, Rt. Hon. Sidney

Guest, J. (York, Hemsworth)

Oliver, George Harold

Westwood, J.

Hall, F. (York, W. R., Normanton)

Paling, W.

Whiteley, W.

Hall, G. H. (Merthyr Tydvil)

Pethick-Lawrence, F. W.

Wiggins, William Martin

Hardle, George D.

Ponsonby, Arthur

Wilkinson, Ellen C.

Harney, E. A.

Potts, John S.

Williams, C. P. (Denbigh, Wrexham)

Harris, Percy A.

Richardson, R. (Houghton-le-Spring)

Williams, T. (York, Don Valley)

Hartshorn, Rt. Hon. Vernon

Riley, Ben

Wilson, C. H. (Sheffield, Attercliffe)

Hayday, Arthur

Ritson, J.

Wilson, R. J. (Jarrow)

Hayes, John Henry

Roberts, Rt. Hon. F. O.(W. Bromwich)

Windsor, Walter

Henderson, Right Hon. A. (Burnley)

Robertson, J. (Lanark, Bothwell)

Wright, W.

Henderson, T. (Glasgow)

Robinson, W. C. (Yorks, W.R., Eland)

Young, Robert (Lancaster, Newton)

Hirst, G. H.

Rose, Frank H.

Hirst, W. (Bradford, South)

Runciman, Rt. Hon. Walter

TELLERS FOR THE NOES.—

Mr. T. Kennedy and Mr. Warne.

STANDING COMMITTEE D.

  CONDUCT OF A MEMBER.
  Sir Robert Sanders reported from Standing Committee D, to whom the
  2222
  Unemployment insurance Bill was referred, That, having called the attention of the Committee, on Monday 20th July, to the disorderly conduct of Mr. Buchanan, Member for the Gorbals Division of Glasgow, he had been directed to report Mr. Buchanan to the House.
  Report to lie upon the Table.

BILLS PRESENTED.
  ISLE OF MAN (CUSTOMS) BILL,
  "to amend the Law with respect to Customs in the Isle of Man," presented by Mr. GUINNESS; to be read a Second time To-morrow, and to be printed. [Bill 236.]
  MERCHANDISE MARKS (IMPORTED AGRICULTURAL PRODUCE) BILL,
  "to amend the Merchandise Marks Acts, 1887 to 1911, in respect of imported agricultural produce," presented by Mr. EDWARD WOOD; supported by Colonel Sir John Gilmour; to be read a Second time To-morrow, and to be printed. [Bill 237.]

  BILLS REPORTED.
  Leek Urban District Council Water Bill [Lords],
  Mid-Glamorgan Water Board Bill [Lords],
  Newbury Corporation Bill [Lords],
  Reported, with Amendments; Reports to lie upon the Table, and to be printed.
  Stock Conversion and Investment Trust, Limited, Bill [Lords],
  Reported, with Amendments; Report to lie upon the Table.
  Glasgow Boundaries Bill,
  Reported, with Amendments: Report to lie upon the Table, and to be printed.

ORDERS OF THE DAY.

  CONTRIBUTORYPENSIONSBILL.
  Order read for resuming Adjourned Debate on Amendment proposed [21st July] on consideration of Widows', Orphans', and Old Age Contributory-Pensions Bill, as amended, in Committee and on re-committal.
  Which Amendment was: In Clause 24 (Provisions against double pensions), page 23, line 19, to leave out Sub-section (1).—[Mr. Lawson,]
  Question against proposed, "That the words "a pension" stand part of the Bill."
  The MINISTER of HEALTH (Mr. Neville Chamberlain): Last night, we were discussing the provisions of Clause 24. We had a debate in which very strong views were expressed in different parts of the House as to the injustice of the Bill, as drafted, in respect of the parents of sons who had been killed during the Great War, and in respect of which sons they were in receipt of pensions; and similar considerations were adduced in respect of pre-War dependent pensioners. In moving the Adjournment of the Debate, I told the House that I had been greatly impressed by the force of the arguments that had been addressed to me, and I intimated that I would like, if possible, to do something to meet those arguments; but I warned the House that in all probability the concession that was being asked for would prove to be a serious charge on the Exchequer, and I asked the House to give me leave to consider a little further what the various implications of this Amendment would be. I have, in the course of the Debates in Committee and on Report, from time to time made concessions upon my own responsibility, because they were not such as would involve any very considerable charge upon the funds of the State; but in a matter of this kind I felt that I could not take that responsibility upon my own shoulders alone, and that it was necessary for me to consult my right hon. Friend the Chancellor of the Exchequer. Accordingly, I have had a conversation upon this matter with the Chancellor of the Exchequer, in the course of which we have examined the subject in all its
  2238
  bearings, both financial and moral. We have had before us an estimate of what it would mean to remove from the operation of this Clause the two classes of pensions which were the subject of the representations last night, and I am sorry to inform the House that the cost is very large. In fact, no less a sum is involved in the course of the next 10 years than £3,000,000.
  Mr. F. ROBERTS: May I ask if that is per year or over the 10 years?
  Mr. CHAMBERLAIN: No, over the tea years. It is £3,000,000, or an average of £300,000 a year. Of course, it begins, as the right hon. Member will realise, with a larger sum than £300,000, and then it gradually diminishes. That is a very considerable addition to our liabilities, and the Chancellor of the Exchequer and I both agreed that we could only undertake such an additional burden as that if the case for the change were really overwhelming. We therefore again gave consideration to the arguments that had been adduced. Well, they are very strong. Take the case of a man who is in insurable employment, who is paying full contributions under this Bill, who is in receipt of a pension because he lost a son in the Great War, and who, when the time came for him to receive the benefits under the Bill, would have found himself deprived of the full value of the benefits because of the amount of pension already awarded to him. After a careful review of all the circumstances, we decided that in this ease the evidence and the balance of justice was overwhelming, and that we might properly decide therefore to make such Amendments in this Clause as would meet the difficulties which have been put before us. That being so, I have had words drafted which I may just perhaps read to the House to show hon. Members what it is that we propose. In page 23, line 22, at the end, after the word "payable" I propose to insert the words
  "Except when such a pension is payable in respect of the service of the pensioner's son during the late War."
  I hope that our Amendment will be accepted as right and proper both by the Members of this House and by the nation at large, and that, even if this should mean at some later date that we have to come down to this House and ask for some addition to be made to the con-

  2239
  tribution which is contemplated in the Bill by the Exchequer, they will agree that that contribution will be properly made and that what we have done here is only an act of justice. I cannot move now, but, if the proposal be acceptable and the Amendment be withdrawn, I can then move my Amendment in its proper place.
  Mr. ROBERTS: I am glad that the right hon. Gentleman has so far understood the opinion of the House as expressed in the Debate last week in Committee and yesterday as to realise that some alteration is necessary in the Clause now under consideration. I want, in the first place, to express my regret that he cannot see his way to accept the Amendment, which we felt was an exceedingly just one having regard to all the circumstances of the case. It is, however, gratifying to us on this side of the House to hear the observations of the right hon. Gentleman with regard to the financial considerations. Like Members in every other quarter of the House, we were somewhat astonished last week when in the Committee stage we heard references made to the fact that our Amendment, if accepted, would mean an additional cost of between £4,000,000 and £5,000,000. The revised estimate which the right hon. Gentleman has given us to-day certainly comes much nearer to the anticipations which we had in mind when we drafted the Amendment.
  Before making any further allusion to the suggestion which the right hon. Gentleman has made, I want, in relation to this revised estimate, to make a reference to a point which was raised yesterday, I think, by the hon. and gallant Member for Stockton-on-Tees (Captain Macmillan), when he spoke later in the Debate. He suggested that this Amendment for the deletion of the Sub-section could not be supported, because, if carried, it would bring into the operations of the Clause not only existing war widows, but women who might in the future become war widows. When I raised this matter in Committee last week, I certainly had no such impression in my mind, because, if hon. Members will look at the Clause as printed in the Bill, they will see that it deals only with service dependants' pensions. In all the Royal Warrants
  2240
  dealing with war pensions administration, every war widow is treated as a separate and distinct individual. No reference is made to them in this Clause at all, and, when we moved our Amendment for the deletion of the Sub-section, all we desired to do was to preserve for dependants of ex-service men that which we felt was their undoubted right.
  Captain MACMILLAN: In my remarks last night, I said that the Amendment, if carried as it stood, would include pensions additional to those of existing war widows, and that I take it to be the difference between the estimate of this very large sum and the smaller sum which is the present estimate. At any rate, the point has been cleared up.
  Mr. ROBERTS: I am sorry if I have given any wrong impression of any remark which the hon. and gallant Gentleman made, but I did want to make our own position clear. After all, we were seeking to preserve the position and right of dependent parents of ex-service men. There are just two questions which I would like to ask the right hon. Gentle-man. In his first observation he referred to the man. I want to know if the provision he is now suggesting that the House might accept in place of this Amendment also refers to the woman dependant as well as the man. Then a reference was made to those who were associated with the great War. Does that include consideration of pre-war pensioners?
  Mr. CHAMBERLAIN Mr. CHAMBERLAIN indicated assent.
  Mr. ROBERTS: On those two points, we are quite satisfied. No doubt some of my hon. Friends will want to raise other points following the suggestion which the right hon. Gentleman has made, but I want to repeat, as I begun, that I feel that the just circumstances of dependant pensioners can only be met by the acceptance of the deletion of this Subsection. Whether after further elucidation we can accept the suggestion of the right hon. Gentleman will depend upon the response to the answers which he may give to these questions. But having gone so far as he has in meeting the wishes of the Committee, I hope that the arguments which will be subsequently adduced will be so much more strong than yesterday the the will yet accept

  2241
  our Amendment, and pave the way for a real clarifying of the position as presented to us to-day.
  Mr. PIELOU: I should, first of all, like to congratulate and thank the Minister for the concession that he has given in connection with this Clause. I am one on those who believe that we have to study economy more to-day than ever, but I object to practising economy at the expense of the ex-service men's pensions or those of widows and dependants of those who laid down their lives. I would far sooner that economy might be practised, not at the expense of those who suffered in the War, but on armaments of war. After all, many of us made great sacrifices and sustained great losses during the War, and I do not think any class suffered more than wives or mothers. The woman had to stay at home and watch and wait until she got the news, perhaps, that she had lost her son or her husband, as the case may be. They bore their suffering well, and they gave their all for the sake of their King and country. We cannot make up to them by any pension the loss they suffered. The pension has been well earned, and I am glad to know that, the Minister of Health and the Chancellor of the Exchequer do not propose that their pensions shall be affected by this Bill. I am certain I am voicing the thanks of the majority of Members of all parties for the concession which has been granted, and I feel sure that the people who have to find this money will do so without any grumbles. In this matter public opinion is behind the Government, and as far as the British Legion is concerned, I, on their behalf, offer their thanks and congratulations to the Minister.
  Brigadier-General COCKERILL: I rise for the purpose of adding my word of thanks to the Minister for the way in which he has met us. The hon. Baronet opposite (Sir J. Pennefather) has stated that there was a good deal of confusion in the minds of hon. Members when the matter was raised before as to where the grievance lay which we sought to have removed. We had from the hon. and gallant Member for Dumfries (Brigadier-General Charteris) and the hon. and gallant Members for Bootle (Lieut.-Colonel Henderson) and Stockton-on-Tees (Captain Macmillan) explanations so
  2242
  lucid that I hoped the matter would now be clear. But there must be still a little confusion in some minds, because the right hon. Gentleman the Member for West. Bromwich (Mr. F. Roberts) seemed even now to be uncertain as to the reason for the difference between the sum mentioned before as the cost of this concession, about £5,000,000, and the sum mentioned by the Minister of Health just now, which, though a very large sum, is less than that. My hon. and gallant Friend who sits behind me, mentioned yesterday what I think is the cause of this confusion which still lingers in. some minds, but if his very lucid statement was unable to make it clear, I do not suppose anything I can say will make it clearer. The confusion arises from the fact that in the present Clause there is a reference to "service dependants' pension within the meaning of this Act," and in a subsequent interpretation Clause, Clause 45, "service dependants' pension" is taken to mean
  "any pension or allowance payable out of moneys provided by Parliament in respect of certain persons,"
  among whom war widows are undoubtedly included by the terms of the definition that then follows. The persons known as "service dependants" apart from this Act, did not include war widows but only those parents who have been granted and are in receipt of pensions in respect of the death of their sons serving in the late War. The Minister has agreed to give a concession which in my view, and I believe in the view of the hon. and gallant Gentleman who sits behind me, and of others who are perhaps precluded by the rules from speaking again, entirely meets the case, we have presented. No question arises on account of war widows, who, by Clause 37, are exempted from the provision of this Bill and pay no contribution under if. The complaint we made was that the already existing pension received by parents on account of sons who lost their lives in the War should be telescoped into the other pensions under this Bill, and that people should be asked to make contributions under this Bill without any possible chance of receiving any benefit due to them on that account. It was in respect of that very real grievance that hon. Members in all parts of the House made representations to the Minister. Our point has been very handsomely met, and we are glad justice is to be done to

  2243
  a class whose pensions ought never to have been in jeopardy. We are most grateful to the Minister for the manner in which he has met our representations.
  Mr. RUNCIMAN: Although I do not feel quite clear as to how far the right hon. Gentleman's Amendment will carry us, it appears on the face of it to remove the most pressing grievance which was put to him by Members of all parties last night. As I took the words down, they appear to be
  "Except in the case of a person in receipt of a pension for a son killed in the Great War."
  Mr. CHAMBERLAIN:The words are
  "Except where such a pension is payable in respect of the service of the pensioner's son during the late War."
  Mr. RUNCIMAN: The point I would like to make clear is that that refers either to a man or a woman.
  Mr. CHAMBERLAIN Mr. CHAMBERLAIN indicated assent.
  Mr. RUNCIMAN: In those circumstances, I think the House might well say the right hon. Gentleman has met us fairly on this point, though, of course, he will recognise that there are other cases affected by the Clause as to which he has not seen his way to meet us. I should like to thank him for what he has done so far.
  Mr. SPENCER: There is another important section whose case has not been met. Take the case of a war widow who has a pension of, say, £l per week for her husband, and who has one child. If she goes to work in an insurable trade, she will have to pay for this benefit for, perhaps, 20 or 30 years, and yet there is no provision in the Bill for that woman to receive benefit. [HON. MEMBERS: "Look at Clause 37; she docs not pay contributions!"] If that is so, I have nothing more to say.
  Sir JOHN PENNEFATHER: I merely rise to say that I should like to thank the Minister for the concession he has made.
  Lieut.-Colonel DALRYMPLE WHITE: I wish briefly to thank the right hon. Gentleman for meeting us as he has done on this matter. We fully realise the great responsibility that rested upon him in view of the large sum of public money concerned. I am glad he realised the
  2244
  hardship that was inflicted on a pensioner who had lost a son in the War, but there was also the additional point of making people pay contributions for benefits which, in fact, they hardly receive.
  Mr. ROBERTS: With the permission of the House, I should like to re-address to the right hon. Gentleman a question about which there has been a little misunderstanding. I asked him whether his Amendment would apply to pre-War dependants, and he nodded his head. Now I understand that his Amendment will not apply to them. I would like to ask him is he prepared to accept an Amendment to delete the words "the late" in the last line and substitute "during war service''? That seems to me more likely to meet the circumstances of a large number of cases which might be implicated, now or subsequently, and I think it would better meet the wishes which the House has expressed with regard to the Amendment under consideration.
  Mr. CHAMBERLAIN: If I may, by leave of the House, reply, I am obliged to the right hon. Gentleman for calling attention to a possible misunderstanding which, I think, arises out of a phrase which is current, but which might be taken in different senses, namely, "pre-War dependants." The term "pre-War dependants" refers to cases in which, before the War, a man was helping to support his parents. Where that could be proved, the parents have been able to claim pensions which may go up to as much as 40s. a week. That is not the same thing as pensions to people whose sons were killed in other wars than the late War—in the wars before that. The Amendment I am proposing to move refers to the first class of pre-War dependants, and does not apply to dependants when the death took place in other wars. I am afraid that what the right hon. Gentleman the Member for West Bromwich (Mr. Roberts) asked would introduce a fresh liability of an unknown and considerable extent, and I am afraid I could not possibly accept it.
  Mr. CLYNES: The right hon. Gentleman has dealt with circumstances arising out of wars that preceded the late War. What we have in mind are possible future military encounters, or wars, on a small scale, such as might occur next week or

  2245
  next month in China, in India or anywhere else where we have a military force. We desire to have the words so framed as to cover present and future losses as well as the losses sustained in the late War.
  Sir HENRY SLESSER: There is one other point to be taken into consideration. Certain casualties were incurred during operations in Russia which may not technically be called part of the late War. I refer to persons who were in Russia assisting the White Guard. A number of them were killed about the time the late War came to an end. Those operations, either in the north or the south of Russia, may not technically or legally be called part of the late War. Does the Minister intend to include persons who were killed, if I may use the expression, in something connected with or round about the late War which is not technically part of the late War, such as the Russian Expeditions? I think that is a material matter, and it may have been taken into consideration, but I doubt whether the words, "the late war," if read in the strict sense, would cover the cases of men killed, say, after Armistice.
  Mr. CHAMBERLAIN: I think those points have already been settled by decisions given in other matters. I should be very sorry on the spur of the moment to give an interpretation which might not be in accordance with the precedents already established.
  Sir H. SLESSER: But quite apart from the words, do the Government intend to cover all those persons who wore in any way connected with the recent hostilities? If the Government say that is that intention, the wording is a matter of adjustment, but is it their intention to cover that class of persons?
  Mr. CHAMBERLAIN: I think this depends upon whether that has been recognised by the Ministry of Pensions.
  Mr. LAWSON: I think the concession which has been made by the Minister of Health will give satisfaction both inside and outside the House, and, in the circumstances, I ask leave to withdraw my Amendment.
  Amendment, by leave, withdrawn.
  Mr. CHAMBERLAIN: I beg to move, in page 23, line 22, after the word "payable, "to insert the words
  "except when such a pension is payable in respect of the service of the pensioner's son during the late War."
  Sir H. SLESSER:I beg to move, as an Amendment to the proposed Amendment, to leave out the words "the late."
  The Amendment would then read:
  "except where such pension is payable in respect of the service of a pensioner's son during war."
  Our proposal is that this right should be given, not only to persons whose sons were killed in the late War but in any war. Small tribal wars are constantly going on, and we may have future wars. We may not have another Great War, but we may have small wars which from the point of view of the widows are just as important as a great war. We wish it to be laid down that in future, if the son of a pensioner is still doing war service, if that son is killed, that pensioner should have equal rights to those of the pensioner killed during the late War. If the argument is correct that persons who serve in war should not be allowed to suffer by this deduction of pension, there can be no logical distinction made between a person killed during the late War and a person who may be killed to-day or hereafter in war service. We wish this bill to protect all those who serve in war. The only possible ground on which we can justify a distinction between the late War and service in war in general is that the nation was in greater peril in the late War than it is likely to be in any future war. The service of a man on the Indian frontier or some remote savage place is just as much war service as in the late War, and therefore we say that this right of the pensioner to receive the pension under this Bill, irrespective of the war in which the service is performed, should apply to all wars in the future. In addition to that, I contend that it ought to apply to the wars of the past, and I do not believe this will be found to involve a heavy liability. The number of people who lost sons in the South African War or any other small wars cannot be very great now in respect to the persons who are entitled to pensions under this Bill.
  I appeal to hon. Members who fought so gallantly for the principle—which we all congratulate the Ministry of Health

  2247
  upon having recognized—to realise that it is invidious to make a distinction between the late wars, the wars which preceded it or wars which may come in the future. Surely the right principle to adopt is that when men are killed in war service the pensions which flow from that service ought not to place in jeopardy the right of the pensioner under this Bill. It will probably be said that in reference to past wars this question will not very much arise, but if that be so then the liability will be small. My point is that past wars, present wars and future wars have all got to be considered, and you cannot distinguish them from the late War except on the ground of the magnitude of the contest. Whether the country was in great peril or slight peril does not matter to the widow who loses a son, and she should be protected from the liability of losing her pension by leaving out the words "the late." We hope the Minister will accept this Amendment, more particularly as the liability for other wars must be very slight, and the liability for future wars is problematical. If he docs not accept this Amendment, and if a man on service to-morrow gets killed, then all the things which hon. Members opposite have been condemning in regard to this proposal will operate automatically against the widow. If the son of a widow is killed on the Afghan frontier to-morrow, that would not be during the late War. Finally, there is
  the marginal case which the Minister responded to not very clearly of persons killed in the Russian war. It is idle to say this depends on whether they are pensionable or not. I submit that no case has been made out for confining this concession to the late War.
  Mr. LEES-SMITH: I beg to second the Amendment.
  Brigadier-General CHARTERIS: The remarks which have been made by the hon. and learned Gentleman, who moved this Amendment to the Amendment, seem to show that he is entirely ignorant of how the Amendment stands. This Amendment is intended to protect a person drawing a dependant's, pension in respect of a son who was killed during the late War. There is no dependant's pension in respect of persons killed in war before the Great War, and there is no dependant's pension for anyone who may be killed now on the Indian frontier. If this Amendment to the Amendment is to have any effect, you will have to make it payable to the dependants of a pensioner who is killed now. This Amendment to the Amendment would do no good, and it is far better to keep to the wording of the Amendment moved by the Minister of Health.
  Question put, "That the words 'the late' stand part of the proposed Amendment."
  The House divided: Ayes, 251; Noes, 126.

  Division No. 311.]

  AYES.

  [4.40 p.m.

  Acland-Troyte, Lieut.-Colonel

  Bird, Sir R. B. (Wolverhampton, W.)

  Cautley, Sir Henry S.

  Agg-Gardner, Rt. Hon. Sir James T.

  Blades, Sir George Rowland

  Cayzer, Sir C. (Chester, City)

  Ainsworth, Major Charles

  Blundell, F. N.

  Cecil, Rt. Hon. Lord H. (Ox. Univ.)

  Alexander, E. E. (Leyton)

  Bourne, Captain Robert Croft

  Chadwick. Sir Robert Burton

  Alexander, Sir Wm. (Glasgow, Cent'l)

  Bowyer, Captain G. E. W.

  Chamberlain, Rt. Hon. N. (Ladywood)

  Allen, J. Sandeman (L'pool, W. Derby)

  Boyd-Carpenter, Major A.

  Chapman, Sir S.

  Applin, Colonel R. V. K.

  Brass, Captain W.

  Charteris, Brigadier-General J.

  Ashley, Lt.-Col. Rt. Hon. Wilfrid W.

  Brassey, Sir Leonard

  Christie, J. A.

  Ashmead-Bartlett, E.

  Briggs, J. Harold

  Churchill, Rt. Hon. Winston Spencer

  Astbury, Lieut. Commander F. W.

  Briscoe, Richard George

  Carry, Reginald George

  Astor, Viscountess

  Brocklebank, C. K. R.

  Clayton, G. C.

  Athol, Duchess of

  Brooke, Brigadier-General C. R. l

  Cobb, Sir Cyril

  Baldwin, Rt. Hon. Stanley

  Broun-Lindsay, Major H.

  Cochrane. Commander Hon. A. D.

  Balfour, George (Hampstead)

  Brown, Maj. P. C. (N'th'l'd., Hexham)

  Cockerill, Brigadier-General G. K.

  Balniel, Lord

  Brown, Brig.-Gen. H. C.(Berks, Newb'y)

  Colfox, Major Wm. Phillips

  Banks, Reginald Mitchell

  Buckingham, Sir H.

  Conway, Sir W. Martin

  Barclay-Harvey. C. M.

  Bull, Rt. Hon. Sir William James

  Cooper, A. Duff

  Barnett, Major Sir Richard

  Bullock, Captain M.

  Cope, Major William

  Barnston, Major Sir Harry

  Burgoyne, Lieut.-Colonel Sir Alan

  Couper, J. B.

  Beamish, Captain T. P. H.

  Burman, J. B.

  Craig, Ernest (Chester, Crewe)

  Beckett, Sir Gervase (Leeds, N.)

  Burton, Colonel H. W.

  Cralk, Rt. Hon. Sir Henry

  Bellairs, Commander Carlyon W.

  Butler, Sir Geoffrey

  Crooke, J. Smedley (Denitend)

  Benn, Sir A. S. (Plymouth, Drake)

  Butt, Sir Alfred

  Crookshank, Col. C. de W. (Berwick)

  Bennett, A. J.

  Cadogan, Major Hon. Edward

  Crooksnank, Cpt. H.(Lindsey, Gainsbro)

  Berry, Sir George

  Caine, Gordon Hall

  Curzon, Captain Viscount

  Betterton, Henry B.

  Campbell, E. T.

  Dalkeith, Earl of

  Dalziel, Sir Davison

  Hunter-Western, Lt.-Gen. Sir Aylmer

  Preston, William

  Davies, A. V. (Lancaster, Royton)

  Huntingfield, Lord

  Radford, E. A.

  Davies, Maj. Geo. F. (Somerset, Yeovil)

  Hurd, Percy A.

  Ramsden, E.

  Davies, Sir Thomas (Cirencester)

  Hurst, Gerald B.

  Rawlinson, Rt. Hon. John Fredk. Peel

  Davison, Sir W. H. (Kensington, S.)

  Jacob, A. E.

  Rhys, Hon. C. A. U.

  Dean, Arthur Wellesley

  Joynson-Hicks, Rt. Hon. Sir William

  Rice, Sir Frederick

  Dixon, Captain Rt. Hon. H.

  Kidd, J. (Linlithgow)

  Richardson, Sir P. W. (Sur'y, Ch'ts'y)

  Edmondson, Major A. J.

  King, Captain Henry Douglas

  Roberts, Samuel (Hereford, Hereford)

  Edwards, John H. (Accrington)

  Kinloch-Cooke, Sir Clement

  Ropner, Major L.

  Elveden, Viscount.

  Lamb, J. Q.

  Ruggles-Brice, Major E. A.

  England, Colonel A.

  Lane-Fox, Colonel George R.

  Sandeman, A. Stewart

  Erskine, Lord (Somerset, Weston-s.-M.)

  Lloyd, Cyril E. (Dudley)

  Sanderson, Sir Frank

  Erskine, James Malcolm Monteith

  Locker-Lampson, G. (Wood Green)

  Sandon, Lord

  Fairfax, Captain J. G.

  Loder, J. de V.

  Sassoon, Sir Philip Albert Gustave D.

  Falle, Sir Bertram G.

  Lowe, Sir Francis William

  Shaw, Capt. W. W. (Wilts, Westb'y)

  Falls, Sir Charles F.

  Luce, Major-Gen. Sir Richard Harm n

  Simms, Dr. John M. (Co. Down)

  Fermoy, Lord

  Lynn, Sir R. J.

  Sinclair, Col. T. (Queen's Univ., Belfast)

  Fielden, E. B.

  MacAndrew, Charles Glen

  Skelton, A. N.

  Finburgh, S.

  MacDonald, R. (Glasgow, Cathcart)

  Slaney, Major P. Kenyon

  Forestier-Walker, Sir L.

  Macintyre, Ian

  Smith-Carington, Neville W.

  Forrest, W.

  McLean, Major A.

  Smithers, Waldron

  Fraser, Captain Ian

  Macmillan, Captain H.

  Spender Clay, Colonel H.

  Frece, Sir Walter de

  McNeill, Rt. Hon. Ronald John.

  Sprot, Sir Alexander

  Ganzoni, Sir John

  MacRobert, Alexander M.

  Stanley, Col. Hon. G.F.(Will'sden, E.)

  Gates, Percy

  Maitland, Sir Arthur D. Steel-

  Stanley, Hon. O. F. G.(Westm'eland)

  Gibbs, Col. Rt. Hon. George Abraham

  Malone, Major P. B.

  Stott, Lieut.-Colonel W. H.

  Gilmour, Lt.-Col. Rt. Hon. Sir John

  Manningham-Buller, Sir Mervyn

  Stuart, Crichton-, Lord C.

  Gower, Sir Robert

  Margesson, Captain D.

  Stuart, Hon. J. (Moray and Nairn)

  Grace, John

  Meller, R. J.

  Sueter, Rear-Admiral Murray Fraser

  Grant, J. A.

  Meyer, Sir Frank

  Sugden, Sir Wilfrid

  Greene, W. P. Crawford

  Mitchell, S. (Lanark, Lanark)

  Thompson, Luke (Sunderland)

  Greenwood, Rt. Hn. Sir H.(W'th's'w, E.)

  Mitchell, W. Foot (Saffron Walden)

  Thomson, F. C. (Aberdeen, South)

  Gretton, Colonel John

  Mitchell, Sir W. Lane (Streatham)

  Titchfield, Major the Marquess of

  Grotrian, H. Brent

  Monsell, Eyres, Com. Rt. Hon. B. M.

  Tryon, Rt. Hon. George Clement

  Guinness, Rt. Hon. Walter E.

  Moore, Lieut.-Colonel T. C. R. (Ayr)

  Turton, Edmund Russborough

  Hacking, Captain Douglas H.

  Moore-Brabazon, Lieut.-Col. J. T. C.

  Vaughan-Morgan, Col. K. P.

  Hall, Vice-Admiral Sir H. (Eastbourne)

  Moreing, Captain A. H.

  Waddington, R.

  Hall, Capt. W. D'A. (Brecon & Rad.)

  Morrison, H. (Wilts, Salisbury)

  Wallace, Captain D. E.

  Hammersley, S. S.

  Morrison-Bell, Sir Arthur Clive

  Ward, Lt.-Col. A. L.(Kingston-on-Hull)

  Harland, A.

  Murchison, C. K.

  Warner, Brigadier-General W. W.

  Harrison, G. J. C.

  Nall, Lieut.-Colonel Sir Joseph

  Watts, Dr. T.

  Hartington, Marquess of

  Nelson, Sir Frank

  Wells, S. R.

  Harvey, Major S. E. (Devon, Totnes)

  Neville, R. J.

  Wheler, Major Sir Granville C. H.

  Hawke, John Anthony

  Newman, Sir R. H. S. D. L. (Exeter)

  White, Lieut.-Colonel G. Dairymple

  Henderson, Lieut.-Col. V. L. (Bootle)

  Newton, Sir D. G. C. (Cambridge)

  Wiggins, William Martin

  Heneage, Lieut.-Col. Arthur P.

  Nicholson, O. (Westminster)

  Williams, Com. C. (Devon, Torquay)

  Henn, Sir Sydney H.

  Nuttall, Ellis

  Wilson, Sir C. H. (Leeds, Central)

  Henniker-Hughan, Vice-Adm. Sir A.

  Oakley, T.

  Winby, Colonel L. P.

  Herbert, S.(York, N. R., Scar. & Wh'by)

  Oman, Sir Charles William C.

  Windsor-Clive, Lieut.-Colonel George

  Hilton, Cecil

  Ormsby-Gore, Hon. William

  Wise, Sir Fredric

  Hogg, Rt. Hon. Sir D.(St. Marylebone)

  Pennefather, Sir John

  Wood, Rt. Hon. E. (York, W. R., Ripon)

  Holt, Capt. H. P.

  Percy, Lord Eustace (Hastings)

  Wood, E. (Chester, Stalyb'ge & Hyde)

  Homan, C. W. J.

  Peto, G. (Somerset, Frome)

  Wood, Sir Kingsley (Woolwich, W.)

  Hope, Capt. A. O. J. (Warw'k, Nun.)

  Philipson, Mabel

  Worthington-Evans, Rt. Hon. Sir L.

  Hopkins, J. W. W.

  Pielou, D. P.

  Young, E. Hilton (Norwich)

  Hopkinson, A. (Lancaster, Mossley)

  Pilcher, G.

  Hudson, Capt. A. U. M.(Hackney, N.)

  Pilditch, Sir Philip

  TELLERS FOR THE AYES.—

  Hudson, R. S. (Cumberl'nd, Whiteh'n)

  Power, Sir John Cecil

  Major Hennessy and Lord Stanley.

  Hume, Sir G. H.

  Pownall, Lieut.-Colonel Assheton

  NOES.

  Adamson, Rt. Hon. W. (Fife, West)

  Dalton, Hugh

  Guest, Dr. L. Haden (Southward, N)

  Adamson, W. M. (Staff., Cannock)

  Davies, Ellis (Denbigh, Denbigh)

  Hall, F. (York, W. R., Normanton)

  Ammon, Charles George

  Davies, Rhys John (Westhoughton)

  Hall, G H. (Merthyr Tydvil)

  Attlee, Clement Richard

  Davison, J. E. (Smethwick)

  Hardle, George D.

  Baker, J. (Wolverhampton, Bilston)

  Day, Colonel Harry

  Harris, Percy A.

  Baker, Walter

  Dennison, R.

  Hartshorn, Rt. Hon. Vernon

  Barker, G. (Monmouth, Abertillery)

  Dunnico, H.

  Hayday, Arthur

  Barnes, A.

  Fenby, T. D.

  Hayes, John Henry

  Barr, J.

  Fisher, Rt. Hon. Herbert A. L.

  Henderson, Rt. Hon. A. (Burnley)

  Batey, Joseph

  Garro-Jones, Captain G. M.

  Hirst, G. H.

  Beckett, John (Gateshead)

  Gibbins, Joseph

  Hirst, W. (Bradford, South)

  Benn, Captain Wedgwood (Leith)

  Gillett, George M.

  Hore-Belisha, Leslie

  Broad, F. A.

  Graham, D. M. (Lanark, Hamilton)

  Hudson, J. H. (Huddersfield)

  Bromley, J.

  Graham, Rt. Hon. Wm. (Edin., Cent.)

  Hutchison, Sir Robert (Montrose)

  Brown, James (Ayr and Bute)

  Greenall, T.

  Jenkins, W. (Glamorgan, Neath)

  Buchanan, G.

  Greenwood, A. (Nelson and Colne)

  John, William (Rhondda, West)

  Cape, Thomas

  Grenfell, D. R. (Glamorgan)

  Jones, Henry Haydn (Merioneth)

  Clowes, S.

  Griffiths, T, (Monmouth, Pontypool)

  Jones, T. I. Mardy (Pontypridd)

  Cluse, W. S.

  Groves, T.

  Kennedy, T.

  Clynes, Rt. Hon. John R.

  Grundy, T. W.

  Kenyon, Barnet

  Collins, Sir Godfrey (Greenock)

  Guest, J. (York, Hemsworth)

  Kirkwood, D.

  2250

  2251

  Lansbury, George

  Robertson, J. (Lanark, Bothwell)

  Tinker, John Joseph

  Lawson, John James

  Robinson, W. C. (Yorks, W. R., Elland)

  Trevelyan, Rt. Hon. C. P.

  Lee, F.

  Rose, Frank H.

  Viant, S. P.

  Livingstone, A. M.

  Runciman, Rt. Hon. Walter

  Wallhead, Richard C.

  Lowth, T.

  Salter, Dr. Alfred

  Walsh, Rt. Hon. Stephen

  Lunn, William

  Scrymgeour, E.

  Warne, G. H.

  MacLaren, Andrew

  Shaw, Rt. Hon. Thomas (Preston)

  Watson, W. M. (Dunfermline)

  Maxton, James

  Slesser, Sir Henry H.

  Watts-Morgan, Lt. Col. D. (Rhondda)

  Mitchell, E. Rosslyn (Paisley)

  Smillie, Robert

  Webb, Rt. Hon. Sidney

  Montague, Frederick

  Smith, H. B. Lees- (Keighley)

  Westwood, J.

  Morris, R. H.

  Smith, Rennie (Penistone)

  Whiteley, W.

  Morrison, R. C. (Tottenham, N.)

  Snell, Harry

  Wilkinson, Ellen C.

  Murnin, H.

  Snowden, Rt. Hon. Philip

  Williams, T. (York, Don Valley)

  Naylor, T. E.

  Spencer, G. A. (Broxtowe)

  Wilson, C. H. (Sheffield, Attercliffe)

  Oliver, George Harold

  Stamford, T. W.

  Wilton, R. J. (Jarrow)

  Paling, W.

  Stephen, Campbell

  Windsor, Walter

  Pethick-Lawrence, F. W.

  Sutton, J. E.

  Wright, W.

  Ponsonby, Arthur

  Taylor, R. A.

  Young, Robert (Lancaster, Newton)

  Potts, John S.

  Thomson, Trevelyan (Middlesbro. W.)

  Richardson, R. (Houghton-le-Spring)

  Thorne, G. R. (Wolverhampton, E.)

  TELLERS FOR THE NOES.—

  Riley, Ben

  Thorne, W. (West Ham, Plaistow)

  Mr. Charles Edwards and Mr. T.

  Ritson, J.

  Thurtle, E.

  Henderson.

  Roberts, Rt. Hon. F. O.(W. Bromwich)

  Proposed words there inserted in the Bill.
  Further Amendment made:
  In page 23, line 37, after the word "any," insert the words "which would apart from this Section have been."— [Mr. Chamberlain.]
  CLAUSE 25.—(Provisions where both additional allowance or orphan's pension and compensation under the Workmen's Compensation Act are payable.)
  Mr. SPEAKER: With regard to the Amendments to Clause 25, I understand that it is desired to have one discussion on the Motion of the right hon. Gentleman the Member for lnce (Mr. Walsh) to leave out the Clause, and then, possibly, two Divisions only on two further points in the Clause. If that be the case, I will put the Question after the right hon. Gentleman's Motion, in such a way as to preserve the possibility of two Divisions on subsequent Amendments.
  Mr. WALSH: I bog to move to leave out the Clause.
  I am sorry that there seems to be a determination to continue, in this Measure, an injustice against which this party protested fourteen years ago. Last Session it was stated that Section 16 of the Art of that year was dependent upon Section 11 of the Act of 1911. The right hon. Gentleman was not in the House at the time, but associated with the House, and certainly one of the most honoured names connected with Parliament, was that of a man who more than any other was responsible for the Workmen's Compensation Act, 1897. When pressing that Measure through Parliament, he pointed
  2252
  out more than once that it was to be a great Measure of relief to the people engaged in industry, and was not in any sense to be a charge upon them. It was to be borne by those who set up the machinery for making profit out of labour. He did not use that word in any invidious sense, I am sure, during his life, nor do I now, but the Workmen's Compensation Act—certainly the greatest Measure of social legislation that had been passed up to that tinie—was to be free to the people included in the Measure, and they were not in any sense to suffer disadvantage.
  In the Bill of 1911, Clause 11 laid it down that, in the event of a person receiving the benefits of workmen's compensation, if the amount of that compensation was equal to or greater than the benefits set out in the National Insurance Bill of that year, no benefit, either for sickness or for disablement, was to be paid to the person in receipt of that workmen's compensation benefit. Compulsion was to be applied so far as deduction from wages was concerned; every person included in the scheduled trades was to be compelled to submit to a deduction from wages; but this free benefit was to be held as the full extent to which they should benefit, notwithstanding the fact that they were compelled to pay under the provisions of the National Insurance Bill.
  We contended at that time, small as our party was, against two things. We held that the contributory principle was quite wrong, and I still believe it to be wrong; and we also held that, when you compel people to pay for certain benefits, the mere fact that they are already in receipt of a definite benefit for which no payment

  2253
  was made ought not to disentitle them from any benefit towards which they are compelled to pay. I can see no argument on the lines of equity against that case to-day. First of all, the workman is to be compelled to pay, and will probably pay, in the long run, for an average of about. 40 years. He becomes insurable at the age of 16, and he ceases to be in insurance at 65. We may take the average duration of payment at not less than 40 years, and during that time there are being bulit up in the ordinary way certain rights for his orphan children in the event of his and meeting with a fatal accident: but. should fatal accident overtake the man, compensation equal to or greater than the benefits of this Measure be aid, because of his rights under the Workmen's Compensation law, then the whole of the benefits (hat are paid in the ordinary way are to be taken from his children.
  I consider that to be a vicious and inequitable principle. There is no fairness in it. That there is a tremendous number of accidents in industry, of course, goes without saying, but in the industry with which I am specially associated there is a greater ratio of fatal accidents than in any other occupation except that of seafaring, and a greater number of disablements than in any industry whatever. I ask the Minister how ho can reconcile his undoubted sense of fairness, his undoubted desire to do right, with the fact that hundreds of thousands of these men are compelled to pay. and yet, should fatality overtake them, it is almost certain that not one single penny that would otherwise be payable to the orphan children will be paid to their dependants. I am not 'going into the small limiting provision which says that any small deficiency in the amount, either of the value of the lump sum or the weekly payment to the children, will be made up. I know it will, but as a matter of fact there will be very little deficiency indeed in respect of the vast majority of the accidents that happen in the mines. So small is the pension in itself that there will not be one case in ten thousand in which any deficiency will have to be made good. Therefore, for the purpose of the argument on either side, either of those who are opposed to our Amendment or of those who are in favour of it, it is really not worth while pressing the case.
  2254
  5.0. P.M.
  It is said that the reason why this provision in Clause 25 is being brought forward is because it. is based on Section 16 of the Act of 1024, and Section 10 of the Act of 1924 is based on Section 11 of the Act of 1011. This House did wrong at that time; it deprived the people of benefits which, in the presentation of the Measure, they were led to believe they would receive. It compelled, in 1911, millions of people to pay for benefits which they were denied. We felt it to be wrong then: the whole Labour movement of this country, both organised and unorganised, felt it to be wrong. What were the grounds upon which it was presented to the House at that time? It was said that the friendly societies would never be able to live, that the approved societies would never be able to live, if this particular condition were put in. It was said that even at that time they found it very difficult to provide the benefits where people were suffering from accidents in the mines and in industry generally, that the difficulty of the continuance of benefit was such that the friendly societies might find themselves in very great difficulties, and that if you did pay this double benefit they would be utterly unable to live. The degree of malingering, it was said, will be so great. I do not believe two wrongs make a right and I did not believe it then. I never believed that, because the friendly societies found it difficult to live, the House was justified in taking away this right. Surely any case against malingering at that time does not apply to the orphans. Orphans do not malinger. On the death of the parents the orphans should be entitled to receive their rights. The whole case under Section 16 of the 1924 Act, which was a consolidating Measure, derived its basis from Section 11 of the 1911 Act. It was the exact principle, except that Section 16 of the Act of 1924 brought in common law and the employers' liability. However, the principle is the same, and the whole argument and basis of the case presented by the right hon. Gentleman the Member for Carnarvon Boroughs (Mr. Lloyd George), who was then Chancellor of the Exchequer, put the point very strongly. He admitted there was a very great case indeed for paying these benefits as long as deductions were being compulsorily made from the wages of the workmen. The great

  2255
  argument against it was that if those payments were made, malingering would go on to such an extent as to deprive the friendly societies of their life. Is there any force in the argument now? This only applies to payments in respect of children and orphans. Surely there can be no malingering now. When you take that one ground on which all the previous arguments were based, then the whole argument for this particular Clause is gone.
  It would be interesting to show how very many of the people who are occupying positions of responsibility—some of them, indeed, high positions in the present Governments—took up the same line of argument as ourselves. I might perhaps give one or two. The present Home Secretary said—and we talk about the Members of this party using hard words—
  "It is robbing those who are unfortunate enough to meet with accidents. The young man is robbed to make up for the older man, and here we find the man who is injured is compelled to make up for the man who is not injured. You are compelling these men to pay, not 4d., but 7d."
  It would be well if hon. Members would let the words sink in—
  "Many of us think that sooner or later a good deal of the employer's 3d. will fall on the shoulders of the workmen. You compel him to pay and yet deprive him of the benefit he has paid for."
  Those are not the words of a Bolshevist, but of the right hon. Gentleman who now occupies the position of Home Secretary. The right hon. Gentleman who is now Secretary of State for War, while he was perhaps not so emphatic in his language, was equally convinced that the House was doing a wrong thing by embodying Section 11 in the Act of that year. The Noble Lord who is now Assistant-Postmaster-General said:
  "Not only will this Clause, as it stands greatly increase malingering, but it will also inflict an injustice on many thousands of workers who are injured, and, if allowed to stand without amendment, will injure thousands of workers."
  It was clear at that time that the Labour party, small as it was at that time, was not pressing captious Amendments on the House. The present Parliamentary Secretary to the Ministry of "Pensions voted against the Government at that time, convinced as he was, with us, of the injustice and harshness of
  2256
  Section 11. If I might refer, Sir, to your own colleague who has just now mounted the steps of that revered Chair, he also was convinced of the injustice of Section 11 being embodied in that Act. We on this side have always felt that that Section inflicted a great hardship upon the people who were not voluntary contributors under the Insurance Bill, who were compelled to pay— the millions who had never been consulted—that you should at the time of their greatest need deprive them of the benefits for which they had paid on the ground that they were already receiving a benefit for which they had not paid. Section 16 of the Act of last year continued the injustice. I think that because injustice has taken place on those two distinct occasions it is no reason why it should be repeated. I am sure hon. Members in their own minds are satisfied that this is an injustice that ought not to continue just because on two previous occasions it has been inflicted. The groundwork of the injustice was the malingering that would take place if the double provision were made. That argument can no longer apply, because the conditions are merely applicable to orphans or additional allowances. There can be no malingering and therefore the whole case for this Clause disappears. Nor can it be said that this will be expensive. We know the rate of fatal accidents in this country. It only applies in the case of fatal accidents, where additional allowances are made, or where orphans are paid consequently on fatal accidents.. That number of cases is easily ascertained; the number of children is easily obtained; the estimate of duration of the period can easily be ascertained. Any argument that this would be a costly Amendment, if carried, is entirely without foundation. In the case of the miners, where the rate of fatality is the greatest in industry, with one exception—1,200 killed every year— not one-half of those are children. The House ought to remember we are compelling these people to pay for an average of 40 years and ant. when fatality overtakes them, they are to be deprived of the benefits their orphans would have in all other cases.
  Mr. GRIFFITHS: I wish to second the Amendment, and in deference to the wishes of Mr. Speaker. I will not detain

  2257
  the House very long. I spoke very strongly and vigorously against this Clause on the Committee stage, and I will not repeat my arguments now, but I wish just to put one new argument that struck me after hearing the right hon. Member for Ince (Mr. Walsh) stating the case. I want to ask the Minister why he is going to treat members who contribute towards this scheme differently from the manner in which the trade unions deal with their members? In the large trade unions, members pay for what is called an accident benefit. In my own society, if one of our members, according to the class he belongs to, meets with an accident where he is permanently disabled, he will receive in the C class £100, in the B class £150, and in the A class;£200. When that man is receiving his compensation pay from the office, sometimes he may—I am speaking about the old Act—be receiving about £l a week. He may receive that for 12 months, which equals in round figures £50. If he dies, at the end of 12 months that £50 is deducted from the death benefit he is entitled to from the insurance company. Even then he receives £250 to make up his full £300, of three years wages. Supposing a trade union were to turn round to the widow and say, "You are now going to receive £250 from the firm as a result of the fatal accident to your husband. We are not now going to pay the £200 you are entitled to from the society." You would at once get every branch all over the country passing resolutions asking what business they had to stop the payment to this widow and children of £200 from the money the man had paid into the society.
  No trade union could turn the request of that branch down. There are millions of people who would prefer to make arrangements through their own societies, and they would get better benefits than they would under this Bill. What right have you, therefore, if the husband dies as the result of a fatal accident, after he has paid his contributions, to deprive these poor orphans of the benefits which have been paid for? It is most iniquitous. You cannot go to any trade union branch and justify your action.
  Mr. SPENCER: This Clause will hit the coal industry more hardly than any other, be ause we have more fatal accidents than any other section of the
  2258
  community, and we are therefore going to suffer more harsh treatment as the result of the Bill than any other section. It is evident that the draftsman and those who have been authorising him have had some diffidence and some fears with regard to the Clause, because they are not going to touch the widows' pensions as far as I can see. A many be killed and leave a wife and two children, and she will get the widow's pension. It is only the children or the dependants, when the mother is living, who are going to be deprived of their pension. Why have you done that? The father has paid his contributions. I want to deal with another aspect of the question, because there are borderline cases, and these are very important, in which you cannot definitely state whether you would be awarded compensation or not. A case was decided in the Law Courts yesterday and compensation was granted to the extent of the full £600. The man died undoubtedly as the result of heart disease, and it was only because we could establish that the strain of his immediate work had contributed to his death that we were able to get compensation. The colliery company refused point blank to pay. In other circumstances in these borderline cases they might say, "It is no use going to law. to are both in doubt. You may win or we may win. Let us take a lump sum." Suppose I take £300 instead of £600. How is the Minister going to calculate that compensation? To whom is it supposed to be payable, and on whose behalf? Will it be payable on behalf of the wife? If the Minister accepts that it is paid on behalf of the wife, the children will get their allowance. If he says the full amount is paid on behalf of the children, the wife will get no compensation at all and until the £300 is exhausted on behalf of the children she will not get a single penny.
  In a case of that kind a real hardship would he imposed on the widow unless a very sympathetic view is taken by the person who happens to be representing the Ministry at the time. This is a contributory Bill. What right is there to deprive a contributor of the benefits he has paid contribution for? You may say, "It is an actuarial scheme. If I am depriving him of a little here you must not look at one or two details,

  2259
  but at the whole frame of the scheme, and then you will realise that if he loses there ho gains somewhere else." There may be something to be said for that, but in our industry we are particularly liable to fatal accidents, and this is a most important matter for us. When you get the full £600 there is this anomaly in the Act. I had to attend a County Court not long ago, whore we got £529 for a widow and one child. The full amount for a widow and four children is £600. It means that a widow who may have seven children, as we have in some cases, under 12 years of age is going to be deprived to a very large extent of the advantages under this Bill. She is going to get certain additions in respect of some children, but she ought to have the full allowances in cases of that kind, and if she could get the full allowance she would not have sufficient to bring the children up as they ought to be brought up. This is hitting our industry extremely hard and the Minister ought to give it very sympathetic attention. I do not think it is right in a contributory scheme to make this difference between one section of the community and another. If a man gets killed his children should have the same rights under the Bill as if he had died, because he has made contributions for their benefit.
  Sir GERALD HOHLER: I deprecate the tone of bitterness, about the speech of the hon. Member for Pontypool (Mr. Griffiths) and I deprecate it because I am a supporter of his view. I think the case may be put quite differently without the least feeling. Having said that, I think my right hon. Friend might grant the concession which has been asked for in a most reasonable speech. Our law never recognised a workman's compensation claim as a common law right. Now it is established. and we are seeking, in that which is now and has long been a right, by Statute, tinder this Bill, which is a compulsory contributory Bill for a pension on certain terms to certain persons, to bring into account that which the dependants of the deceased man had an absolute right to under the Workmen's Compensation Act. I do not think it is right Further, the Minister proposes to take as much of the profits as are apportioned in
  2260
  favour of the infants. He does not undertake the obligation of the law suit that the infant or the mother may have to carry on at her expanse to recover that money. What right, then, has he, after a long contested law suit, which may be carried to the highest court in the land, to say, "I will take the fruits of it while I will not support you in your law suit," and we know the trouble, were it not for the trade unions, that these poor people would have in fighting their eases. Is it quite just?
  I put it in another way. What is the additional expense of this administration going to cost? Is it really worth considering in this scheme? Last night I voted with the Government on the point of people being absent from the country. I was greatly impressed with the argument of the largely increased cost of the administration of the Act. But here you are making a very great increase in the administration of the Act for a very small purpose. No one can justify the principle contained in the Clause on any real grounds that are logically sound in my view. You have only taken the case of a person who has no common law right but has only a right to succeed under the Workmen's Compensation Act. Of course the one may overlap the other, but I am assuming a case where the widow or the children of a man who has been killed have a common law right wholly independent of the Workmen's Compensation Act, and they can pursue their action, either as infants or the mother on their behalf, under Lord Campbell's Act, and recover damages. To take a common illustration, the bread-winner happens to be run over by a motor car. He was in no way responsible. It was solely due to the negligence of the defendant. The widow and orphans got a large sum of damages far in excess of what they would ever receive under the Workmen's Compensation Act, and you do not take a halfpenny. How can you logically justify that? I really think, if you look at the whole case from every point of view from which it can be fairly put, there is no justification for bringing in this windfall, for windfall I call it, into the Bill. Here we have something for which you pay. As the hon. Member for Exeter (Sir E. Newman) said the other night, it is their money and it is not ours. An award is made which you did not obtain,

  2261
  which was obtained at her expense, and it may be at considerable cost, because often the taxed costs do not cover the costs you have to pay. Under this Bill you take it.
  Take a case where, legally, though a man might have boon covered under the Workmen's Compensation Act, ho had a clear right as against a third party for negligence. 11is orphans bring their action under Lord Campbell's Act for negligence and recover a large sum of money, and yon cannot touch a halfpenny of it. I cannot believe whatever you hope to receive in this way could in any way make up for the expense to which you would be put in following out the calculation. Suppose an award of £100 is given. On what basis are you going to apportion the money so as to supplement that £100 and make good the additional allowance that the child would receive? Who is to be the trustee of that £100 for the child? Let us keep things sharp and clear, and when we are passing a Bill which, despite all that has been said against it, I regard as a splendid Bill, and a great foundation on which we can build up something good for the poor people of this country, who cannot or do not make provision for themselves, do not let us take something away. When we are not taking it away in one case, and we do not touch it in another, is it worth while? I believe the Government would only be dropping a few pounds, and I doubt whether they would be even dropping that if they were to leave out this Sub-section.
  The PARLIAMENTARY SECRETARY to the MINISTRY of HEALTH (Sir K. Wood): The Committee will agree that the case for this Amendment has been stated with great force and fairness, particularly by the right hon. Gentleman the Member for Ince (Mr. Walsh) who moved it. He has taken a great interest in these matters. He took part in the original discussion in 1911, and we are very glad to see him still with us. I want to state the ease for the Clause. This Clause provides that
  "Where the death of an insured person was caused, whether before or after the commencement of this Act, by an injury sustained on or after the first day of January, nineteen hundred and twenty-four,
  2262
  in respect of which compensation has been awarded or agreed under the Workmen's Compensation Act, 1906, as amended by any subsequent enactment, or under any scheme certified there under, an additional allowance or an orphan's pension in respect of the insurance of that person shall cense to be payable."
  Then follows the proviso. What are the provisions of the Workmen's Compensation Act, 1906, as amended by the Act of 1023, so far as children are concerned. This is what Clause 2 (a) of the Workmen's Compensation Act, 1923, says:
  "if both the widow or other member of the workman's family and such child or children as aforesaid were all wholly dependent on the workman's earnings, there shall, in respect of each such child, be added to and dealt with as part of the compensation payable under paragraph (1) (a) of the First Schedule to the principal Act. a sum equal to fifteen per cent, of the amount arrived at by multiplying the average weekly earnings of the workman, or where such earnings are less than one pound, then by multiplying one pound, or where such earnings exceed two pounds, then by multiplying two pounds, by the number of weeks in the period between the death of the workman and the date when the child will attain the age of fifteen…"
  Therefore, you have, apart altogether from the amount payable to the widow under the Workmen's Compensation Act, a definite and fixed amount for the children.
  Mr. SPENCER: The hon. Member should make- it perfectly clear that with a limitation of .£300 for the children, that could pretty nearly be reached by one child. A child and a quarter would swallow up every bit of that, and there might be several children.
  Sir K. WOOD: My point is, that under this provision there is an amount definitely added for the children, subject, of course, to the conditions of the Act. If the amount under the Act of 1923 does not come up to the amount mentioned in this Bill, we make up the difference. Under the Act of 1923, irrespective of the amount payable to the widow, a definite sum has to be added in respect of each child. A point was put to me by one hon. Member as to what would be done in regard to the limit of £300. He asked how the amount in respect of each child would be arrived at. The answer is, that that sum would have to be taken to Court, and the registrar would have to apportion the amount as between the widow and the children, and see that a

  2263
  proper part was paid to the children. Under the Act of 1923, a definite fixed allowance was made for the children.
  If the Bill we are now discussing had been in operation at that time, with the provision where we give a definite allowance for two children, a definite allowance would have been made in respect of that provision in the Workmen's Compensation Act. In a case of workmen's compensation, whatever the amount, subject to the limitations of the Act, the intention of Parliament at that time was to give a fixed definite allowance to the children. Therefore, the arguments of the right hon. Gentleman who moved this Amendment as to what the Home Secretary said or what the Secretary for War said, are not applicable to-day, because undoubtedly when the Act was passed, a definite allowance was made for the children. It is not unfair that provision should be made in this Hill in the way was propose it.
  The right hon. Gentleman referred to the reasons which actuated the promoters of the National Health Insurance Act in 1911. He was not quite accurate in his definition of the object of the material Clause. In the National Health Insurance Act of 1924 it is provided in Section 16 (1.a) that:
  "No sickness benefit or disablement benefit shall he paid to an insured person"—
  Mr. WALSH: I was referring to malingering as being the foundation of this particular Section in the Act of 1911, and not in the Act of 1924.
  Sir K. WOOD: I hope to be able to disprove that statement. This is what the Section 16 (1, a) of the Act of 1924 says:
  "No sickness benefit or disablement benefit shall be paid to the insured person in respect of that injury or disease in any case where any weekly sum or the weekly value of any lump sum paid or payable by way of compensation or damages is equal to or greater than the benefit otherwise payable to that person, and where any such weekly sure or the weekly value of any such lump sum is less than the, benefit in question, such part only of the benefit shall be paid as. together with the weekly sum or the weekly value of the lump sum. will be equal to the benefit."
  In that provision, there is laid down the principle which we are following in this particular Bill. This case was very strongly pressed in 1911, and it had to be defended by someone who was much better
  2264
  able to defend it than I am, a gentleman who is no longer a Member of this House, that well-known Liberal, Mr. McKenna. On that occasion, the right hon. Member for Carnarvon Boroughs (Mr. Lloyd George) did not seem to intrude so much in the Debate as he usually did in connection with the passing of the Act of 1911. He left the defence of this Clause mainly in the hands of Mr. McKenna, and, in defending it, Mr. McKenna said:
  "The real and the only issue here is whether a man who is receiving compensation for an accident, no matter who pays the compensation—that is not relevant to the issue in this Clause should at the same time be a charge upon the funds of his society. [An Hon. MEMBER: 'Any kind of accident?'] Any kind of accident, whether under the Workmen's Compensation Act or the Employers Liability Act. He is already being provided for in his time of sickness. He ought not, therefore, to come upon the funds of the society."—[OFFICIAL REPORT, 19th July, 1911; col. 1149, Vol. 23.]
  He went on, because The matter was still pressed upon him:
  "It is that such benefit should be withheld where a man is already provided for by payment of compensation in respect to an accident; and that it does not matter whether that compensation comes from the employer or from any other person."—[OFFICIAL REPORT, 19th July, 191.1; col. 1150, Vol. 28.]
  That was the foundation upon which Mr. McKenna resisted the Amendment which was pressed upon him in those days. In another discussion, the same attitude was taken up, when it was stressed that the funds of the approved societies were being protected. There was wisdom in that. It is just as necessary to protect the funds in that respect to-day. It would be a very unfortunate thing for any approved society under the National Health Insurance Act if that Clause were deleted. In my judgment, many approved societies, especially in the case of miners, would be in a very bad way, but for that provision in the National Health Insurance Act, 1911. While I am seeking the aid of the precedents of both the National Health Insurance Act of 1911 and the provision that has been made for children under the Workmen s Compensation Act of 1923, I would point out that we are not going as far in this Clause as the legislators went in 1911. All that we are seeking to do is to take into account the amount paid in respect of workmen's compensation. The National Health Insurance Act of 1924 goes much further than that, for in Section 16 (1) it says:

  2265
  "or under the Employers' Liability Act, 1880, or at common law."
  Under the Clause now under discussion, we take what we consider to be a fair course and in accordance with precedent. Under the Workmen's Compensation Act, 1923, there is a very definite provision for children, and I do not think it is an unfair thing in a Measure of this kind to follow the precedent of the Acts of 1911 and 1923. All we say is that the amount the children receive shall in no way be less than the amount mentioned in the Bill, and, if any sum is received by way of benefit under the Workmen's Compensation Act, that shall be taken into account. I. want the House clearly to understand that under this provision there is no question of interfering with the lump sum paid to the widow. It is a reasonable provision, and I hope the House will accept it. It was accepted on the last occasion it was discussed, by a large majority, and I hope the House will come to the same decision to-day.
  Mr. HARNEY: This question has become a little obscure in the argument we have had. It is a simple point. Before 1006 no compensation of any kind was paid to children who lost their parent, unless their parent was killed by an act of negligence on the part of the employer. Therefore, they receive compensation for the wrong which was done to them. Now the principle of the Workmen's Compensation Act is this: Children who are deprived of their parents by violent means will be paid compensation. The principle of this Bill is that children who are deprived of their parents by natural means will be paid. If both of these were in the same position, I would regard it as quite fair that, if the children are drawing from the State a certain sum by reason of the death of a parent by violent means, they ought not to draw an additional sum by reason of the death of the parent by natural means. That would be fair if they stood on the same footing, but they stand on a wholly different footing.
  When we gave children something for the loss of a parent under the Workmen's Compensation Act, we gave it purely out of the establishment charges of the employer. It was regarded as portion of the incidence of carrying on industry that men had to take risks and might be killed, and the principle of the Workmen's
  2266
  Compensation Act was that there should be appropriated to children of a parent who has lost his life a certain sum out of the general gross profits of the establishment, and that this should be regarded as part of the cost of carrying on the business. It is different in the case of this Bill. My hon. Friend says, "We are only doing the same as was done under the Act of 1911." You are not. You are doing something very different. What you did under the Act of 1911 was this: At that time persons who had been injured in their work were obtaining health benefit under the form of accident funds. Under the Act of 1911 the State itself makes an arrangement, whereby persons so injured also get benefit from a health fund. It was right that they should not get both.
  Here we have a wholly different thing. Under this Bill, you are saying: "Because you have contributed something you have bought a benefit, and you have paid for that benefit," and why persons should be denied this benefit because they are obtaining other benefit on a wholly different principle for the life of me i cannot sec. Mr. McKenna was perfectly right in the defence which he made, because he was dealing with a different set of facts. There was then a comparison of State funds, which were drawn to relieve persons in the same condition of sickness, whether it was caused by an accident or by natural causes. Here it is wholly different. We are providing pensions for widows and allowances for the children, and we are providing that because the insured person makes contributions. What is received in other respects has nothing to do with any contributions which are made. It is based on a wholly different principle, and I do not see why the two things should be mixed up, and more than that the Minister of Health should say that in any case where parents have their children looked after by an aunt or an uncle they should be deprived of benefits.
  Mr. NEVILLE: May I add my voice also in support of the Amendment. It seems to me that the discussion this afternoon, especially the historical discussion, is entirely beside the point. When you have, as in this particular case, a free gift under the Workmen's Compensation Act, which has been given for a large number of years, it does not

  2267
  seem to me that this is the time at which or that this is the Bill, a great measure of social reform which we have heard so much talk about, under which we should do what is now proposed. I am not at all impressed by the defence of the Minister. Indeed, I think that it is the poorest defence which I have heard for a very long time. I should like to point out that in the converse case, which you get occasionally, when a person has been killed in a railway accident, and he may have insured his life and paid high premiums for a considerable number of years, the courts have laid down that, in considering the question of damages which the representatives of that person are to receive in respect of his death, they are not entitled to take into consideration the fact that the man has insured his life. It seems to me that that is entirely on all fours with the position at the present time. I would have liked to hear from the Minister, what the cost is likely to be. I do not care much about the argument that the cost is very small. I do not think that in this particular case the people who are going to be deprived will be malingerers. They are often children, and if they can get the advantage of benefit under the Workmen's Compensation Act that is no reason why they should be deprived of benefit under this Bill.
  Sir H. SLESSER: We are only prolonging this discussion in the hope that we still shall have some real reason given why this Amendment is being refused. I say with every respect to the Parliamentary Secretary that, although on other matters he has been convincing and eloquent, the weakness of his case on this occasion is such that even he is unable to give us any convincing argument. I am aware that this matter was debated at some length in the Committee stage, and I am equally aware that I spoke on the Committee stage, and, therefore, I do not propose to speak at any length now; but we are really discussing a matter of very considerable importance, because in all the other cases of disqualification there is some measure of turpitude, some real reason why the person who is disqualified should not receive benefit. For instance, there is the case which we have been discussing where the complaint is made that
  2268
  people are not fit to administer benefit, but here we are dealing with a case where the only ground for withholding the orphan allowance or additional allowance is that the person has met with an accident.
  I have pointed out before, and I would like an answer to the point, that the rights of the insured person under the Workmen's Compensation Act are purely personal, as between the employer and the insured person.. It is not a case of paying a double pension, even from State resources. It is not even a case of a grant from the local authority on the one hand and from the State on the other. It is purely a private legal liability. It is, as I have pointed out, merely an accident of law whether the individual insured person or the dependant receives the money under the Workmen's Compensation Act, or at Common Law, or under the Employer's Liability Act. It is true that, under the National Health Insurance Act, all these three are disqualifications. For some pretended reason which I do not understand, except that I suspect that the Minister is impressed by the strength of the case, and therefore has weakened on this point, if the man claims the money under the Employer's Liability Act, the money then is not counted under this Clause, and it is merely an accident of legal advice, whether he is advised to proceed under one Statute or another, which governs whether he is deprived of benefit or not. That cannot be justified.
  The only attempt to justify it was a reference to the Act of 1911 and the Act of 1924, but they do rot help the hon. Member. Those two Acts deal with an entirely different set of circumstances, and actually in their disqualifying terms they are different. What we are waiting for is not merely references to the Acts of 1911 and 1924, which deal with different matters, but to some principle on which it can be said that, because persons have received compensation for damages from another private individual people who have a right to pensions from the State should be deprived of those pensions. You might as well say that if a person has received damages of any kind that should be taken as a mitigation of payments under this Bill. You cannot defend this proposal. It is a very significant thing that persons versed in the law and who

  2269
  appreciate what legal liability means—I am not suggesting that other Members do not—persons from every party in this House, persons of authority and experienced in the law, from the same party as the hon. Gentleman himself, have all been forced by the legal necessities to see-what lies at the been of this confusion.
  We have all been taught that the question of damages between one person and another is one thing, and the question of the benefit of a pension from the State is another, and it is nullifying every principle of legal justice that these things should be confused, as they have been in this Clause. No Member has risen in this House to defend the proposal of the Government, because, as has been pointed out by an hon. and learned Member, who is not a Member of my own party, in a claim for damages the question of insurance would not be taken into consideration in determining the amount. Even at this late hour perhaps the Minister would reconsider the position and give us some concrete reason, not based on obsolete reports in the OFFICIAL REPORT, but some real reason, why, when a man has been killed and his orphans have rights in a Court of law, they should be deprived of rights under this law, rights for which the parents have paid separately.
  We have not had an explanation. The hon. Gentleman has not given one, because I do not think that he has one to give. As a matter of justice, his position is untenable. I do not want to be able to make party capital out of the continuance of this Clause. I am sure that we could. Nobody could Justify this Clause. From the political point of view I ought to hope that this Amendment will be rejected. In my own constituency I think that we shall hear a great deal of the injustice of depriving a man of rights under the Workmen's Compensation Act. The case was felt to be so weak that we have now the proviso, which was not in the Clause at first, guaranteeing the minimum. I would ask the right hon. Gentleman now to put down an Amendment giving us a real proviso. The whole position is untenable, weak, and vacillating: he has vacillated several times already, and we finally appeal to him to vacillate once more and to complete the process.
  6.0.P.M.
  Lieut.-Colonel HENDERSON: I would like to draw attention to one point to which reference has not been made so far. Under the Police Pensions Act and under the Firemen's Super-animation Bill, which I have had the privilege of conducting through this House this Session, there is in both cases a Clause against double compensation. The object of that Clause is obvious. It is to excuse the local authority, which in that case is the employer, from having to contribute under the scheme towards a pension for the policeman or the fireman, and at the same time having to pay premiums to insure themselves under the Workmen's Compensation Act. Under this Bill, the employer in most cases will not be the State or the. local authority but a private employer. But that private employer is contributing under the scheme. If you cut out this Clause you will be asking the private employer to pay not only premiums to insure himself against liability under the Workmen's Compensation Act but also to pay contributions under the scheme for liability from the same accident. It is unfair to expect a person to pay twice over for the same liability, and it is only reasonable, I think, that the Government should maintain the attitude which they have adopted.
  Mr. TINKER: I have listened to the whole of the Debate, and I regard the Parliamentary Secretary's reply on this Amendment as the weakest that he has made so far. He is an astute Parliamentary debater, but on this occasion he could not defend this Clause very well. He tried to point out that there is some benefit somewhere. The only benefits to the children are these—that where there are a number of children who come within the £300, they come under the benefit of this Bill. Three shillings will be given to those children. The hon. Gentleman mentioned that we had a Division the other night, and that it indicated exactly how the House felt. To judge by what has been said from the Conservative Benches to-day, and the feeling displayed, I suggest that if we had a free vote on this Amendment, the result would be something that we are trying to get. There is not a Member opposite who cannot see the value of what has been said so far

  2271
  from all quarters of the House. I would draw attention to a significant remark made last night. In discussing whether the widow should have 20s. or 10s., the Minister said, "We on these benches think that 20s. even is not enough. But what can we do? The Measure itself tells us that we can pay only so much." Following up that argument, I hold that if 20s. or 10s. is not enough, 3s. cannot be enough for the child. The Government have no right to hold back benefits under this Bill when people are already paying for what benefits they get under the Workmen's Compensation Act.
  If you take the record of deaths from natural causes, you will find that the deaths are generally of people who are well on in life and have had some chance to make provision for dependants, but that the man who is killed in industry, especially in the mine, is the man who has not been able to make any provision. In the mining industry, the majority of the accidents happen at the coal face, and the men who work at the coal face are after those with large families, comparatively young men who have been able to make no provision for their dependants. All that is obtainable is £300 for the widow and 6s. for the children up to £300. But that is the extreme amount. There are cases where we do not get as much: the widow can get only £200, and if the husband has been a poor wage earner, only 3s. is given for each child. What we are asking for here is a fair deal in the case of the person killed in industry. Neither under the Workmen's Compensation Act nor under this Clause is sufficient money given. This House has no right to make money out of the poor widow and the orphan children, but that is what is proposed under this Clause. The Minister has not said anything, but he must have something in his mind as to this benefit. I hope that after reading what has been said on the matter he will reconsider his decision. This Measure has certain good points, and the right hon. Gentleman could add to those good points by conceding this particular claim.
  Mr. MARCH: Although I have risen many times to catch Mr. Speaker's eye,
  2272
  this is the first opportunity I have had of speaking on this Bill. After having read or heard all the speeches, I conclude that this Bill, as to one-half, is to provide the arrangements for taking compulsory contributions from the insured, and as to the other half is to see how little can be paid to those who have contributed. In practically every Clause that fact appears. The Government try to make out that contributors are not entitled to this thing and the other thing. We have had the Parliamentary Secretary quoting the National Health Insurance Act and the Workmen's Compensation Act. He must have forgotten that things have changed, and that he is now introducing a compulsory and contributory scheme for widows and orphans. We may have two workmen living and working side by side and paying the same contribution to the widows' and orphans' fund and under the National Health Insurance Act. and also helping to pay for workmen's compensation. Suppose that one of the workmen gets killed. His widow by law is entitled to compensation under the Workmen's Compensation Act and is able to get some little consideration for herself and her children. The other man dies. The widow can get the full payment allowed by this Bill for herself and her children. Because the other woman's husband was killed you want to deprive her of the full amount of her benefit, although her husband and the husband who died had made the same contributions to the same fund. That is not just. The idea running through it all is that there is a possibility that the widow may get a little more than 10s. a week, or a little more for her children than she would otherwise have got if her husband had died naturally instead of being killed. But it is not just to take contributions from each of these men and then to differentiate in the case of their widows. I hope that the Minister will look at the matter from that point of view, and endeavour to do justice to all.
  Question put, "That the words proposed to be left out, to the word 'whether' in line 34, stand part of the Bill."
  The House divided: Ayes, 258; Noes, 154.

  Division No. 312.]

  AYES.

  [6.10 p.m.

  Acland-Troyte, Lieut.-Colonel

  Edmondson, Major A. J.

  Malone, Major P. B.

  Agg-Gardner, Rt. Hon. Sir James T.

  Elveden, Viscount

  Manningham-Buller, Sir Mervyn

  Ainsworth, Major Charles

  Erskine, Lord (Somerset, Weston-s.-M.)

  Margesson, Captain D.

  Albery, Irving James

  Erskine, James Malcolm Monteith

  Meller, R. J.

  Alexander, E. E. (Leyton)

  Fairfax, Captain J. G.

  Merriman, F. B.

  Allen, J. Sandeman (L'pool, W. Derby)

  Falle, Sir Bertram G.

  Meyer, Sir Frank

  Amery, Rt. Hon. Leopold C. M. S.

  Falls, Sir Charles F.

  Mitchell, S. (Lanark, Lanark)

  Ashley, Lt.-Col. Rt. Hon. Wilfrid W.

  Fanshawe, Commander G. D.

  Mitchell, W. Foot (Saffron Walden)

  Ashmead-Bartlett, E.

  Fermoy, Lord

  Mitchell, Sir W. Lane (Streatham)

  Astbury, Lieut.-Commander F. W.

  Fielden, E. B.

  Monsell, Eyres, Com. Rt. Hon. B. M.

  Atholl, Duchess of

  Finburgh, S.

  Moore, Lieut.-Colonel T. C. R. (Ayr)

  Baldwin, Rt. Hon. Stanley

  Forestler-Walker, Sir L.

  Moore-Brabazon, Lieut.-Col. J. T. C.

  Balfour, George (Hampstead)

  Forrest, W.

  Moreing, Captain A. H.

  Balniel, Lord

  Foster, Sir Harry S.

  Morrison H. (Wilts, Salisbury)

  Barclay-Harvey, C. M.

  Frece, Sir Walter de

  Murchison, C. K.

  Barnett, Major Sir Richard

  Gates, Percy

  Nall, Lieut.-Colonel Sir Joseph

  Beamish, Captain T. P. H.

  Gibbs, Col. Rt. Hon. George Abraham

  Nelson, Sir Frank

  Beckett, Sir Gervase (Leeds, N.)

  Gilmour, Lt.-Col. Rt. Hon. Sir John

  Newton, Sir D. G. C. (Cambridge)

  Bellairs, Commander Carlyon W.

  Gower, Sir Robert

  Nicholson, O. (Westminster)

  Benn, Sir A. S. (Plymouth, Drake)

  Grace, John

  Nicholson, Col. Rt. Hn. W. G.(Ptrsf'd.)

  Bennett, A. J.

  Grant, J. A.

  Nuttall, Ellis

  Berry, Sir George

  Greene, W. P. Crawford

  Oakley, T.

  Betterton, Henry B.

  Grenfell, Edward C. (City of London)

  O'Connor, T. J. (Bedford, Luton)

  Birchall, Major J. Dearman

  Gretton, Colonel John

  O'Neill, Major Rt. Hon. Hugh

  Bird, E. R. (Yorks, W. R., Skipton)

  Grotrian, H. Brent

  Ormsby-Gore, Hon. William

  Blades, Sir George Rowland

  Hall, Vice-Admiral Sir R. (Eastbourne)

  Pennefather, Sir John

  Blundell, F. N.

  Hall, Capt. W. D'A. (Brecon & Rad.)

  Percy, Lord Eustace (Hastings)

  Bourne, Captain Robert Croft

  Hammersley, S. S.

  Perkins, Colonel E. K.

  Bowyer, Capt. G. E. W.

  Hannon, Patrick Joseph Henry

  Perring, William George

  Brass, Captain W.

  Harland, A.

  Peto, G. (Somerset, Frome)

  Brassey, Sir Leonard

  Harrison, G. J. C.

  Pielou, D. P.

  Brings, J. Harold

  Hartington, Marquess of

  Pilditch, Sir Philip

  Briscoe, Richard George

  Harvey, Major S. E. (Devon, Totnes)

  Power, Sir John Cecil

  Brocklebank, C. E. R.

  Hawke, John Anthony

  Pownall, Lieut.-Colonel Assheton

  Brooke, Brigadier-General C. R. I.

  Headlam, Lieut.-Colonel C. M.

  Preston, William

  Broun-Lindsay, Major H.

  Henderson, Lieut.-Col. V. L. (Bootle)

  Radford, E. A.

  Brown, Maj. D. C. (N'th'l'd., Hexham)

  Heneage, Lieut.-Colonel Arthur P.

  Ramsden, E.

  Brown, Brig.-Gen. H. C.(Berks, Newb'y)

  Henn, Sir Sydney H.

  Reid, D. D. (County Down)

  Buckingham, Sir H.

  Hennessy, Major J. R. G.

  Rhys, Hon. C. A. U.

  Bull, Rt. Hon. Sir William James

  Henniker-Hughan, Vice-Adm. Sir A.

  Roberts, Samuel (Hereford, Hereford)

  Bullock, Captain M.

  Herbert, S.(York, N. R., Scar. & Wh'by)

  Ropner, Major L.

  Burman, J. B.

  Hilton, Cecil

  Ruggles-Brice, Major E. A.

  Burney, Lieut.-Com. Charles D.

  Hogg. Rt. Hon. Sir D. (St. Marylebone)

  Rye, F. G.

  Burton, Colonel H. W.

  Holt, Captain H. P.

  Samuel, A. M. (Surrey, Farnham)

  Butler, Sir Geoffrey

  Hope, Capt. A. O. J. (Warw'k, Nun.)

  Sandeman, A. Stewart

  Cadogan, Major Hon. Edward

  Hopkins, J. W. W.

  Sanderson, Sir Frank

  Caine, Gordon Hall

  Hopkinson, A. (Lancaster, Mossley)

  Sassoon, Sir Philip Albert Gustave D.

  Campbell, E. T.

  Horlick, Lieut.-Colonel J. N.

  Shaw, Capt. W. W. (Wilts, Westb'y)

  Cassels, J. D.

  Hudson, Capt. A. U. M. (Hackney, N.)

  Sheffield, Sir Berkeley

  Cautley, Sir Henry S.

  Hume, Sir G. H.

  Shepperson, E. W.

  Cayzer, Sir C. (Chester, City)

  Hume-Williams, Sir W. Ellis

  Simms, Dr. John M. (Co. Down)

  Cecil, Rt. Hon. Sir Evelyn (Aston)

  Hunter-Weston, Lt.-Gen. Sir Aylmer

  Sinclair, Col. T. (Queen's Univ., Belfast)

  Chadwick, Sir Robert Burton

  Huntingfield, Lord

  Skelton, A. N.

  Chamberlain, Rt. Hon. N. (Ladywood)

  Hurd, Percy A.

  Slaney, Major P. Kenyon

  Chapman, Sir S.

  Hurst, Gerald B.

  Smith-Carington, Neville W.

  Charteris, Brigadier-General J.

  Inskip, Sir Thomas Walker H.

  Smithers Waldron

  Christle, J. A.

  Jackson, Lieut.-Colonel Hon. F. S.

  Spender Clay, Colonel H.

  Churchill, Rt. Hon. Winston Spencer

  Jackson, Sir H. (Wandsworth, Cen'l)

  Sprot, Sir Alexander

  Clarry, Reginald George

  Jacob, A. E.

  Stanley, Col. Hon. G. F.(Will'sden, E.)

  Clayton, G. C.

  Joynson-Hicks, Rt. Hon. Sir William

  Stanley, Lord (Fylde)

  Cobb, Sir Cyril

  Kennedy, A. R. (Preston)

  Stanley, Hon. O. F. G. (Westm'eland)

  Cochrane, Commander Hon. A. D.

  Kidd, J. (Linlithgow)

  Stott, Lieut.-Colonel W. H.

  Cockerill, Brigadier-General G. K.

  King, Captain Henry Douglas

  Stuart, Crichton-, Lord C.

  Colfox, Major Wm. Phillips

  Kinloch-Cooke, Sir Clement

  Stuart, Hon. J. (Moray and Nairn)

  Cooper, A. Duff

  Lamb, J. Q.

  Styles, Captain H. Walter

  Cope, Major William

  Lane-Fox, Colonel George R.

  Tasker, Major R. Inigo

  Couper, J. B.

  Lister, Cunliffe-, Rt. Hon. Sir Philip

  Thomson, F. C. (Aberdeen, South)

  Craig, Ernest (Chester, Crewe)

  Lloyd, Cyril E. (Dudley)

  Titchfield, Major the Marquess of

  Craik, Rt. Hon. Sir Henry

  Locker-Lampson, G. (Wood Green)

  Tryon, Rt. Hon. George Clement

  Croft, Brigadier-General Sir H.

  Loder, J. de V.

  Turton, Edmund Russborough

  Crooke, J. Smedley (Derltend)

  Lougher, L.

  Vaughan-Morgan, Col. K. P.

  Crookshank, Col. C. de W. (Berwick)

  Lowe, Sir Francis William

  Waddington, R.

  Crookshank, Cpt. H.(Lindsey, Gainsbro)

  Luce, Major-Gen. Sir Richard Harman

  Wallace, Captain D. E.

  Curtis-Bennett, Sir Henry

  Lumley, L. R.

  Ward, Lt.-Col. A. L.(Kingston-on-Hull)

  Curzon, Captain Viscount

  MacAndrew, Charles Glen

  Warner, Brigadier-General W. W.

  Dalkeith, Earl of

  MacDonald, R. (Glasgow, Cathcart)

  Warrender, Sir Victor

  Davies, A. V. (Lancaster, Royton)

  Macintyre, Ian

  Waterhouse, Captain Charles

  Davies, Maj. Geo. F.(Somerset, Yeovil)

  McLean, Major A.

  Wells, S. R.

  Davies, Sir Thomas (Cirencester)

  Macmillan, Captain H.

  Wheler, Major Sir Granville C. H.

  Dawson, Sir Philip

  McNeill, Rt. Hon. Ronald John

  White, Lieut.-Colonel G. Dairymple

  Dean, Arthur Wellesley

  MacRobert, Alexander M.

  Williams, Com. C. (Devon, Torquay)

  Dixon, Captain Rt. Hon. H.

  Maitland, Sir Arthur D. Steel-

  Wilson, Sir C. H. (Leeds, Central)

  2274

  2275

  Wilson, R. R. (Stafford, Lichfield)

  Womersley, W. J.

  Worthington-Evans, Rt. Hon. Sir L.

  Winby, Colonel L. P.

  Wood, Rt. Hon. E. (York, W. R., Ripon)

  Young, E. Hilton (Norwich)

  Windsor-Clive, Lieut.-Colonel George

  Wood, E. (Chester, Stalyb'ge & Hyde)

  Wise, Sir Fredric

  Wood, Sir Kingsley (Woolwich, W.)

  TELLERS FOR THE AYES.—

  Wolmer, Viscount

  Wood, Sir S. Hill- (High Peak)

  Major Sir Harry Barnston and

  Captain Douglas Hacking.

  NOES.

  Adamson, Rt. Hon. W. (Fife, West)

  Hall, G. H. (Merthyr Tydvil)

  Ritson, J.

  Adamson, W. M. (Staff., Cannock)

  Hardie, George D.

  Roberts, Rt. Hon. F. O.(W. Bromwich)

  Ammon, Charles George

  Harney, E. A.

  Robertson, J. (Lanark, Bothwell)

  Attlee, Clement Richard

  Harris, Percy A.

  Robinson, Sir T. (Lanes., Stretford)

  Baker, J. (Wolverhampton, Bilston)

  Hartshorn, Rt. Hon. Vernon

  Robinson, W. C. (Yorks, W. R., Elland)

  Baker, Walter

  Hayday, Arthur

  Rose, Frank H.

  Barker, G. (Monmouth, Abertillery)

  Hayes, John Henry

  Runciman, Rt. Hon. Walter

  Barnes, A.

  Henderson, Rt. Hon. A. (Burnley)

  Salter, Dr. Alfred

  Barr, J.

  Henderson, T. (Glasgow)

  Scrymgeour, E.

  Batey, Joseph

  Hirst, G. H.

  Shaw, Rt. Hon. Thomas (Preston)

  Beckett, John (Gateshead)

  Hirst, W. (Bradford, South)

  Sinclair, Major Sir A. (Caithness)

  Benn, Captain Wedgwood (Leith)

  Hohler, Sir Gerald Fitzroy

  Slesser, Sir Henry H.

  Bentinck, Lord Henry Cavendish-

  Hore-Belisha, Leslie

  Smillie, Robert

  Broad, F. A.

  Hudson, J. H. (Huddersfield)

  Smith, Ben (Bermondsey, Rotherhithe)

  Bromley, J.

  Hutchison, Sir Robert (Montrose)

  Smith, H. B. Lees- (Keighley)

  Brown, James (Ayr and Bute)

  Jenkins, W. (Glamorgan, Neath)

  Smith, Rennie (Penistone)

  Buchanan, G.

  John, William (Rhondda, West)

  Snell, Harry

  Cape, Thomas

  Jones, Henry Haydn (Merioneth)

  Snowden, Rt. Hon. Philip

  Charleton, H. C.

  Jones, Morgan (Caerphilly)

  Spencer, George A. (Broxtowe)

  Clowes, S.

  Jones, T. I. Mardy (Pontypridd)

  Stamford, T. W.

  Cluse, W. S.

  Kelly, W. T.

  Stephen, Campbell

  Clynes, Rt. Hon. John R.

  Kennedy, T.

  Sugden, Sir Wilfrid

  Collins, Sir Godfrey (Greenock)

  Kenworthy, Lt.-Com. Hon. Joseph M.

  Sutton, J. E.

  Compton, Joseph

  Kenyon, Barnet

  Taylor, R. A.

  Connolly, M.

  Kirkwood, D.

  Thomson, Trevelyan (Middlesbro. W.)

  Crook, C. W.

  Lansbury, George

  Thorne, G. R. (Wolverhampton, E.)

  Dalton, Hugh

  Lawson, John James

  Thorne, W. (West Ham, Plaistow)

  Davies, Evan (Ebbw Vale)

  Lee, F.

  Thurtle, E.

  Davies, Ellis (Denbigh, Denbigh)

  Lindley, F. W.

  Tinker, John Joseph

  Davies, Rhys John (Westhoughton)

  Livingstone, A. M.

  Trevelyan, Rt. Hon. C. P.

  Davison, J. E. (Smethwick)

  Lowth, T.

  Varley, Frank B.

  Day, Colonel Harry

  Lunn, William

  Viant, S. P.

  Dennison, R.

  Macdonald, Sir Murdoch (Inverness)

  Wallhead, Richard C.

  Duncan, C.

  MacLaren, Andrew

  Walsh, Rt. Hon. Stephen

  Edwards, John H. (Accrington)

  Maclean, Nell (Glasgow, Govan)

  Watson, W. M. (Dunfermline)

  England, Colonel A.

  March, S.

  Watts-Morgan, Lt.-Col. D. (Rhondda)

  Evans, Capt. Ernest (Welsh Univer.)

  Maxton, James

  Webb, Rt. Hon. Sidney

  Fenby, T. D.

  Mitchell, E. Rosslyn (Paisley)

  Wedgwood, Rt. Hon. Josiah

  Fisher, Rt. Hon. Herbert A. L.

  Montague, Frederick

  Westwood, J.

  Garro-Jones, Captain G. M.

  Morris, R. H.

  Whiteley, W.

  Gibbins, Joseph

  Morrison, R. C. (Tottenham, N.)

  Wiggins, William Martin

  Gillett, George M.

  Murnin, H.

  Wilkinsen, Ellen C.

  Graham, D. M. (Lanark, Hamilton)

  Naylor, T. E.

  Williams, T. (York, Don Valley)

  Graham, Rt. Hon. Wm. (Edin., Cent.)

  Neville, R. J.

  Wilson, C. H. (Sheffield, Attercliffe)

  Greenall, T.

  Oliver, George Harold

  Wilson, R. J (Jarrow)

  Greenwood, A. (Nelson and Colne)

  Paling, W.

  Windsor, Walter

  Grenfell, D. R. (Glamorgan)

  Parkinson, John Allen (Wigan)

  Wright, W.

  Griffiths, T. (Monmouth, Pontypool)

  Pethick-Lawrence, F. W.

  Young, Robert (Lancaster, Newton)

  Groves, T.

  Ponsonby, Arthur

  Grondy, T. W.

  Potts, John S.

  TELLERS FOR THE NOES.—

  Guest, J. (York, Hemsworth)

  Purcell, A. A.

  Mr. Charles Edwards and Mr.

  Guest, Dr. L. Haden (Southwark, N.)

  Richardson, R. (Houghton-le-Spring)

  Warne.

  Hall, F. (York, W. R., Normanton)

  Riley, Ben

  Mr. SPEAKER: I understand that it is desired to take the decision of the House on two further points, without discussion.
  Mr. GRIFFITHS: I beg to move, in page 24, line 34, to leave out the word "whether."
  I move this Amendment formally.
  Mr. SPENCER: I beg to second the Amendment.
  Question put, "That the word 'whether' stand part of the Bill."
  The House divided: Ayes, 271; Noes, 140.

  Division No, 313.]

  AYES.

  [6.20 p.m.

  Acland-Troyte, Lieut.-Colonel

  Ashmead-Bartlett, E.

  Barnston, Major Sir Harry

  Agg-Gardner, Rt. Hon. Sir James T.

  Astbury, Lieut.-Commander F. W.

  Beamish, Captain T. P. H.

  Ainsworth, Major Charles

  Atholl, Duchess of

  Beckett, Sir Gervase (Leeds, N.)

  Albery, Irving James

  Baldwin, Rt. Hon. Stanley

  Bellairs, Commander Carlyon W.

  Alexander, E. E. (Leyton)

  Balfour, George (Hampstead)

  Benn, Sir A. S. (Plymouth, Drake)

  Allen, J. Sandeman (L'pool, W. Derby)

  Balniel, Lord

  Bennett, A. J.

  Amery, Rt. Hon. Leopold C. M. S.

  Barclay-Harvey, C. M.

  Bentinck, Lord Henry Cavendish-

  Ashley, Lt.-Col. Rt. Hon. Wilfrid W.

  Barnett, Major Sir Richard

  Berry, Sir George

  Betterton, Henry B.

  Greene, W. P. Crawford

  Oakley, T.

  Birchall, Major J. Dearman

  Grenfell, Edward C. (City of London)

  O'Connor, T. J. (Bedford, Luton)

  Bird, E. R. (Yorks, W. R., Skipton)

  Gretton, Colonel John

  O'Neill, Major Rt. Hon. Hugh

  Blades, Sir George Rowland

  Grotrlan, H. Brent

  Ormsby-Gore, Hon. William

  Blundell, F. N.

  Hall, Vice-Admiral Sir R.(Eastbourne)

  Pennefather, Sir John

  Bourne, Captain Robert Croft

  Hall, Capt. W. D'A. (Brecon & Rad.)

  Percy, Lord Eustace (Hastings)

  Bowyer, Capt. G. E. W.

  Hammersley, S. S.

  Perkins, Colonel E. K.

  Brass, Captain W.

  Hannon, Patrick Joseph Henry

  Perring, William George

  Brassey, Sir Leonard

  Harland, A.

  Peto, G. (Somerset, Frome)

  Briggs, J. Harold

  Harrison, G. J. C.

  Pielou, D. P.

  Briscoe, Richard George

  Hartington, Marquess of

  Pilcher, G.

  Brocklebank, C. E. R.

  Harvey, Major S. E. (Devon, Totnes)

  Pilditch, Sir Philip

  Brooke, Brigadier-General C. R. I.

  Hawke, John Anthony

  Power, Sir John Cecil

  Broun-Lindsay, Major H.

  Headlam, Lieut.-Colonel C. M.

  Pownall, Lieut.-Colonel Assheton

  Brown, Maj. D. C. (N'tn'l'd., Hexham)

  Henderson, Lieut.-Col. V. L. (Bootle)

  Preston, William

  Brown, Brig.-Gen. H. C.(Berks, Newb'y)

  Heneage, Lieut.-Colonel Arthur P.

  Radford, E. A.

  Buckingham, Sir H.

  Henn, Sir Sydney H.

  Ramsden, E.

  Bullock, Captain M.

  Hennessy, Major J. R. G.

  Reid, D. D. (County Down)

  Burman, J. B.

  Hennlker-Hughan, Vice-Adm. Sir A.

  Rhys, Hon. C. A. U.

  Burney, Lieut.-Com. Charles D.

  Herbert, S.(York, N. R., Scar. & Wh'by)

  Roberts, Samuel (Hereford, Hereford)

  Burton, Colonel H. W.

  Hilton, Cecil

  Robinson, Sir T. (Lanes., Stretford)

  Butler, Sir Geoffrey

  Hogg, Rt. Hon. Sir D. (St. Marylebone)

  Ropner, Major L.

  Cadogan, Major Hon. Edward

  Hohler, Sir Gerald Fitzroy

  Ruggles-Brice, Major E. A.

  Caine, Gordon Hall

  Holt, Capt. H. P.

  Rye, F. G.

  Campbell, E. T.

  Hope, Cant. A. O. J. (Warw'k, Nun.)

  Samuel, A. M. (Surrey, Farnham)

  Cassels, J. D.

  Hopkins, J. W. W.

  Sandeman, A. Stewart

  Cautley, Sir Henry S.

  Hopkinson, A. (Lancaster, Mossley)

  Sanderson, Sir Frank

  Cayzer, Sir C. (Chester, City)

  Horlick, Lieut.-Colonel J. N.

  Sandon, Lord

  Cecil, Rt. Hon. Sir Evelyn (Aston)

  Hudson, Capt. A. U. M. (Hackney, N.)

  Sassoon, Sir Philip Albert Gustave D.

  Chadwick, Sir Robert Burton

  Hume, Sir G. H.

  Shaw, Capt. W. W. (Wilts, Westb'y)

  Chamberlain, Rt. Hon. N. (Ladywood)

  Hume-Williams, Sir W. Ellis

  Sheffield, Sir Berkeley

  Chapman, Sir S.

  Hunter-Weston, Lt.-Gen. Sir Aylmer

  Shepperson, E. W.

  Charterls, Brigadier-General J.

  Huntingfield, Lord

  Simms, Dr. John M. (Co. Down)

  Christle, J. A.

  Hurd, Percy A.

  Sinclair, Col. T. (Queen's Univ., Belfast)

  Clarry, Reginald George

  Hurst, Gerald B.

  Skelton, A. N.

  Clayton, G. C.

  Inskip, Sir Thomas Walker H.

  Slaney, Major P. Kenyon

  Cobb, Sir Cyril

  Jackson, Lieut.-Colonel Hon. F. S.

  Smith-Carington Neville W.

  Cochrane, Commander Hon. A. D.

  Jackson, Sir H. (Wandsworth, Cen'l)

  Smithers, Waldron

  Cockerill, Brigadier-General G. K.

  Jacob, A. E.

  Spender Clay, Colonel H.

  Colfox, Major Wm. Phillips

  Jones, G. W. H. (Stoke Newington)

  Stanley, Col. Hon. G. F.(Will'sden, E.)

  Cooper, A. Duff

  Kennedy, A. R. (Preston)

  Stanley, Lord (Fylde)

  Couper, J. B.

  Kidd, J. (Linlithgow)

  Stanley, Hon. O. F. G. (Westm'eland)

  Craig, Ernest (Chester, Crewe)

  King, Captain Henry Douglas

  Storry Deans, R.

  Cralk, Rt. Hon. Sir Henry

  Kinloch-Cooke, Sir Clement

  Stott, Lieut.-Colonel W. H.

  Croft, Brigadier-General Sir H.

  Lamb, J. Q

  Stuart, Crichton-, Lord C.

  Crook, C. W.

  Lane-Fox, Colonel George R.

  Stuart, Hon. J. (Moray and Nairn)

  Crooke, J. Smedley (Doritend)

  Lloyd, Cyril E. (Dudley)

  Styles, Captain H. Walter

  Crcokshank, Col. C. de w. (Berwick)

  Locker-Lampson, G. (Wood Green)

  Sugden, Sir Wilfrid

  Crookshank, Cpt. H.(Lindsey, Gainsbro)

  Loder, J. de V.

  Tasker, Major R. Inigo

  Curtis-Bennett, Sir Henry

  Lougher, L.

  Thompson, Luke (Sunderland)

  Curzon, Captain Viscount

  Lowe, Sir Francis William

  Thomson, F. C. (Aberdeen, S.)

  Dalkeith, Earl of

  Luce, Major-Gen. Sir Richard Harman

  Titchfield, Major the Marquess of

  Dalziel, Sir Davison

  Lumley, L. R.

  Tryon, Rt. Hon. George Clement

  Davies, A. V. (Lancaster, Royton)

  MacAndrew, Charles Glen

  Turton, Edmund Russborough

  Davies, Maj. Geo. F. (Somerset, Yeovil)

  MacDonald, R. (Glasgow, Cathcart)

  Vaughan-Morgan, Col. K. P.

  Davies, Sir Thomas (Cirencester)

  McDonnell, Colonel Hon. Angus

  Waddington, R.

  Dawson, Sir Philip

  Macintyre, Ian

  Wallace, Captain D. E.

  Dean, Arthur Wellesley

  McLean, Major A.

  Ward, Lt.-Col. A. L.(Kingston-on-Hull)

  Dixon, Captain Rt. Hon. H.

  Macmillan Captain H.

  Warner, Brigadier-General W. W.

  Edmondson, Major A. J.

  McNeill, Rt. Hon. Ronald John

  Warrender, Sir Victor

  Edwards, John H. (Accrington)

  MacRobert, Alexander M.

  Waterhouse, Captain Charles

  Elveden, Viscount

  Maitland, Sir Arthur D. Steel-

  Wells, S. R.

  England, Colonel A.

  Malone, Major P. B.

  Wheler, Major Sir Granville C. H.

  Erskine, Lord (Somerset, Weston-s.-M.)

  Manningham-Buller, Sir Mervyn

  White, Lieut.-Colonel G. Dairymple

  Erskine, James Malcolm Monteith

  Margesson, Captain D.

  Wiggins, William Martin

  Fairfax, Captain J. G.

  Mason, Lieut.-Col. Glyn K.

  Williams, Com. C. (Devon, Torquay)

  Falle, Sir Bertram G.

  Meller, R. J.

  Wilson, Sir C. H. (Leeds, Central)

  Falls, Sir Charles F.

  Merriman, F. B.

  Wilson, R. R. (Stafford, Lichfield)

  Fanshawe, Commander G. D.

  Meyer, Sir Frank

  Winby, Colonel L. P.

  Fermoy, Lord

  Mitchell, S. (Lanark, Lanark)

  Windsor-Clive, Lieut.-Colonel George

  Fielden, E. B.

  Mitchell, W. Foot (Saffron Walden)

  Wise, Sir Fredric

  Finburgh, S.

  Mitchell, Sir W. Lane (Streatham)

  Wolmer, Viscount

  Forestler-Walker, Sir L.

  Monsell, Eyres, Com. Rt. Hon. B. M.

  Womersley, W. J.

  Forrest, W.

  Moore, Lieut.-Colonel T. C. R. (Ayr)

  Wood, Rt. Hon. E.(York, W. R., Ripon)

  Foster, Sir Harry S.

  Moore-Brabazon, Lieut.-Col. J. T. C.

  Wood, E. (Chest'r, Stalyb'ge & Hyde)

  Frece, Sir Walter de

  Moreing, Captain A. H.

  Wood, Sir Kingsley (Woolwich, W.)

  Ganzoni, Sir John

  Morrison H. (Wilts, Salisbury)

  Wood, Sir S. Hill- (High Peak)

  Gates, Percy

  Murchison, C. K.

  Worthington-Evans, Rt. Hon. Sir L.

  Gibbs, Col. Rt. Hon. George Abraham

  Nall, Lieut.-Colonel Sir Joseph

  Young, E. Hilton (Norwich)

  Gilmour, Lt.-Col. Rt. Hon. Sir John

  Nelson, Sir Frank

  Goff, Sir Park

  Newton, Sir D. G. C, (Cambridge)

  TELLERS FOR THE AYES.—

  Gower, Sir Robert

  Nicholson, O. (Westminster)

  Captain Douglas Hacking and

  Grace, John

  Nicholson, Col. Rt. Hn. W. G.(Ptrsf'd.)

  Major Cope.

  Grant, J. A.

  Nuttall, Ellis

  NOES.

  Adamson, Rt. Hon. W. (Fife, West)

  Hardle, George D.

  Riley, Ben

  Adamson, W. M. (Staff., Cannock)

  Harney, E. A.

  Ritson, J.

  Ammon, Charles George

  Harries Percy A.

  Roberts, Rt. Hon. F. O.(W. Bromwich)

  Attlee, Clement Richard

  Hartshorn, Rt. Hon. Vernon

  Robertson, J. (Lanark, Bothwell)

  Baker, J. (Wolverhampton, Bilston)

  Hayday, Arthur

  Robinson. W. C. (York,, W.B., Elland)

  Baker Walter

  Hayes, John Henry

  Rose, Frank H.

  Barker, G. (Monmouth, Abertlliery)

  Henderson, Right Hon. A. (Burniey)

  Runclman. Rt. Hon. Waiter

  Barnes A.

  Henderson, T. (Glasgow)

  Salter, Dr. Alfred

  Barr, J.

  Hirst, G. H.

  Scrymgeour, E.

  Batey, Joseph

  Hirst, W. (Bradford, South)

  Shaw, Rt. Hon. Thomas (Preston)

  Beckett John (Gateshead)

  Hore-Belisha, Leslie

  Sinclair, Major Sir A. (Caithness)

  Benn Captain Wedgwood (Leith)

  Hudson, J. H. (Huddersfield)

  Slesser, Sir Henry H.

  Broad F. A.

  Hutchison, Sir Robert (Montrose)

  Smillie, Robert

  Bromiey, J.

  Jenkins, W. (Glamorgan, Neath)

  Smith, H. B. Lees- (Keinhley)

  Brown, James (Ayr and Bute)

  John, William (Rhondda, West)

  Smith, Rennie (Penistone)

  Buchanan, G.

  Jones, Henry Haydn (Merioneth)

  Snell, Harry

  Cape, Thomas

  Jones, Morgan (Caerphilly)

  Snowden, Rt. Hon. Philip

  Charleton, H. C.

  Jones, T. I. Mardy (Pontypridd)

  Spencer, George A. (Broxtowe)

  Clowes, S.

  Kelly, W. T.

  Stamford. T. W.

  Cluse W. S.

  Kennedy, T.

  Stephen, Campbell

  Clynes, Right Hon. John R.

  Kenworthy. Lt.-Com. Hon. Joseph, M.

  Sutton, J. E.

  Collins, Sir Godfrey (Greenock)

  Kenyon, Barnet

  Taylor, R. A.

  Compton, Joseph

  Kirkwood, D.

  Thomson, Trevelyan (Middlesbro. W.)

  Connolly M

  Lawson, John James

  Thorne, G, R. (Wolverhampton, E.)

  Dalton Hugh

  Lee, F.

  Thorne, W. (West Ham, Plaistow)

  Davies, Evan (Ebbw Vale)

  Lindley. F. W.

  Thurtle, E.

  Davies, Ellis (Denbigh, Denbigh)

  Livingstone, A. M.

  Tinker, John Joseph

  Davies, Rhys John (Westhoughton)

  Lowth, T.

  Trevelyan, Rt. Hon. C. P.

  Davison J. E. (Smethwick)

  Lunn, William

  Variey, Frank B.

  Day Colonel Harry

  Macdonald, Sir Murdoch (Inverness)

  Viant, S. P.

  Duncan, C.

  MacLaren, Andrew

  Wallhead, Richard C.

  Edwards C. (Monmouth, Bedwellty)

  Maclean, Nell (Glasgow, Govan)

  Walsh, Rt. Hon. Stephen

  Evans Capt. Ernest (Welsh Univer.)

  March, S.

  Watson, W. M. (Dunfermline)

  Fenby T. D.

  Maxton, James

  Watts-Morgan, Lt.-Col. D. (Rhondda)

  Garro-Jones, Captain G. M.

  Mitchell, E. Rosslyn (Paisley)

  Webb, Rt. Hon. Sidney

  Gillett, George M.

  Montague, Frederick

  Wedgwood, Rt. Hon. Josiah

  Graham, D. M. (Lanark, Hamilton)

  Morris, R. H.

  Westwood, J.

  Graham Rt. Hon. Wm. (Edin., Cent.)

  Morrison, H. C. (Tottenham, N.)

  Whiteley, W.

  Greenall, T.

  Murnin, H.

  Williams, T. (York. Don Valley)

  Greenwood, A. (Nelson and Colne)

  Naylor, T. E.

  Wilson, C. H. (Sheffield, Attercliffe)

  Grenfell D. R. (Giamorgan)

  Oliver, George Harold

  Wilson, R. J. (Jarrow)

  Griffiths, T. (Monmouth, Pontypool)

  Paling, W.

  Windsor, Walter

  Groves, T.

  Parkinson, John Allen (Wigan)

  Wright, W.

  Grundy, T. W.

  Pethick-Lawrcnce, F. W.

  Young, Robert (Lancaster, Newton)

  Guest J. (York, Hemsworth)

  Ponsonby, Arthur

  Guest Dr. L. Haden (Southwark, N.)

  Potts, John S.

  TELLERS FOR THE NOES.—

  Hall, F. (York W. R., Normanton)

  Purcell, A. A.

  Mr. Warne and Mr. B. Smith.

  Hall, G. H. (Merthyr Tydvil)

  Richardson, B. (Houghton-le-Spring)

  Mr. GRIFFITHS: I beg to move, in page 24, line 40, to leave out the words "or an orphan's pension."
  Mr. SPENCER: I beg to second the Amendment.
  Question put, "That the words proposed to be left out stand part of the Bill."
  The House divided: Ayes. 270: Noes, 146.

  Division No. 314.]

  AYES.

  [6.30 p.m.

  Acland-Troyte, Lieut. Colonel

  Bentinck, Lord Henry Cavendish

  Bull, Rt. Hon. Sir William James

  Agg-Gardner, Rt. Hon. Sir James T.

  Berry Sir George

  Bullock, Captain M.

  Ainsworth, Major Charles

  Betterton, Henry B.

  Burney. Lieut.-Com. Charles D.

  Albery Irving

  Birchail, Major J. Dearman

  Burton. Colonel H. W.

  Allen, J. Sandeman (L'Pool, W. Derby)

  Bird, Sir R. B. (Wolverhampton, W.)

  Butler. Sir Geoffrey

  Amery, Rt. Hon. Leopold d C. M. S.

  Blades, Sir George Rowland

  Cadogan, Major Hon. Edward

  Ashley, Lt. Col. Rt. Hon. Wilfrid W.

  Blundell, F. N.

  Caine, Gordon Hall

  Ashmead-Bartiett, E.

  Bourne, Captain Robert Croft.

  Camphell, E. T.

  Astbury, Lieut.-Commander F. W.

  Bowyer, Capt. G. E. W.

  Cassels, J. D.

  Atholl Duchess of

  Boyd-Carpentain Major A.

  Cautley, Sir C. (Chester, City)

  Baldwin, Rt. Hon. Stanley

  Brass, Captain W.

  Cayzer, Sir C. (Chester, City)

  Balfour, George (Hampstead)

  Brassey, Sir Leonard

  Cazalet, Captain Victor A.

  Bailout George (Hampstead)

  Briggs, l J. Harold

  Cecil, Rt. Hon. Sir Evelyn (Aston)

  Balniel, Lord

  Briscoe, Richard George

  Chadwick, Sir Robert Burton

  Barclay-Harvey, C. M.

  Barnett, Major Sir Richard

  Brocklebank, C. E. R.

  Chamberlain. Rt. Hon. N. (Ladywood)

  Beamish, Captain T.P.H.

  Brooke, Brigadier-General C. R. I.

  Chapman Sir S.

  Beckett, Sir Gervase (Leeds, N.)

  Broun-Lindsay, Major H.

  Charteris, Brigadier-General J.

  Bellairs Commander Cariyon W.

  Brown, Maj. D. C. (N'th'l'd., Hexham)

  Christle, J. A.

  Benn, Sir AS. (Plymouth, Drake)

  Brown, Brig,- Gen. H.C. (Berks, Newb'y)

  Churchill, Rt. Hon. Winton Spencer

  Bennett, A. S.

  Buckingham, Sir H.

  Clarry, Reginald George

  Clayton, G. C.

  Hilton, Cecil

  Perkins, Colonel E. K.

  Cobb, Sir Cyril

  Hogg, Rt. Hon. Sir D. (St. Marylebone)

  Perring, William George

  Cochrane, Commander Hon. A. D.

  Hohler, Sir Gerald Fitzroy

  Peto, G. (Somerset, Frome)

  Cockerill, Brigadier-General G. K.

  Holt, Captain H. P.

  Plciou, D. P.

  Colfox, Major Win. Phillips

  Hope, Capt. A. O. J. (Warw'k, Nun.)

  Pilcher, G.

  Cooper, A. Duff

  Hopkins, J. W. W.

  Pliditch, Sir Philip

  Cope, Major William

  Hopkinson, A. (Lancaster, Mossley)

  Power, Sir John Cecil

  Couper, J. B.

  Horlick, Lieut.-Colonel J. N.

  Pownall, Lieut.-Colonel Assheton

  Craig, Ernest (Chester, Crewe)

  Hudson, Capt. A. U. M. (Hackney, N.)

  Preston, William

  Craik, Rt. Hon. Sir Henry

  Hume, Sir G. H.

  Raine, W.

  Croft, Brigadier-General Sir H.

  Hume-Williams, Sir W. Eillis

  Ramsden, E.

  Crook, C. W.

  Hunter-Weston, Lt.-Gen. sir Aylmer

  Reid, D. D. (County Down)

  Crooke, J. Smedley (Derltend)

  Huntingfield, Lord

  Rhys, Hon. C. A. U.

  Crookshank, Col. C. de W. (Berwick)

  Hurd, Percy A.

  Roberts, Samuel (Hereford, Hereford)

  Crookshank, Cpt. H.(Lindsey, Gainsbro)

  Hurst, Gerald B.

  Ropner, Major L.

  Curtis-Bennett, Sir Henry

  Jackson, Lieut.-Colonel Hon. F. S.

  Ruggles-Brise, Major E. A.

  Curzon, Captain Viscount

  Jackson, Sir H. (Wandsworth, Cen'l)

  Bye, F. G.

  Dalkeith, Earl of

  Jacob, A. E.

  Samuel, A. M. (Surrey, Farnham)

  Dalziel, Sir Davison

  Jones, G. W. H. (Stoke Newington)

  Sandeman, A. Stewart

  Davies, A. V. (Lancaster, Royton)

  Kennedy, A. R. (Preston)

  Sanderson, Sir Frank

  Davies, Maj. Geo. F. (Somerset, Yeovil)

  Kidd, J. (Linlithgow)

  Sassoon, Sir Philip Albert Gustave D.

  Davies, Sir Thomas (Cirencester)

  King, Captain Henry Douglas

  Shaw, Capt. W. W. (Wilts, Westb'y)

  Dawson, sir Philip

  Kinloch-Cooke, Sir Clement

  Sheffield, Sir Berkeley

  Dean, Arthur Wellesley

  Lamb, J. Q.

  Shepperson, E. W.

  Dixon. Captain Rt. Hon. Herbert

  Lane-Fox, Lieut.-Col. George R.

  Simms, Dr. John M. (Co. Down)

  Edmondson, Major A. J.

  Lloyd, Cyril E. (Dudley)

  Sinclair, Col. T. (Queen's Univ., Belfast)

  Elveden, viscount

  Locker-Lampson, G. (Wood Green)

  Skelton, A. N.

  Erskine, Lord (Somerset, Weston-s.-M.)

  Loder, J. de V.

  Slaney, Major P. Kenyon

  Erskine. James Malcolm Monteith

  Lougher, L.

  Smith-Carington, Neville W.

  Fairfax, Capain J. G.

  Lowe, Sir Francis William

  Smithers, Waldron

  Falle, Sir Bertram G.

  Luce, Major-Gen. Sir Richard Harman

  Spender Clay, Colonel H.

  Falls, Sir Charles F.

  Lumley, L. R.

  Stanley, Col. Hon. G. F. (Will'sden. E.)

  Fanshawe, Commander G. D.

  MacAndrew, Charles Glen

  Stanley, Lord (Fylde)

  Fermoy, Lord

  McDonnell, Colonel Hon. Angus

  Stanley, Hon. O. F. G. (Westm'eland)

  Fielden, E. B.

  Msclntyre, Ian

  Stott, Lieut.-Colonel W. H.

  Finburgh, S.

  McLean, Major A.

  Stuart, Crichton-, Lord C.

  Forestier-Walker, Sir L.

  Macmillan, Captain H.

  Stuart, Hon. J. (Moray and Nairn)

  Forrest, W.

  McNeill, Rt. Hon. Ronald John

  Styles, Captain H. Walter

  Foster, Sir Harry S.

  MacRobert, Alexander M.

  Sugden, Sir Wilfrid

  Frece, Sir Walter de

  Maitland, Sir Arthur D. Steel

  Tasker, Major R. Inigo

  Ganzoni, Sir John

  Malone, Major P. B.

  Thompson, Luke (Sunderland)

  Gates, Percy

  Manningham-Buller, Sir Mervyn

  Titchfield, Major the Marquess of

  Gibbs, Col. Rt. Hon. George Abraham

  Margesson, Capt. D.

  Tryon, Rt. Hon. George Clement

  Gilmour, Lt.-Col. Rt. Hon. sir John

  Mason, Lieut.-Colonel Glyn K.

  Turton, Edmund Russborough

  Goff, Sir Park

  Meller, R. J.

  Vaughan-Morgan, Col. K. P.

  Gower, Sir Robert

  Merriman, F. B.

  Waddington, R.

  Grace, John

  Meyer, Sir Frank.

  Wallace, Captain D. E.

  Grant, J. A.

  Milne, J. S. Wardlaw-

  Ward, Lt.-Col. A. L.(Kingston-on-Hull)

  Greene, W. p. Crawford

  Mitchell, S. (Lanark, Lanark)

  Warner, Brigadier-General W. W.

  Greenwood. Rt. Hn. Sir H.(W'th's'w, E)

  Mitchell, W. Foot (Saffron Walden)

  Warrender, Sir Victor

  Grenfell, Edward C. (City of London)

  Mitchell, Sir W. Lane (Streatham)

  Waterhouse, Captain Charles

  Gretton, Colonel John

  Monsell, Eyres, Com. Rt. Hon. B. M.

  Wells, S. R.

  Grotrian, H. Brent

  Moore, Lieut.-Colonel T. C. R. (Ayr)

  Wheler, Major Granville C. H.

  Hacking, Captain Douglas H.

  Moore-Brabazon, Lieut.-Col. J. T. C.

  white, Lieut.-Colonel G. Dairymple

  Hall, Vice-Admiral Sir R. (Eastbourne)

  Moreing, Captain A. H.

  Williams, Com. C. (Devon, Torquay)

  Hall, Capt. W. D A. (Brecon & Rad.)

  Morrison H. (Wilts, Salisbury)

  Wilson, Sir C. H. (Leeds, Central)

  Hammersley, S. S.

  Murchison, C. K.

  Wilson, R. R. (Stafford, Lichfield)

  Hannon, Patrick Joseph Henry

  Nail, Lieut.-Colonel Sir Joseph

  Winby, Colonel L. P.

  Harland, A.

  Nelson, sir Frank

  Windsor-Clive, Lieut.-Colonel George

  Harrison, G. J. C.

  Newman, Sir R. H. S. D. L. (Exeter)

  Wise, Sir Fredric

  Hartington, Marquess of

  Newton, Sir D. G. C. (Cambridge)

  Wolmer. Viscount

  Harvey, Major. S. E. (Devon, Totnes)

  Nicholson, O. (Westminster)

  Womersley, W. J.

  Hawke, John Anthony

  Nicholson, Col. Rt. Hn. W. G. (Ptrsf'ld.)

  Wood, E. (Chest'r, Stalyb'ge & Hyde)

  Headlam, Lieut.-Colonel C. M.

  Nuttall, Ellis

  Wood, Sir Kingsley (Woolwich, W.)

  Henderson, Lieut.-Col. V. L, (Bootle)

  Oakley, T.

  Wood, Sir S. Hill- (High Peak)

  Heneage, Lieut.-Colonel Arthur P.

  (O'Connor, T. J. (Bedford, Luton)

  Worthington-Evans. Rt. Hon. Sir L.

  Henn, Sir Sydney H.

  O'Neill, Major Rt. Hon. Hugh

  Young, E. Hilton (Norwich)

  Hennessy, Major J. R. G.

  Ormsby-Gore, Hon. William

  Henniker-Hughan, Vice-Adm. Sir A.

  Pennefather, Sir John

  TELLERS FOR THE AYES.—

  Herbert, S.(York, N.R., Scar. & Wh'by)

  Percy, Lord Eustace (Hastings)

  Major Sir Harry Barnston and

  Mr. F. C. Thomson.

  NOES.

  Adamson, Rt. Hon. W. (Fife, West)

  Beckett, John (Gateshead)

  Clynes, Rt. Hon. John R.

  Adamson, W. M. (Staff., Cannock)

  Benn, Captain Wedgwood (Leith)

  Collins, Sir Godfrey (Greenock)

  Ammon, Charles George

  Broad, F. A.

  Compton, Joseph

  Attlee, Clement Richard

  Bromley, J.

  Connolly, M.

  Baker, J. (Wolverhampton, Bilson)

  Brown, James (Ayr and Bute)

  Dalton, Hugh

  Baker, Walter

  Buchanan, G.

  Davies, Evan (Ebbw Vale)

  Barker, G. (Monmouth, Abertillery)

  Cape, Thomas

  Davies, Ellis (Denbigh, Denbigh)

  Barnes, A.

  Charleton, H. C.

  Davies, Rhys John (Westhoughton)

  Barr, J.

  Clowes, S.

  Davison, J. E. (Smethwick)

  Batey, Joseph

  Cluse, W. S.

  Day, Colonel Harry

  2282

  2283

  Dennison, H.

  Kennedy, T.

  Sinclair, Major Sir A. (Caithness)

  Duncan, C.

  Kenworthy, Lt.-Com. Hon. Joseph M.

  Slesser, Sir Henry H.

  Edwards, John H. (Accrington)

  Kanyon, Barnet

  Smillie, Robert

  England, Colonel A.

  Kirkwood, D.

  Smith, H. B. Lees- (Keighley)

  Evans, Capt, Ernest (Welsh Univer.)

  Lansbury, George

  Smith, Rennie (Penistone)

  Fenby, T. D.

  Lawson, John James

  Snell, Harry

  Fisher, Rt. Hon. Herbert A. L.

  Lee, F.

  Snowden, Rt. Hon. Philip

  Garro-Jones, Captain G. M.

  Lindley, F. W.

  Spencer, George A. (Broxtowe)

  Gibbins, Joseph

  Livingstone, A. M.

  Stamford, T. W.

  Gillett, George M.

  Lowth, T.

  Stephen, Campbell

  Graham, D. M. (Lanark, Hamilton)

  Lunn, William

  Sutton, J. E.

  Graham, Rt. Hon. Wm. (Edin., Cent.)

  Macdonald, Sir Murdoch (Inverness)

  Taylor, R. A.

  Greenall, T.

  MacLaren, Andrew

  Thomson, Trevelyan (Middlesbro. W.)

  Greenwood, A. (Nelson and Cone)

  Maclean, Neil (Glasgow, Govan)

  Thorne, G. R. (Wolvorhampton, E.)

  Grenfell, D. R. (Giamorgan)

  March, S.

  Thorne, W. (West Ham, Plaistow)

  Griffiths, T. (Monmouth, Pontypool)

  Maxton, James

  Thurtle, E.

  Groves, T.

  Mitchell, E. Rosslyn (Paisley)

  Tinker, John Joseph

  Grundy, T. W.

  Montague, Frederick

  Trevelyan, Rt. Hon. C. P.

  Guest, j. (York, Hemsworth)

  Morris, R. H.

  Varley, Frank B.

  Guest, Dr L. Haden (Southwark, N.)

  Morrison, R. C. (Tottenham, N.)

  Viant, S. P.

  Hall, F. (York, W. R., Normanton)

  Murnin, H.

  Wallhead, Richard C.

  Hall, G. H. (Merthyr Tydvil)

  Naylor, T. E.

  Walsh, Rt. Hon. Stephen

  Hardle, George D.

  Oliver, George Harold

  Warns, G. H.

  Harney, E. A.

  Paling, W.

  Watson. W. M. (Dunfermline)

  Harris, Percy A.

  Parkinson, John Allen (Wigan)

  Watts-Morgan, U.-Col. D. (Rhondda)

  Hartshorn, Rt. Hon. Vernon

  Pethick-Lawrence, F. W.

  Webb, Rt Hon. Sidney

  Hayday, Arthur

  Ponsonby. Arthur

  Westwood, J.

  Hayes, John Henry

  Potts, John S.

  Whiteley, W.

  Henderson, Rt. Hon. A. (Burnley)

  Purcell, A. A.

  Wiggins, William Martin

  Henderson, T. (Glasgow)

  Richardson, R. (Houghton-le-Spring)

  Wilkinson, Ellen C.

  Hirst, G. H.

  Riley, Ben

  Williams, T. (York, Don Valley)

  Hirst, W. (Bradford, South)

  Ritson, J.

  Wilson, C. H. (Sheffield, Attercliffe)

  Hore-Belisha, Leslie

  Roberts, Rt. Hon. F. O.(W. Bromwich)

  Wilson, R. J. (Jarrow)

  Hudson, J. H. (Huddersfield)

  Robertson, J. (Lanark, Bothwell)

  Windsor, Walter

  Hutchison, Sir Robert (Montrose)

  Robinson, W. C. (Yorks, W.R., Elland)

  Wright, W.

  Jenkins, W. (Glamorgan, Neath)

  Rose, Frank H.

  Young, Robert (Lancaster, Newton)

  John, William (Rhondda, West)

  Runciman, Rt. Hon. Walter

  Jones, Henry Haydn (Merioneth)

  Salter, Dr. Alfred

  TELLERS FOR THE NOES.—

  Jones, Morgan (Caerphilly)

  Scrymgeour, E.

  Mr. Charles Edwards and Mr. S.

  Kelly, w. T.

  Shaw. Rt. Hon. Thomas (Preston)

  Smith.

  CLAUSE 27.—(Power to modify existing superannuation schemes.)
  Mr. CHAMBERLAIN: I beg to move, in page 26, line 4, to leave out the word "superannuation," and to insert instead thereof the word "pension."
  This is to provide that schemes which deal with widows and orphans pensions as well as schemes dealing with old age pensions may be modified under this Clause.
  Amendment agreed to.
  Mr. CHAMBERLAIN: I beg to move, in page 26, line 13, after the word "so," to insert the words "either absolutely or."
  This is to include schemes where the instrument under which the scheme is regulated does not contemplate any change at all.
  Amendment agreed to.
  Further Amendments made:
  In page 26, line 31, leave out the word "superannuation," and insert instead thereof the word "pension."
  In page 27, line 1, after the word "such," insert the word "amending."
  In page 27, line 3, alter the second "the," insert the word "amending."—[Mr. Chamberlain.]
  Mr. CHAMBERLAIN: I beg to move, in page 28, line 19, to leave out from the word "there under'' to the end of the Sub-section, and to insert instead thereof the words
  "except in such cases and to such extent us may be prescribed affect the benefits of or contributions by any poison employed in an employment which is an excepted employment within the meaning of Section fifteen of this Act."
  This requires a little more explanation than the previous Amendments. The Clause was originally introduced in order to enable over-insurance to be avoided in the case of certain employ merits which were not excepted employments, where, in fact, a certificate of exception could not he given, but it now appears that certain employers, in cases where the employment is excepted, have seen in the new Clause an opportunity of reducing their own benefits and contributions at the expense of the State. That is not at all what was intended by the Clause, and indeed would be an abuse of the intentions of the Clause, and, therefore, I am moving this provision, which

  2285
  makes it impossible for that particular use to be made of the Clause, except in certain prescribed cases; and the class of case we have in mind is the case where benefits are provided under the scheme similar in character to those provided under the Bill, but as to which the Minister could not certify that they are equally favourable to the contributor. In such eases, therefore, it is desired to allow this scheme to be modified so that the contributions may be reduced, even though the benefits are not equal entirely to those under the Bill.
  Amendment agreed to.
  Further Amendment made: In page 28, line 31, after the word "a," insert the words "pension or."—[Mr. Chamberlain.]
  CLAUSE 28.—(Date of commencement and end of, and mode of paying, pensions.)
  Mr. CHAMBERLAIN: I beg to move, in page 29, line 5, at the end, to insert the words
  "Provided that where it is shown in any such case as may be prescribed that failure to make a claim within the time above limited was due to circumstances over which the claimant had no control the pension shall commence to accrue on the date on which the claimant became entitled thereto."
  This is to carry out a promise that I made in Committee that I would endeavour to provide for hard cases under the first Sub-section of this Clause. Subsection (1) limits the time during which a claimant may put in a claim for a pension, so I am providing that where it is shown that the failure to make a claim in time is due to circumstances over which the claimant had no control, the pension is to accrue on the date on which the claimant became entitled to it, instead of on the date on which the claim was made. That, will, I think, carry out the promise that I made in Committee.
  Amendment agreed to.
  CLAUSE 29.—(Claims and Appeals.)
  The following Amendment stood upon the Order Paper in the name of Major TASKER:
  In page 30, line 4, to leave out the word "Minister," and to insert instead thereof the words
  "local authority who, for the purposes of this Section, shall be the council of every borough and urban district, having a population according to the last published census for the time being of 20,000 or over, and of
  2286
  every county (excluding the area of any such borough or district).
  Provided that—

  (i) the council may appoint, for all or any of the purposes of this Section, a committee consisting either wholly or partly of the members of the council as the council thinks fit, and the council may delegate, either absolutely or under such conditions as they think fit, to the committee any powers and duties of the council under this Section;

  (ii) subject to the approval of the council any committee appointed under this Section may appoint for all or any of the purposes thereof such and so many sub-committees, consisting wholly or partly of the members of the committee as the committee think fit, and the committee may delegate, either absolutely or under such conditions as they think fit, to any such subcommittee any powers and duties delegated by the council to the committee;

  (iii) if any person is dissatisfied with the award of the council (or the award of the committee or subcommittee appointed to act for the council under this Section) in respect of any pension, the question shall, on application being made within the prescribed time, be referred to the Minister."

  Mr. SPEAKER: I have not selected this Amendment.
  Amendment made: In page 30, line 5, after the word "award," insert the words "or decision."—[Mr. Chamberlain.]
  Mr. BECKETT: I beg to move, in page 30, line 10, after the word "referees," to insert the words
  "of whom one-fourth shall he women."
  I feel that the right hon. Gentleman will not be able, in replying, to devastate me with an actuarial statement as to the financial position, and as to what expense will be incurred if my Amendment be carried. From a somewhat detailed watching of his methods during the past three weeks, I have noticed that, while he has knuckled down to the methods of the actuary, he is rather inclined invariably to try to meet such other suggestions as have been put forward. I hope very much that this particular Amendment will receive the impartial and very careful consideration of the Committee. Throughout the whole of these sittings many of us, I think I can say, in different parts of the House

  2287
  have been fighting very hard against this whole system of inquisition into the manner of life of the people to whom pensions are to be awarded. We have been defeated, and have got out as gracefully as possible. The Minister has met our objections to a certain extent.
  We are very anxious indeed that this Court of Referees, which usually consists, at the outside of three referees, should be chosen from as wide and fair a panel as possible. I confess that I am in a little difficulty, which, I hope, the right hon. Gentleman will help me out of when he replies, for in spite of a very careful search in the Library I cannot find the exact Regulations or directions which the promoters of this Bill had in mind when they decided to adopt the Regulations made by the National Health Insurance Joint Committee, or whoever decided that these should be the Regulations. However, I would point out to the House that the Court of Referees, on the many different points which will be raised in connection with this Bill, have a harder and much more difficult task in many ways than even those who are dealing with complaints under the National Health Insurance scheme. Owing to the Amendments which have already been made, and in view of the moral and ethical aspects of the case, it will require, if any kind of justice is to be done, that the panel of referees shall be selected on the broadest possible basis.
  We are asking in this Amendment that one-fourth of the panel of referees to whom these cases will be submitted shall be women. We want that, because we feel it is so important in the very difficult cases, in deciding as to what kind of life a woman has been leading and all that kind of thing, that a woman, or women, should be there. We believe in all questions affecting women that it would be a very great help to the Minister, and to the humane and enlightened administration of the Act if we can enlist the services of our public women. I do not think that there can be any doubt in the minds of hon. Members to-day that there are many qualified women who would be extremely useful in the capacity indicated. I do not want to weary the House with many long arguments, or we shall inevitably begin to open up the sex question, but I do hope
  2288
  that this very modest request will be granted, that one-fourth of the panel to deal with the very many cases which particularly affect women and children, and moral and ethical standards as applied to women, shall be women. We do hope that the right hon. Gentleman will see his way to give us this concession, which means nothing in money, but, I believe, will make it much easier to administer the Act. Already hon. Members will know quite well that we are getting large numbers of letters asking us all kinds of questions in this connection. I am not blaming the right hon. Gentleman for this, but it would look as if he were going to add 20 per cent. to our correspondence in connection with this Bill. I feel it will be much more satisfactory for us if we can feel if we believe that our people can go to a Court of Referees of whom at least one-fourth are women with the standing and understanding of public women, who will be able to consider these cases and give us the benefit of their advice.
  Mr. R. DAVIES: I beg to second the Amendment.
  Mr. CHAMBERLAIN: The hon. Member for Gateshead (Mr. Beckett) perhaps has not fully appreciated, so it seems to me, what will be the effect of accepting this Amendment. Let us see for a moment what we are dealing with. In Sub-section (2) of Clause 29 we find that
  "If any person is dissatisfied by the award of the Minister in respect of any pension the question shall, on application being made within the prescribed time, be referred to one or more referees selected in accordance with Regulations made by the National Health Insurance Joint Committee from a panel of referees to be appointed in accordance with Regulations so made, and the decision of the referee or referees shall be final and conclusive."
  What is the Amendment? The Amendment is that this panel of referees, from whom the particular referee is to be selected, and who is to consider any particular case, shall consist, as to one-fourth of its numbers, of women. What is the point the hon. Gentleman wants to secure? What he wants to secure, I venture to say—and he will correct me if I am wrong—is that where a woman is concerned in an application before a Court of Referees by whom the case is to be heard there shall be one woman referee. Is not that the point of the matter?
  Mr. BECKETT: That is not an absolute result of this Amendment if it be carried, but I should hope that that would be one effect.
  Mr. CHAMBERLAIN: That is exactly the point I am making. That is what the hon. Gentleman wants. But that is not what he is going to get if this Amendment be accepted. Let us see what happens. There is nothing in the Amendment to secure that in any particular case one of the women appointed on the panel shall be a referee in that case. On the other hand, let me tell the hon. Gentleman what are the Regulations made under the National Health Insurance Act. No. 163 is as follows:
  "(1) For the purpose of determining the prescribed appeals, the Minister shall constitute a special body (in this part of these Regulations referred to as the ' body of referees ') consisting of such persons, being barristers at law or solicitors, as he may from time to time appoint."
  The House will perceive there is nothing in these words to prevent women being appointed as members of the panel of referees; if we discover barristers-at-law or solicitors, who are also women, and who are competent to act in that capacity. That is the difficulty. If such women can be found, and are available, there is nothing whatever in these Regulations to debar them from being members of the panel. Let me go further and warn the House as to what is the special Regulation in force under the National Health Insurance Act dealing with cases where women are concerned. The Regulation (No. 164) says:
  "Where it is necessary that any prescribed appeal should be determined the Minister shall appoint one or more of the members for the time being of the body of referees for the purpose of determining such appeal."
  It goes to say:
  "If a woman is a party to any prescribed appeal in which a hearing is required, the Minister shall, unless the case is one in which a medical practitioner, being a woman, is appointed as assessor under the preceding paragraph, or unless he is satisfied that the appeal involves solely or mainly questions of law, appoint a woman having experience of social or public work to act as such assessor as aforesaid."
  What we have to consider is what practical proposition can be put forward to meet this point. I hope that, having heard the Regulations, and recognising the practical difficulties in inserting the
  2290
  proposal that one-fourth of this body shall; be women—women who are competent the hon. Member will consider—
  Mr. BECKETT: If this Amendment be carried, these Regulations can be modified?
  Mr. CHAMBERLAIN: Yes, if the Amendment were carried it would make it necessary to provide new Regulation but the National Health Insurance Regulations provide that the women shall it barristers-at-law or solicitors—
  Mr. BECKETT: But would that matter not have to go to the High Court?
  Mr. CHAMBERLAIN: We cannot do that if it is laid down in the Act; but certainly women can be appointed on the panel.
  Mr. BECKETT: Those Regulations are not an Act of Parliament?
  Mr. R. DAVIES: I think the Minister —if I may say so—has met our case in part only. I had hoped that he would have said to my hon. Friend the Member for Gateshead (Mr. Beckett) that, having power under the Regulations, he would meet his point by himself appointing a number of women on the panel. The right hon. Gentleman has not exactly said that; but I thought he was aiming at it in some form or other. This is a very important issue, because we are dealing with quite a different type to the cases under National Health Insurance. I have never heard much complaint that women have not been acting in a proper way as assessors under that scheme. Here, however, you have thousands upon thousands of widows whose cases will, I imagine, be more properly dealt with by women referees than by men. The point has been made by the Minister that there will not be a sufficient number of qualified women to form one-fourth. I feel sure, however, that the time is fast coming when that position will be remedied, and, although I perceive the difficulty at the moment, I feel sure that it will be got over in the very near future. I trust, however, although this Amendment may not be carried by the House, that the Minister will take note of the suggestion we are making, and that adequate representation of women will be

  2291
  secured on these panels, particularly in view of the fact that women in the main will be beneficiaries under this scheme.
  Amendment negatived.
  Amendment made: In page 30, line 28, after the word "award," insert the words "or decision."— [Mr. Chamberlain.]
  CLAUSE 33.—(Provisions as to reciprocal arrangements with other parts of His Majesty's Dominions.)
  Amendment made: In page 33, line 7, leave out the word "National."—[Mr. Chamberlain.]
  CLAUSE 35.—(Penalty for false statements and repayment of sums overpaid.)
  Mr. PALING: I beg to move in page 34, line 40, to leave out Subsection (5).
  7.0 P.M.
  It seems apparent to most of us on this side of the House that the Government have been at some pains to load this Bill with Regulations and conditions and qualifications of every description in order to make it as difficult as possible for the recipients to receive the pension when it becomes due. I think they reached the peak when they succeeded in including a Clause of this description. It is a very mean Clause and entirely unworthy of any Government. It is rather curious that it should come from a Government which claims— whether there be any substance or justice for the claim is another matter—that they are specially concerned with the sanctity of the home, particularly at election times. The insertion of a Clause like this would probably do more in many cases to break up that particular home for which they profess to be so concerned than anything else contained in the Bill. We do not think it is necessary, and I do not think a good many Gentlemen on the opposite benches think it is necessary. I think that was conveyed the last time we discussed it in the Committee stage. Surely the law of the land and the Regulations that are laid down in the Bill are quite sufficient to deal with any delinquent or anybody who violates the conditions of the Bill without asking for a condition such as this to be put in? It is in violation of a principle that we
  2292
  have known in this country for centuries. To ask for a Clause of this description to be put in a Bill like this is violating a principle that I think is sacred to nearly everybody in this land. After what was said, and the promise of the Minister, I am rather disappointed that he has not seen his way to go a little further than he intends in the Amendment which I think comes next. I think he would have shown more gracious attitude, and pleased the members of his own party, if he had seen his way entirely to eliminate this Sub-section. I do not think any good can arise out of it. I will ask him even at this late moment, and in spite of the fact that he has met the House to some extent, to go a step further and consent to the elimination of the entire Sub-section.
  Mr. LEES-SMITH: I beg to second the Amendment.
  This is the Clause which caused great feeling when it was discussed in Committee, because, in the case of an offence against the Insurance Act, husband and wife might be compelled to give evidence against each other. The Minister has now introduced an Amendment by which they will only do so with their own consent. I am bound to say that the Minister has not carried out what was, as the whole Debate showed, the desire of the Committee during that discussion. I followed all the speeches in the Debate that took place on that point, and the desire of the Committee was that this whole Sub-section should be deleted.
  I will explain, if I may do so, to the Minister, some of the difficulties which now occur to my mind as following from the Amendment he has introduced. What is the position? Take the normal case of husband and wife, who are on fair terms with each other. It is desired to get evidence. Will the Minister visualise what will happen? Suppose the husband is being prosecuted. I think it is perfectly clear that the wife will not volunteer to give evidence. I presume the police will call round at her house. Will they tell her that she has the right to refuse to give evidence? In the talk with her, will they make no attempt to use their influence and authority to induce her to give evidence? I say that, if they do make that attempt, it will be grossly tyrannical and unfair. Such an attempt might not have any

  2293
  influence on Members of this House who have solicitors to consult, but, with these simple, inexperienced women, the very fact of a policeman walking into their rooms will frighten them and disturb their judgment, with the result that they will, through their inexperience, find themselves sending their husbands to gaol.
  Sir BERTRAM FALLE: They may give evidence for defence as well as for prosecution.
  Mr. LEES-SMITH: I quite understand that. In that case, there will be no difficulty. The whole point of this Clause is that they should be induced to give evidence for prosecution, and I am dealing with the case for prosecution. I do put it to the Minister that I think this Clause, with his Amendment, is now likely to give rise to the possibility of undue pressure, and I cannot see how, without undue pressure, it is going to be operative at all. I do not know whether he recollects what the himself said during the Debate. The Parliamentary Secretary, when asked to introduce this very Amendment, stated that if this Amendment was introduced, the Clause would be useless, and the Minister for Health himself stated a few minutes later, that if this Amendment was introduced, the Clause would be nonsense.
  Mr. CHAMBERLAIN: May I interrupt the hon. Member. I thought that, as he had refreshed his memory as to what took place, he would also remember that I made it clear later on, that the reason [said that was because I was misunderstanding the intention of the Amendment that had been moved by my hon. Friend. I thought the consent he was referring to was the consent of the person charged, but as soon as I understood that he was referring to the consent of the wife or the husband called upon to give evidence, I said I would meet that if possible immediately, and I have met it.
  Mr. LEES-SMITH: I do not quite follow. No such qualification was made by the Parliamentary Secretary. I do not think the speech shows that. My point; is a simple one. I do not see how this Clause can become operative unless the police use influence which may have effect on a very simple and inexperienced class of person. I think the Minister will be better advised if, instead of intro-
  2294
  ducing this Amendment, he would leave out the Sub-section altogether.
  Mr. T. WILLIAMS: There is perhaps one other point that ought to be submitted, following the submission of my hon. Friend the Member for Keighley (Mr. Lees-Smith). He suggests that the inclusion of the Minister's Amendment will more or less render the Clause nugatory. I think that is a fact. Should that not be so, and should any cases arise where the husband or the wife were called and consented to give evidence against either husband or wife, as the case may be, it is pretty obvious that, out of love for the husband or wife in either case, they will not do so unless, of course, coercion is brought to bear, as suggested by my hon. Friend. If coercion is brought to bear, then it is obvious that that is a thing that the Minister ought to attempt to guard against.
  Secondly, in case coercion is not brought to bear, but the husband expresses a willingness to give evidence against his wife, assuming that they live together under the same roof, domestic complications are bound to arise, which are very unpleasant to contemplate, and too unpleasant for this House to be a party to create. In the case of a husband living apart from the wife, or the wife living apart from the husband, and either one or the other being called upon to give evidence, and either he or she consents to give evidence, it is fair to assume that they will do so not in a spirit of good-will or with a desire to see that justice is done, but with a desire for the opposite merely because for the moment they happen to be separated.
  I rather think that no real case has been made out for this Clause, even with the addition of the words suggested by the right hon. Gentleman in charge of the Bill. I submit that the number of cases of either fraud, or fraudulent intention, will be infinitesimal, and that we ought not further conform to what I conceive to be a wrong principle in calling, either voluntary or otherwise, upon a husband to give evidence against his wife, or a wife to give evidence against her husband. The small number of cases in which the one or the other will give evidence will be so few that not even the Section in the Unemploy-

  2295
  ment Act of 1922, referred to by the Minister of Health, ought to deter him from doing what he conceives to be the best, and avoiding many domestic complications that ought not to be created, or the possibilities of coercion referred to by my hon. Friend. For these reasons, I support the Amendment.
  Captain O'CONNOR: I rise to support the Amendment and to ask if it is possible to delete this Sub-section, which I think is a slur on the Act. I think that the Minister has done his best by the Amendment which appears lower down on the Paper to rectify the position, but he has not succeeded. What he proposes to do is to put in the following words:
  "That the wife or husband, as the case way be, shall only be a witness with his or her consent."
  Reading that in conjunction with the rest of the Clause, brings out the futility of trying to make sense of a Clause like this by putting in an Amendment of this sort. What the Clause would then read to say is, that the wife or husband, or the person charged, may be called as a witness, if she or he consents, and it goes on to say that they may be called without the consent of the person charged. The effect of the Amendment would be that the wife or husband would have an absolute right to appear at the trial, and to give evidence, notwithstanding that the person charged, whether husband or wife, did not want him or her to be there at all. That is really a very serious and real difficulty. It is not only the evidence that that person may offer; it is the possibility that that person will be cross-examined, and may do considerable damage to the person who is standing on his or her trial. For that reason, I submit, the Amendment does not go to the root of the difficulty at all. I take my stand on broader grounds than that. The very principle of this Clause is class legislation of the worst possible kind. There are many cases in which it would be desirable, if the law of evidence alone were considered, that the best evidence should be obtained, namely, the evidence of the person who is closest to the facts at issue; but the law does not allow those persons to be called in circumstances where higher considerations intervene, In the case of a husband charged with conspiracy
  2296
  with his wife, surely if the law of evidence were the only consideration the obvious thing would be to make one or other of them a compellable or competent witness against the other; or if a husband were charged with collusion in a divorce case, then again the other party to the matter would be a most helpful witness. Higher considerations arise, however. One is the sanctity of the home, which has been emphasised by hon. Gentlemen opposite, and another is that legislation of this kind, which infringes the principles as to evidence laid down by our forefathers, goes far to sully the very fount of justice itself.
  The changes regarding the admissibility of evidence which were brought about during the 19th centry, from the time of Jeremy Bentham and going on through the Acts of 1857 and 1868 until the Criminal Justice Act of 189S, were followed by progressive increases in perjury and progressive disregard for the sanctity of the oath, and, therefore, a consequent diminution in the value to be attached to testimony in a Court of law. This is another advance in the same direction, and it is not safeguarded by any of the safeguards that accompanied the Act of 1898, for instance. By that Act, which allowed a prisoner to give evidence on his own behalf, or the wife of a prisoner to give evidence on behalf of her husband, it was specially stipulated that such wife or husband was to be asked no questions which should infringe the old common-law principle. For instance, they could not be asked to disclose secret communications passing between them during the married life, which have always been regarded as confidential by our common law, and it was a wise provision. We do not see any similar safeguard here. A wife or husband may go into the witness-box and disclose confidential communications which have always been regarded as privileged. For that reason I submit that the Minister should, if possible, delete this Clause. There can be no value in evidence obtained in such circumstances. There can be no value in the evidence of a petulant wife who vindictively goes into the witness-box to send her husband to prison. There can also be little enough value in her evidence if she goes into the witness-box to support her spouse. So from both points of

  2297
  view her evidence is not going to be of much value. For those reasons, for the higher reason that the Clause offers an additional inducement to perjury, and for the final reason that the Minister's later Amendment would really make nonsense of the Clause, because it would enable a person to give evidence whether or not the prisoner wished it, I urge that the Minister should withdraw the Clause.
  Mr. LANSBURY: I cannot, of course, say anything of any worth to add to the legal argument to which we have just listened. The one point I would ask hon. Gentlemen opposite to give some attention to is the point the hon. and learned Gentleman the Member for Luton (Captain O'Connor) made just now, that this is essentially a piece of class legislation. It would do in the case of the poor what is not being done in the case of people in other circumstances of life. I believe the origin of this Clause is to be found in the Poor Law. Poor Law guardians very often have a wife and a husband before them giving evidence against each other. I am sure there is not a man here who has served on a board of guardians who will not agree with me that that is the worst kind of evidence that ever comes before them. Over and over again we have found the truth of what the hon. and learned Member who sits for one of the Midland divisions pointed out on the last occasion, that this provision would enable a vindictive wife or a vindictive husband—and we all know there are such people in the world—to "get their own back" on each other. Quite honestly, I do not believe evidence of this kind would be worth anything at all. The point made, that pressure would have to be brought to bear upon decent people to give evidence, is true. Let us put it to ourselves. Would any one of use, if we had any sort of regard for our wife, give evidence against her under any circumstances? I tell the House that nobody would ever get me to give any evidence against my wife. If I did I should in all probability commit perjury wholesale. [Laughter.] There is no humbug about that. Nothing on earth would compel me to do it. If this proposal be accepted, what would be the result? How can a man and wife live together afterwards when one has behaved in this fashion towards the
  2298
  other? We should create no end of difficulty amongst the few who would be prevailed on to give evidence, and I really think the Minister is taking a precaution that is absolutely worthless.
  Mr. CHAMBERLAIN: I would draw the attention of the House to the fact that this provision in this Bill is not being introduced into our legislation for the first time. The fact that it has been part of the Statute law since the passing of the Unemployment Insurance Act, 1922, indicates that there was, at any rate, a case for a Clause of this kind. A great deal of criticism was directed against it at the time on the ground that it was an almost unthinkable thing to compel a husband against his will to give evidence against his own wife, or vice versa, and there is a great deal of truth, probably, in the contention that evidence forced out of a man in such circumstances could not possibly be of value. I thought I had met that criticism by the Amendment I put down which stands next on the Order Paper, but it appears that the House is still not satisfied. This is not a matter in which I can claim to have any special competence. I cannot claim to know from my own experience what value this particular provision would prove to be to those who want to guard against abuses, but I should be disposed to agree that its value is rather questionable, and, on the whole, in view of the objections that have been expressed here, I am not inclined to press for the retention of this Sub-section.
  Question, "That the words proposed to be left out stand part of the Bill," put, and negatived.
  CLAUSE 37.—(Exemption of certain widows from health and unemployment insurance.
  Mr. LEES-SMITH: I beg to move, to leave out the Clause.
  This is a Clause on which we differ from the Government over a matter of principle, and therefore it is proposed to make a few observations and to take it to a Division. It is a Clause by which women in receipt of a pension of 10s. a week are thereby prohibited from becoming insured under the National Health Insurance Act. 1911, or the Unemployment Insurance Acts. The view of the Government is that a woman in this position, with 10s. a week, is not in need of the primary

  2299
  benefits of health or unemployment insurance, and that they are justified in prohibiting her from insuring. A woman may have 10s. a week, but when she is ill, or disabled or unemployed, she loses her wages, and if she is sick or disabled she must incur extra expenditure, and any benefits which she would get as the result of her own contributions to insurance would be very acceptable. Under the National Health Insurance Act, 1911, the same question arose—what was to be done with people in industry who were earning 10s. a week? The answer that was given by that Act was that if those persons wished they could pay their contributions and become employed contributors on the same terms as the rest. This provision is going to be peculiarly harsh now that so many approved societies are building up schemes of additional benefits. It selects this class of women and prevents them from obtaining a share in those enlarged advantages which the rest of the working community are beginning to enjoy. There is another factor which also makes it harsh, and that is that the employers will have to make their contributions on behalf of these women although the women will be prohibited from adding their own contributions and getting the benefits. The Clause also contradicts the whole conception of his scheme, as the Minister of Health himself has described it on four or five occasions. In dealing with Amendment after Amendment, in which it was proposed to separate off other voluntary contributors' benefit under this Bill from the benefits under the National Health Insurance Act. the Minister said he considered that, in the case of women particularly, the benefits of the National Health Insurance Act were so overwhelming that he wished to encourage every possible woman to come under its provisions, and for that reason he was laying it down that, if a woman was to become a voluntary contributor under this Bill, he would compel her to become a voluntary contributor under the National Health Insurance Act at the same time. I am bound to say that the Minister's argument convinced me on this point, although I did not agree with him at the beginning of these Debates, and, having been convinced by the unanswerable character of his argu-
  2300
  ments, I have more confidence in moving this Amendment.
  Mr. PALING: I beg to second the Amendment.
  Mr. CHAMBERLAIN: The inconsistency which the hon. Gentleman the Member for Keighley (Mr. Lees-Smith), who moved this Amendment, seems to have discovered as regards my attitude is more apparent than real. I think it should be remembered that in regard to the Clause we are now dealing with a great number of these people will not have been insured at all, because they are married women who have not been at work, and who have been taking care of the household, and when the husband dies they go into insurable employment because the breadwinner has been taken away from them. That is the kind of people we are now dealing with, and the great majority of thorn are people who do not pay contributions. We are inclined to think that widows with pensions will probably desire to be relieved of making contributions to these benefits. I think on the whole this Clause ought to be carried.
  Mr. R. DAVIES: I am sorry that the Minister of Health has not responded to our request. I do not think this Clause has very much to do with the Bill, and this Measure would not be marred in the least if the Clause were omitted. It has been argued that it would be in the interests of the woman herself if she were left out of the two other Insurance schemes. The woman will get 10s. per week as a widow's pension, and that will be the only allowance probably that she will get under this Bill. Take the case of a widow without children who gets 10s. If she were insured under the National Health Insurance Act and belonged to an approved society, she would be entitled to 15s. sickness benefit for a whole six months if she was otherwise eligible.
  There would therefore be some women who are not in the category provided for in this Clause who would be better off than a woman would be in the type of case to which I have referred. The other night I put a question as to how many persons would be affected by this Clause, and I was simply staggered to learn that in a given period there would be eliminated 1,305,000 women who, but for the Clause, would be included both for National Health and

  2301
  Unemployment Insurance. I understand that the right hon. Gentleman does not attach very much importance to this Clause when he calculates the benefits that will be lost by these women and the additional benefits provided by approved societies. He is depriving these, women of very valuable benefits indeed, and I hope that ho will reconsider his position in view of the fact that this Clause is not of very much consequence to the Bill.
  Mr. T. WILLIAMS: I rise to make a further appeal to the right hon. Gentleman. It is my own personal experience that many thousands of women would prefer to continue their payment in case they are in receipt of a pension in order to place themselves in a position to obtain sick benefit. The value of these benefits to the person who makes the weekly contribution would be very great indeed in case necessity should arise for sickness benefit. Obviously, only the person in receipt of a pension and who has employment will be affected by this Clause. the fact that a person is in receipt of a pension and also in receipt of wages should at. least make hon. Gentlemen opposite, and particularly the Minister of Health, think carefully before excluding their contributions week by week. Since this Clause does not cost. the pension scheme a single penny piece and will be extremely useful to the widow who happens to be a pensioner, I think the right hon. Gentleman would be well advised, for the sake of improving the general scheme, to reconsider his decision, and, if, he does not accept the complete abolition of this Clause. he ought to consider the possibility of allowing those women who wish to continue to make the payment to do so.
  Mr. CHAMBERLAIN: I have already said that I do not attach any particular importance to this Clause, and the reason I said that was that, without this Clause there already exists an option. Under these circumstances, I am quite willing to accept the Amendment.
  Question, "That the Clause stand part of the Bill," put, and negatived.
  CLAUSE 38.—(Termination of certain benefits and contributions of persons over sixty-five.)
  Mr. T. THOMSON: I beg to move, in page 35. line 31, to leave out Subsection (1).
  2302
  Of all the anomalies in this Bill I think this is the most flagrant. In the case of an insured person, you are taking away from him at 65 the right to unemployment benefit and also National Health Insurance benefit. The unemployment benefit seems to me to be a very serious loss to the individual; in fact, it is equivalent to a breach of contract. May I give an illustration as to what will happen if this Clause passes in its present form? I take the case of a person who has been insured since 1911 when the Unemployed Insurance Act came into force. He may have had a run of good luck, and he may not have required the doctor and has not drawn unemployed benefit. He has been insured for 13 or 14 years, and, when he comes to the age of 65, he falls out of work, and at once he is disfranchised from all the benefits to which he has been contributing for 13 or 14 years.
  That seems to me an almost impossible position for the Government to take up, and I cannot see any justification for it. I know that if an ordinary insurance company had been guilty of such treatment there would have been a tremendous outcry from hon. Members opposite and from all business men. I understand from the Attorney-General that the defence was that the Government were offering the insured person something which they considered was as good as what they were losing, and they argue that the actuarial value of the pension at. 65 is considerably more than the national health insurance benefit of which they were being deprived in these cases. That may be so, but it does not seem to me to affect the question which is whether the insured person desires to make that change. He has made a contract with the Government which he has fulfilled for 13 or 14 years. He has paid his contributions regularly, and I understand that if he fell out of work he would not, receive the benefits provided by the Act.
  What are the benefits he is going to lose? He will lose the 18s. a week, which should come to himself, 5s. for his wife, and, if he has two or three children, he will lose 2s. each for them. Therefore, the robbery which is inflicted upon him, and there is no other name for it, is that if he has two children he will be deprived of 27s. a week so long as his insurance runs. He has drawn no in-

  2303
  surance, and he would be entitled to benefits for 2½ years. I think this is a very serious infringement of the right and liberty of the subject, and there is no justification for putting it into this Bill. We have been told over and over again that this was a contributory Measure, and, that being so, surely the contributors are entitled to that justice which they would receive if they had been paying into an ordinary commercial insurance company. I was greatly astonished when I read this Clause, and I cannot see how it can possibly be justified.
  Captain WEDGWOOD BENN: I beg to second the Amendment.
  I need not add much to what my hon. Friend has said, except to point out that, if you believe in the contributory principle, it is very important that you should see that people who contribute get that for which they contribute. If you take away from them that for which they have contributed, you are destroying the whole value of the contributory basis. My hon. Friend has spoken of the effect of this provision on existing cases, and the Minister spoke of what is being offered now in comparison with what is being taken away. I want to consider the future. The position of the future is that this Bill is to be self-supporting. People will enter hereafter and will contribute, and their employers will also contribute on their behalf, and between the two they will find the money to give the benefits set out in the Bill. That is a purely contributory, self-supporting scheme, as will be seen from the Actuary's Report. That having been done, a man who comes to take the benefit for which, he and not the State, has contributed, finds that another benefit, for which he has been called upon to contribute, namely, unemployment benefit, is not forthcoming. That being so, I cannot see what possible justification there is, if this Clause be passed, for exacting from him a contribution to Unemployment Insurance in the future. It means that he is being forced to pay for a thing which he cannot in certain circumstances receive, and if that is done because the Minister cannot find the money—and, after all, these things are not defended by the Minister on the ground of justice, but on the ground of finance—if that is done, and if it is clear in the future that people
  2304
  will have to pay contributions for Unemployment Insurance from which they cannot derive any benefit, I say that it does destroy the whole contributory basis and the belief of the people in it. For this and other reasons I have pleasure in seconding the Amendment.
  Mr. T. WILLIAMS: I support this Amendment, which I feel is, perhaps, one of the most important Amendments that has been dealt with during the Report stage of this Bill. Apart from the sanctity of contract, which was referred to by the hon. Member for West Middlesbrough (Mr. T. Thomson), it seems to me, on the basis of the figures given to-day by the Parliamentary Secretary to the Ministry of Labour, to the effect that when this Bill becomes operative 65,000 people will be automatically diverted from receiving unemployment pay to receiving the 10s. pension—it seems to me that that is a very serious proposition for those men whose pay is going to be so very materially reduced. My hon. Friend the Member for Clay Cross (Mr. Duncan) said that he would like to see the Attorney-General confronted by an individual who, having reached the age of 65, but whose wife was below that age, and who happened to be in receipt of 23s. per week as unemployment pay, persuading that individual that justice had been done to him by reducing his weekly income from 23s. to 10s. per week. I also would like to see the Attorney-General, or, indeed, any hon. Member, confronted with that proposition.
  I know that to duplicate the payments and enable a person to receive at the same time both unemployment pay and pension, as determined under this Bill, would be entirely out of the question, when we remember Clauses 24 and 25, and what has happened to the war pensioners and to people who are in receipt of compensation. The right hon. Gentleman has said in effect that, if a widow and her children, owing to the loss of her husband during the War, is in receipt of a pension larger than the amount determined by this Bill, she shall not be permitted to receive a double pension, but she shall be entitled to receive the larger of the two. Likewise the right hon. Gentleman has determined similar conditions where compensation is being received owing to the husband and father having been killed by an accident while following his employment. In that

  2305
  case also, if the compensation is higher than the amount granted under this Bill, the widow will have the benefit of continuing to receive the higher payment, and in no case will her position be made worse as the result of the passing of this Bill.
  The right hon. Gentleman will observe, however, in regard to the present case, that it is quite conceivable that a man just reaching the age of 65, with a young wife and two or three children still of school age, may be receiving, not only 23s. for the husband and wife, but 2s. each for the children, making 25s., 27s., or 29s. a week, and, on the day when this Bill comes into operation, that 29s. will be reduced to 10s. Obviously, the only thing is for the income to be supplemented by Poor Law relief. I do not think hon. and right hon. Gentlemen who have really tried to examine this Clause in its full application at the moment and in. the future can support the Clause as it stands in the Bill. I would like to ask the right hon. Gentleman, even now, whether there is not. time to consider the advisability of placing persons who are unemployed in at least no worse a position at the commencement of this Act than at the present moment, that is to say. while not permitting thorn to have both the things they have paid for—both the 10s. old age pension at 65 and unemployment pay—at least enabling a person at 65 to have the higher of the two incomes, whether it be 18s., 23s., or even more, instead of the 10s. determined by this Bill. That has been done already under two Clauses. and it could be repeated a third time.
  I suggest that the right hon. Gentleman ought to reconsider this Clause. It will cause more vexation in the country than, perhaps, any other Clause in the Bill. On the day when the Bill becomes operative, 65,000 people will be turned from unemployment pay on to their pensions, with a tremendous reduction in their weekly income. That is not likely to create more pleasantness, but will undoubtedly create a great deal of discontent, because these men have paid for their unemployment pay, and have lived always under the belief that should they be turned out of work, unemployment pay will be waiting for them. For these reasons I hope the right hon. Gentleman will reconsider his whole position, and at least leave these people
  2306
  in no worse a position, if no better, on the final application of this Bill.
  Mr. CHAMBERLAIN: The speeches which have been delivered on this Amendment seem to me to rest upon an extraordinary misapprehension of the position as it exists to-day. The hon. Member for Don Valley (Mr. T. Williams) has talked as though Unemployment Insurance benefit were a sort of pension, to which a man was entitled week in and week out for the rest of his life.
  Mr. WILLIAMS: No.
  Mr. CHAMBERLAIN: The argument of the hon. Member was based upon that assumption, because he said, "Here is a man receiving 23s. unemployment benefit, and you ought to give him the option whether he shall receive that 23s. or the old age pension to which he would be entitled under the Bill, whichever is the higher." The 23s. is only a right under certain conditions, and those conditions strictly limit the time during which he can draw his unemployment benefit. Again, the hon. Member who moved the Amendment, and the hon. and gallant Member who seconded, spoke about breach of contract. The Mover of the Amendment described this Clause is robbery, and spoke of the awful names that any private insurance company would be called if they proposed such an alteration in their terms. Does he really mean to say that any alteration in the terms of Unemployment Insurance, whether alteration of contributions or of benefits, constitutes a. breach of contract? There never has been any scheme which has been altered so many times as the Unemployment Insurance scheme. There have been no fewer than nine separate Acts of Parliament, every one of which has varied the terms of the unemployment insurance scheme. Has there been a breach of contract every time? The original contribution under the Unemployment Insurance Act was 3d. weekly; now it is 6d.; and the benefits also have been altered. If it was really right and proper to alter the scheme from time to time, what constitutes the breach of contract in this particular alteration? There really is no breach of contract. If it were said that the benefits which we are offering to insured people under this Bill are

  2307
  less valuable to them than the present benefits, I could understand that, though I might not agree with it, but I cannot accept any argument based on the assumption that these people have a vested right to draw whatever unemployment insurance pay is in force at the time.
  Mr. THOMSON: Surely, there is all the difference in the world between a variation in the amount, whether of contributions or of benefits, and denial or refusal of any benefit whatever. That is what I complain of. These people have paid for 14 or 15 years for unemployment benefit should they fall out of work, and when they fall out of work they are refused any benefit whatever.
  8.0 P.M
  Mr. CHAMBERLAIN: The hon. Member is leaving out of account what they get in exchange, and, as I hope to show, they get very much better value in exchange than they are losing. I am perfectly ready to argue the merits of what we are giving against the merits of what we are taking away, but I do protest against any suggestion that there is a breach of contract involved. Let us see what the contract is. Take the unemployment benefit, because I notice that rather more stress has been laid upon that than upon the Health Insurance benefits. The standard benefit, that is to say, the benefit for which the man has paid, as the hon. Members says, is limited. He is entitled to one week's benefit in respect of six weeks' contributions, and in any event he cannot exceed 26 weeks in any year. The hon. Member may say that there is uncovenanted benefit, but in that case what about the contract? That is no part of the contract. The man has not paid for uncovenanted benefit. Has the hon. Member forgotten that, or is he adding the uncovenanted to the covenanted benefit when he talks about breach of contract? If so, there is obviously a confusion of thought. As a matter of fact, the pension of 10s. a week which the Bill gives a man covers him for 29 weeks' unemployment benefit at 18s. a week, and if you take into account that the man's wife, when she reaches the age of 65, also gets a pension, I think it is perfectly obvious that the benefits we are giving and assuring to these people, without any further ques-
  2308
  tion or doubt or uncertainty at any time, are, indeed, as the Actuary's Report shows, of very much more value than those received under the present scheme. Moreover, do not let us forget that these individuals are exempted from contributions, and no longer have to pay any contributions towards sickness or unemployment benefit. That, again, must be taken into consideration in comparing the two sets of benefits. Sickness benefit is contracted for under the Health. Insurance Act for 26 weeks. The largest benefit he can get throughout the year under the Insurance Act is 10s. a week, and he can get that under this Bill. If you take the benefit at. the rate of 15s. for sickness benefit, and another 5s., let us say, for additional benefits he might get from his approved society; therefore, assuming that his sickness benefit amounts altogether to 20s. a week, he gets 26 weeks of that assured to him by the pension under the Bill, and that added to the value of his wife's pension when she becomes 65 years of age. Let us not forget that the cessation of benefits and contributions under the National Health Insurance Act and Unemployment Insurance Act by reason of this Clause has enabled us to reduce contributions right the way through. Those are solid gains which, I think, must be kept in account. We are not committing any outrage or breaking any contract, and we are giving the people who come under this Bill something very much more valuable than we have taken away.
  Mr. NAYLOR: When this Clause was discussed in Committee, a question was raised, after the Minister had spoken, to which he gave no reply, although he had an opportunity of doing so. I am hoping I shall have his attention in order that this point may be cleared up. He was reminded in that Debate that, under the existing Unemployment Insurance Act, the man who roaches the pensionable age of 70 is still able to draw unemployment benefit as long as he observes all the conditions and regulations laid down by the committee. I want to know by what process of reasoning the Minister has arrived at the necessity for this change. Surely, there is more reason for preventing a man of 70 from continuing to draw unemployment benefit than there is for preventing a man of 65, because a man of 65 is

  2309
  much more likely to be physically able to work, as many of them have to do, especially those who are engaged in casual occupations, and I want to know from the Minister—I hope he is not running away from my question—I want to know by what process he has arrived at the point of preventing a man of 65 from taking unemployment benefit when under the existing Act a man of 70 is able to do so.
  The right hon. Gentleman has just complained of the hon. Member for West Middlesbrough (Mr. T. Thomson) describing this Clause as a species of robbery. I think the phrase is fully justified, and it is that kind of robbery that can have no reasonable kind of defence. I would rather describe it as a kind of insurance confidence trick. You agree to pay these men certain benefits in return for certain contributions, and the Minister goes towards an Exchange and meets a man who has just reached the age of 65 or will do so in a few days' time. That man has his unemployment benefit of 23s. in his hand, 18s. representing his own benefit and 5s. on account of his wife. The Minister says, "What have yon got there?" The man says, "I have 23s. here, unemployment benefit." The Minister says. "Well, would you not like 10s. old age pension?" The man says, "Yes, I would." The Minister says, "Hold out your hand," and, instead of putting in 10s., he takes out 13s. That is what I call a kind of insurance confidence trick, practised on men who are least able to bear the infliction.
  What is to become of the men who are too old at 40 and are discharged, largely because their means of producing so much as the younger men has brought them to the notice of their managers or employers and they are discharged from what has been hitherto regular employment? Then they become casual hands. Even at the age of 65 they can carry on the work that comes to them to do, and they have been allowed to carry on under the existing Acts. Here we have a Bill on which the Minister prides himself that it amends the existing Act to the advantage of the man and woman for whom provision is made. Yet here is a Clause that will bring consternation and dismay to the men of 65 and to the younger men who hope some day to be 65. It is a practical condemnation to compel those
  2310
  men to accept a 10s. pension and make up what is necessary to enable them to live at the expense of the Poor Law authorities. I hope the Minister will give further consideration to this Clause, as he is doing a great injustice to a very deserving class of men.
  Mr. WESTW00D: The attitude of the Minister on this particular Amendment has been very disappointing. He seemed to have been in a very reasonable frame of mind on some of the earlier Amendments, and I hoped we were going to get that same reasonable spirit as far as this Clause is concerned. A grave injustice is going to be done to thousands of men. and women in this country. You are also going to create a difference as between the voluntary side of insurance in the friendly society movement and compulsory insurance as represented by National Health Insurance. Friendly societies, from the voluntary point of view, insure their members so long as they produce a certificate that they are unable to follow their employment in illness. Thousands of men and women have insured in the National Health Insurance side of the friendly society movement, and they have been guaranteed, from 1912, in return for the insurance contributions paid, sickness benefit where they can produce a medical certificate. They were guaranteed benefit till 70 years of age. Without any compensation being paid, this particular Clause is going to take away five years of insurance so far as those people are concerned.
  Regarding unemployment, all we are asking is that those who have paid insurance for unemployment benefit shall get what they have paid for. We are not asking that something shall be paid at the will of the rota committee. Under the Acts today people are guaranteed extended benefit in return for the insurance contributions. The Minister, in replying to the Mover and Seconder of this Amendment, dealt with the unemployed man who was drawing unemployment insurance to-day. He claimed that there would be far greater benefits in return for the contributions paid under these proposals than under the existing Acts. But I am pleading, so far as the deletion of this Sub-section is concerned, for the man and woman who have paid insurance contributions

  2311
  and up to the present time have received no unemployment benefit and have been guaranteed unemployment benefit in the event of their becoming unemployable during the period. This is going to take away these rights. I heard the right hon. Gentleman the Member for Derby (Mr. Thomas) picturing the Chancellor of the Exchequer going to the Minister of Health and, in the words he used, the Chancellor of the Exchequer saying to the Minister of Health, "Please give me a lend of your baby to get me out of the hole in which I find myself." I think myself that there is not much of the baby about these proposals. They are more like a pair of forceps for extracting from people what has been given to them. It is nothing more or less than sheer robbery, and would be an injustice to any cat burglar who had been robbing the people of London. I trust the right hon. Gentleman is going to accept this Amendment. You have done some measure of justice in connection with Clause 24, and some measure of justice by the acceptance of a recent Amendment to delete a Sub-section of a Clause, and I appeal to the Minister to do another little bit of justice to those who have paid for Unemployment and Health Insurance by accepting the Amendment.
  Mr. PALING: I believe the Chancellor of the Exchequer stated that he was engaged in a series of delicate balancing feats, and that it was a question of balance as between this Bill and the Unemployment Bill, etc., in making them all adjust themselves one to the other. I fancy the Chancellor of the Exchequer, or the Minister of Health, or the Parliamentary Secretary, would have a difficult job to prove to a man of 65 or over, who would have been due 18s.. or in the case of a wife 23s. a week, that it is a delicate balancing feat to bring him from 23s. down to the 10s. proposed under the Bill. I would not apply the term delicate to that, I would rather use my hon. Friend's term. It is more in the nature of robbery to do a thing like that. The Minister complains that this is not a contract, but surely, as the case has been put. many of those people will have been paying to this unemployment fund for a considerable number of years, and
  2312
  in a good many eases they will have received nothing. Surely they have considered that they were paying under a contract and that if ever they were unemployed that contract would be honoured, but apparently ft is not to be if they reach 65 years of age. We learn again to-day— I suppose this is another example of balancing—that there are over 65,000 people who will be affected by this new Clause—65,000 people drawing unemployment pay who will be brought down to 10s. That is one of the methods by which money is going to be saved to the Unemployment Fund at the expense of these 65,000 poor unfortunate beings. I suppose there is another advantage which will be gained by the Government. The unemployment figures, which are so appalling, and which are causing them so much disturbance, will be reduced by this 65,000, and it will count to the advantage of the Government, I suppose, that they have reduced the figures by that amount, making the country believe they have found work for 65,000 people when all they have done is to rob them of anything from 8s. to 13s. a week when they have paid for all these things.
  When one looks at the Clause from that point of view, surely hon Members opposite cannot expect us to have anything decent to say about it. It is a most unworthy Clause, and they cannot apply the argument that has been applied to so many of our Amendments, that it was going to cost money to this Fund. They will get the 10s. out of the Fund in any event. Therefore you will not save anything from the Widows and Orphans' and Old Age Pensions Bill. All you will save is from the Unemployment Bill, and you will save money which is due to these people. I appeal to the Parliamentary Secretary to consider it in this light. We have had two Amendments conceded to us. This is an excellent opportunity to perform the hat trick and give us another. I have formed the opinion that the argument which has been offered from this side—real good, solid argument—is beginning to have an effect on the Minister, which has been exemplified by our receiving two concessions. I am equally sure that the arguments which have been adduced on this Amendment are so much stronger that he can have no possible reason for withholding this from

  2313
  us in addition. We appeal to him to do justice to all these 65,000 people, and to have regard to the fact that when a man reaches 65 years of age, the possibility of his becoming unemployed is rather greater than when he is young. The older he gels, the loss he is required by people who want strong men in industry We appeal to the hon. Gentleman from all these points of view to reconsider the Amendment, and see if he cannot give us a third, and at the same time do justice to these people who are going to suffer as a result of the Bill.
  Mr. LANSBURY: I should like to join in the appeal to the better side of the Parliamentary Secretary, and ask him to visualise what would have happened if he had been sitting in this corner seat, and anyone else had brought in this Bill. He would have been the first to talk about necessitous areas, such as Woolwich, where this provision will inevitably throw on the rates a very large proportion of men and women. We have been hearing over and over again during the Debates on the Finance Bill, and Debates on trade, and in speeches made by the hon. and learned Gentleman last year on many an occasion, that the pressure of rates was very bad for industry and trade generally, and under this provision there is no doubt at all that the major part of these 65,000 people will be driven either to starve or to go to the Poor Law to get assistance. Already the boards of guardians in the East End, in preparing their estimates for the coming winter, are enlarging them because of the evil effects which will come from the passing of a Measure which is being considered upstairs just now, and whenever this Bill comes into operation we shall have another load put upon us. I cannot understand what is going to happen to a man of my age who is a, casual labourer, who for one reason or another has been obliged to exist on extended benefit, and then gets a run of good luck, when he is just about 64 years and 11 months old, and is able to pay up into the Unemployment Insurance Fund—I cannot understand what is going to happen to him when he is 65, and is out of work, because I do not take it that you are going to make a man of 65 leave off work of necessity. He may be able to get a job if there is one going. You are not going to make him compulsorily retire. What is going to happen to him if he goes
  2314
  on working for a couple of years longer and is able to pay his contributions in for out-of-work pay? Why should he be denied what he paid his contribution for? Why should you say to him when he is out of work again, "You cannot have what you have paid for. Although all your life you have been paying in, now we automatically rule you out and call you a pensioner instead of giving you what you have paid for."
  This is a most iniquitous proposition, that a man because trade has been very bad, should automatically be driven into the position of existing on 10s. a week plus whatever he can get out of the boards of guardians. I cannot for the life of me understand the reason of this, except that it seems to me you are always afraid the poor may got a little too much. You treat them all the time as if it is a, crime that they should have anything move than the meanest subsistence. All the machinery of this Bill against the duplication of pensions, all the machinery you are putting in here now, you would not dream of applying to yourselves at all. I do not know of any provision to make a man who has served, say, as an Admiral or a General, who gets, say. a lump sum of ®100,000, which really is a perpetual pension of ®5,000 a year—I do not know of any provision for hedging him round so that he cannot bo the Governor of New Zealand or the First Sea Lord. I do not understand why you should have one sort of law to take precious good care that these wretched, poor people should not get too much. Twenty-three shillings is only enough for them to starve on. Now you are proposing to cut them down to 10s. That is one of the most—and there are a lot more— iniquitous Clauses in the Bill. I cannot feel a spirit of harmony because you give us a paltry concession here and a paltry concession there.
  The whole of this Bill, the whole structure of the Bill, is a piece of jerrymandering finance. It is a pretence to give the poor something, when all the time you are making them pay very extravagantly for anything they are getting. In this Clause you are going to take away what they have paid for. With the rich people it is another thing. The rich do not pay for their pensions and allowances; they get them for nothing. These poor people, having paid, are to be refused the thing

  2315
  for which they have subscribed compulsorily week by week. It is a joke, no doubt a very excellent joke, to imagine, when you have taken away from an old man of 65 13s. a week, and you have shoved him down either into the pit of destitution or under the hated Poor Law, that you are doing something for these old people. When I remember that an ex-Lord High Chancellor gets ®5,000 a year pension, ®100 a week, and that you are going to make an old man who has helped to provide that money exist on a paltry 10s. a week, when probably he has a wife and one or two children, it seems to me despicable. No more despicable, contemptible thing has ever been done by this House of Commons.
  Mr. SPENCER: This might be interesting as being a desirable thing had representations been made to the Ministry by the approved societies. I do not know that any approved societies have made representations asking the Ministry to make this provision to protect their funds. Nearly all the representatives of the approved societies, especially of the friendly societies, with whom I have come into contact are very anxious to strengthen this Bill in the interests of their members, rather than to weaken it against them. In this Clause, it seems to me that those who have framed the Bill have gone out of their way to take away wherever they can the advantages which the contributors are paying for. This Bill ought to go down to posterity, not as the Widows',. Orphans', and Old Age Pensions Bill, but as the "Collar and Dodge Bill.' You are collaring all the contributions you can and dodging all the benefits. We have not long since concluded one Clause where the Government were dodging the benefits in regard to workmen's compensation, and now they are dodging the benefit in regard to those who have been members of approved societies.
  What right have you to mix up two Bills, two funds? If a man has made contributions to one fund for the purpose of certain benefits and has complied with all the conditions in regard to that benefit, he ought not to be deprived of them. If he makes a separate contribution under this Bill for an old age pension or a widow's pension, he should not be deprived of the advantage paid for
  2316
  under the scheme. The contributors are to be so deprived, and just at a period in their lives, especially with regard to the old people, when they ought to receive additional benefits rather than be deprived of benefits.
  In the Association to which I belong we do all we possibly can to help the old people. My right hon. Friend smiled when someone made reference to the fact that people could get better benefit than is given in this Bill, if they contributed elsewhere. I want to tell him that our people are getting far better benefits under our organisation than are given in this Bill or under the Unemployment Insurance Act. They pay 1s. a week. No contribution is made by the employer. They get. ®1 a week out of work pay. We are paying every old man in Nottinghamshire under our Association a pension of 6s. a week. Notwithstanding the fact that we had a debt of ®172,000 in 1921, money which we had borrowed in order to pay strike benefit, we have paid every old age pensioner his pension when it has become due. To-day we owe ®20,000, but we have attended to our old people notwithstanding our debts. They have not been deprived of any benefit for which they have paid.
  In this Clause the contributions which the old men have made for benefit under the National Health Insurance Act and the Unemployment Insurance Act to be neutralised and they are to be deprived of those benefits. You are taking together separate Bills and trying to amalgamate them. I suggest to the Minister that it is not fair to build up his Measure in that way. He is seeking to enrich Peter by robbing Paul. All along the line, those who are being deprived of benefits are the very people who can least stand being deprived of those benefits. It is not a credit to a great party or to a great State to make provision on one hand and take it away with the other. Before we part with this Bill, I hope that it will be improved on behalf of the old people. It certainly would be so improved if this Amendment were accepted.
  Question, "That the words proposed to be left out, to the word 'and,' in line 33, stand part of the Bill."
  The House divided: Ayes, 233; Noes, 139.

  Division No. 315.]

  AYES.

  [8.32 p.m.

  Acland-Troyto, Lieut.-Colonel

  Fanshawe, Commander G. o.

  Morrison, H. (Wilts, Salisbury)

  Agg-Gardner, Rt. Hon. Sir James T.

  Fermoy, Lord

  Nail, Lieut.-Colonel Sir Joseph

  Alexander, E. E. (Leyton)

  Fielden, E. B.

  Nelson, Sir Frank

  Allen, J. Sandeman (L'pool, W. Derby)

  Finburgh, S.

  Newman, Sir R. H. S. D. L. (Exeter)

  Ashley, Lt.-Col. Rt. Hon. Wilfrid W.

  Forestier-Walker, Sir L.

  Nicholson, O. (Westminster)

  Ashmead-Bartlett. E.

  Foster, Sir Harry S.

  Nuttall, Ellis

  Astbury, Lieut.-Commander F. W.

  Frece, Sir Walter de

  Oakley, T.

  Atholl, Duchess of

  Galbraith, J. F. W.

  O'Connor, T. J. (Bedford, Luton)

  Balfour, George (Hampstead)

  Ganzonl, Sir John

  Penny, Frederick George

  Banks, Reginald Mitchell

  Gates, Percy

  Percy, Lord Eustace (Hastings)

  Barclay-Harvey, C. M.

  Gibbs, Col. Rt. Hon. George Abraham

  Perkins, Colonel E. K.

  Barnett, Major Sir Richard

  Gllmour, Lt.-Col. Rt. Hon. Sir John

  Perring, William George

  Barnston, Major Sir Harry

  Grace, John

  Peto, G. (Somerset, Frome)

  Beamish, Captain T. P. H.

  Greene, W. P. Crawford

  Pielou, D. P.

  Bellairs, Commander Carlyon W.

  Grenfell, Edward C. (City of London)

  Plicher, G.

  Benn, Sir A. S. (Plymouth, Drake)

  Grotrian, H. Brent

  Pliditch, Sir Philip

  Bentinck. Lord Henry Cavendish

  Guinness, Rt. Hon. Walter E.

  Power, Sir John Cecil

  Berry, Sir George

  Hacking, Captain Douglas H.

  Radford, E. A.

  Bethell, A.

  Hall, Lieut.-Col. Sir F. (Dulwich)

  Raine, W.

  Betterton, Henry B.

  Hall, Vice-Admiral Sir R. (Eastbourne)

  Ramsden, E.

  Birchall, Major J. Dearman

  Hall, Capt. W. D'A. (Brecon & Rad.)

  Reid, D. D. (County Down)

  Bird, E. R. (Yorks, W. R., Skipton)

  Hannon, Patrick Joseph Henry

  Remer, J. R.

  Bourne, Captain Robert Croft

  Harrison, G. J. C.

  Rentoul, G. s.

  Bowyer, Capt. G. E. W.

  Harvey, Majors. E. (Devon, Totnes)

  Rhys, Hon. C. A. U.

  Brass, Captain W.

  Hawke, John Anthony

  Rice, Sir Frederick

  Bridgeman, Rt. Hon. William Clivn

  Henderson, Lieut.-Col. v. L. (Bootle)

  Richardson, Sir P. W. (Sur'y, Ch'ts'y)

  Briggs, J. Harold

  Heneage, Lieut.-Colonel Arthur P.

  Roberts, Samuel (Hereford, Hereford)

  Briscoe, Richard George

  Henn, Sir Sydney H.

  Ruggles-Brise, Major E. A.

  Brocklebank, C. E. R.

  Hennessy, Major J. R, G.

  Rye, F. G.

  Brooke, Brigadier-General C. R. I.

  Henniker-Hughan, Vice-Adm. Sir A.

  Samuel, A. M. (Surrey, Farnham)

  Broun-Lindsay, Major H.

  Herbert, S.(York, N.R., Scar. & Wh'by)

  Sandeman, A. Stewart

  Brown, Maj. D. C. (N'th'l'd., Hexham)

  Hilton, Cecil

  Sanderson, Sir Frank

  Buckingham, Sir H.

  Hogg, Rt. Hon. Sir D. (St. Marylebone)

  Sandon, Lord

  Bull, Rt. Hon. Sir William James

  Holt, Capt. H. P.

  Sassoon, Sir Philip Albert Gustave D.

  Burman, J. B.

  Hope, Capt. A. O. J. (Warw'k, Nun.)

  Shaw, Capt. W. W. (Wilts, Westb'y)

  Burton, Colonel H. W,

  Hopkins, J. W. W.

  Shepperson, E. W.

  Butler, Sir Geoffrey

  Hopkison, A. (Lancaster, Mossley)

  Simms, Dr. John M. (Co. Down)

  Cadogan, Major Hon. Edward

  Howard, Capt. Hon. D. (Cumb., N.)

  Skelton, A. N.

  Campbell, E. T.

  Hudson, Capt. A. U. M.(Hackney, N.)

  Slaney, Major P. Kenyon

  Cassels, J. D.

  Hume, Sir G. H.

  Smith, R. W. (Aberd'n & Kinc'dine, C.)

  Cautley, Sir Henry S.

  Hunter-Weston, Lt.-Gen. Sir Aylmer

  Smith-Carington, Neville W.

  Cecil, Rt. Hon. Sir Evelyn (Aston)

  Huntingfield, Lord

  Smithers, Waldron

  Chadwick, sir Robert Burton

  Hurd, Percy A.

  Somerville, A. A. (Windsor)

  Chamberlain, Rt. Hon. N. (Ladywood)

  Inskip, Sir Thomas Walker H.

  Stanley, Col. Hon. G. F. (Will'sden. E.)

  Chapman, Sir S.

  Jackson, Sir H. (Wandsworth, Cen'l)

  Stanley, Lord (Fylde)

  Charteris, Brigadier-General J.

  Jacob, A. E.

  Storry Deans, R.

  Chilcott, Sir Warden

  Jephcott, A. R.

  Stott, Lieut.-Colonel W. H.

  Christie, J. A.

  Jones, G. W. H. (stoke Newington)

  Stuart, Hon. J. (Moray and Nairn)

  Clarry, Reginald George

  Kennedy, A. R. (Preston)

  Styles, Captain H. Walter

  Clayton, G. C.

  Kidd, J. (Linilthgow)

  Sueter, Rear-Admiral Murray Fraser

  Cobb, Sir Cyril

  Knox, Sir Alfred

  Sugden, Sir Wilfrid

  Cochrane, Commander Hon. A. D.

  Lamb, J. Q.

  Tasker, Major R. Inigo

  Colfox, Major Wm. Phillips

  Lane-Fox, Colonel George R.

  Thompson, Luke (Sunderland)

  Cope, Major William

  Little, Dr. E. Graham

  Tryon, Rt. Hon. George Clement

  Couper, J. B.

  Lloyd, Cyril E. (Dudley)

  Turton, Edmund Russborough

  Courtauld, Major J. S.

  Loder, J. de V.

  Vaughan-Morgan, Col. K. P.

  Craig, Ernest (Chester, Crewe)

  Lougher, L.

  Waddington, R.

  Craik, Rt. Hon. Sir Henry

  Luce, Major-Gen. Sir Richard Harman

  Wallace, Captain D. E.

  Crook, C. W.

  MacAndrew, Charles Glen

  Ward, Lt.-Col. A.L.(Kingston-on-Hull)

  Crooke, J. Smedley (Deritend)

  Macdonald, R. (Glasgow, Cathcart)

  Warner, Brigadier-General W. W.

  Crookshank, Col. C. de W. (Berwick)

  McDonnell, Colonel Hon. Angus

  Warrender, Sir Victor

  Crookshank, Cpt. H.(Lindsey, Gainsbro)

  Macintyre, Ian

  Waterhouse, Captain Charles

  Cunliffe, Joseph Herbert

  McLean, Major A.

  Watts, Dr. T.

  Curtis-Bennett, Sir Henry

  Macmillan, Captain H.

  Wells, S. R.

  Curzon, Captain Viscount

  McNeill, Rt. Hon. Ronald John

  Wheler, Major Sir Granville C. H.

  Dalziel, Sir Davison

  Maitland, Sir Arthur D. Steel-

  Williams, Herbert G. (Reading)

  Davies, A. V. (Lancaster, Royton)

  Malone, Major P. B.

  Wilson, Sir C. H. (Leeds, Central)

  Davies, Maj. Geo. F.(Somerset, Yeovil)

  Manningham-Buller, Sir Mervyn

  Wilson. R. R. (Stafford, Lichfield)

  Davies, Sir Thomas (Cirencester)

  Melter, R. J.

  Winby, Colonel L. P.

  Dawson, Sir Philip

  Merriman, F. B.

  Windsor-Clive, Lieut.-Colonel George

  Dean, Arthur Wellesley

  Meyer, Sir Frank

  Winterton, Rt. Hon. Earl

  Doyle, Sir N. Grattan

  Milne, J. S. Wardlaw-

  Wise, Sir Fredric

  Edmondson. Major A. J.

  'Mitchell, S. (Lanark, Lanark)

  Wolmer, Viscount

  Elveden, Viscount

  Mitchell, W. Foot (Saffron Walden)

  Womersley, W. J.

  Erskine, Lord (Somerset, Weston-s.-M.)

  Mitchell, Sir W. Lane (Streatham)

  Wood, Sir Kingsley (Woolwich, W.)

  Erskine, James Malcolm Monteith

  Monsell, Eyres, Com. Rt. Hon. B. M.

  Everard, W. Lindsay

  Moore, Lieut.-Colonel T. C. R. (Ayr)

  TELLERS FOR THE AYES.—

  Fairfax, Captain J. G.

  Moore, Sir Newton J.

  Mr. F. C. Thomson and Captain

  Falls, Sir Charles F.

  Moreing, Captain A. H.

  Margesson.

  2318

  2319

  NOES.

  Adamson, Rt. Hon. W. (Fife, West)

  Hall, F. (York, W. R., Normanton)

  Robinson, W. C. (Yorks, W. R., Elland)

  Adamson, W. M. (Staff., Cannock)

  Hall, G. H. (Merthyr Tydvil)

  Rose, Frank H.

  Alexander, A. V. (Sheffield, Hillsbro')

  Hardie, George D.

  Salter, Dr. Alfred

  Ammon, Charles George

  Hartshorn, Rt. Hon. Vernon

  Scrymgeour, E.

  Attlee, Clement Richard

  Hayday, Arthur

  Shaw, Rt. Hon. Thomas (Preston)

  Baker, J. (Wolverhampton, Bilston)

  Hayes, John Henry

  Shiels, Dr. Drummond

  Barker, G. (Monmouth, Abertillery)

  Henderson, Right Hon. A. (Burnley)

  Simon, Rt. Hon. Sir John

  Barnes, A.

  Henderson, T. (Glasgow)

  Sinclair, Major Sir A. (Caithness)

  Barr, J.

  Hirst, G. H.

  Slesser, Sir Henry H.

  Batey, Joseph

  Hirst, W. (Bradford, South)

  Smillie, Robert

  Beckett, John (Gateshead)

  Jenkins, W. (Glamorgan, Neath)

  Smith, Ben (Bermondsey, Rotherhithe)

  Bonn, Captain Wedgwood (Leith)

  John, William (Rhondda, West)

  Smith, H. B. Lees- (Keighley)

  Broad, F. A.

  Jones, Henry Haydn (Merioneth)

  Smith, Rennie (Penistone)

  Bromley, J.

  Jones, J. J. (West Ham, Silvertown)

  Snell, Harry

  Brown, James (Ayr and Bute)

  Jones, Morgan (Caerphilly)

  Snowden, Rt. Hon. Philip

  Buchanan, G.

  Kelly, W. T.

  Spencer, George A. (Broxtowe)

  Cape, Thomas

  Kennedy, T.

  Stamford, T. W.

  Charleton, H. C.

  Kenyon, Barnet

  Sutton, J. E.

  Clowes, S.

  Kirkwood, D.

  Taylor, R. A.

  Cluse, W. S.

  Lansbury, George

  Thomson, Trevelyan (Middlesbro. W.)

  Clynes, Rt. Hon. John R.

  Lawson, John James

  Thorne, G. R. (Wolverhampton, E.)

  Compton, Joseph

  Lee, F.

  Thorne, W. (West Ham, Plaistow)

  Connolly, M.

  Lindley, F. W.

  Thurtle, E.

  Dalton, Hugh

  Livingstone, A. M.

  Tinker, John Joseph

  Davies, Evan (Ebbw Vale)

  Lowth, T.

  Varley, Frank B.

  Davies, Ellis (Denbigh, Denbigh)

  Lunn, William

  Viant, S. P.

  Davies, Rhys John (Westhrughton)

  MacLaren, Andrew

  Wallhead, Richard C.

  Davison, J. E. (Smethwick)

  Maclean, Neil (Glasgow, Govan)

  Walsh, Rt. Hon. Stephen

  Day, Colonel Harry

  March, S.

  Warne, G. H.

  Dennison, R.

  Maxton, James

  Watson, W. M. (Dunfermline)

  Duncan, C.

  Mitchell, E. Rosslyn (Paisley)

  Watts-Morgan, Lt.-Col. D. (Rhondda)

  Edwards, C. (Monmouth, Bedwellty)

  Montague, Frederick

  Webb, Rt. Hon. Sidney

  Edwards, John H. (Accrington)

  Morris, R. H.

  Wedgwood, Rt. Hon. Josiah

  England, Colonel A.

  Murnin, H.

  Westwood, J.

  Fenby, T. D.

  Naylor, T. E.

  Whiteley, W.

  Forrest, W.

  Oliver, George Harold

  Wiggins, William Martin

  Garro-Jones, Captain G. M.

  Paling, W.

  Wilkinson, Ellen C.

  Gibbins, Joseph

  Parkinson, John Allen (Wigan)

  Williams, Dr. J. H. (Llanelly)

  Graham, D. M. (Lanark, Hamilton)

  Pethick-Lawrence, F. W.

  Williams, T. (York, Don Valley)

  Graham, Rt. Hon. Wm. (Edin., Cent.)

  Ponsonby, Arthur

  Wilson, C. H. (Sheffield, Attercliffe)

  Greenall, T.

  Potts, John S.

  Wilson, R. J. (Jarrow)

  Greenwood, A. (Nelson and Colne)

  Purcell, A. A.

  Windsor, Walter

  Grenfell, D. R. (Glamorgan)

  Richardson, R. (Houghton-le-Spring)

  Wright, W.

  Griffiths, T. (Monmouth, Pontypool)

  Riley, Ben

  Young, Robert (Lancaster Newton)

  Groves, T.

  Ritson, J.

  Grundy, T. W.

  Roberts, Rt. Hon. F. O.(W. Bromwich)

  TELLERS FOR THE NOES.—

  Guest, J. (York, Hemsworth)

  Robertson, J. (Lanark, Bothwell)

  Sir Godfrey Collins and Sir Robert

  Guest, Dr. L. Haden (Southwark, N.)

  Robinson, Sir T. (Lanes., Stretford)

  Hutchison.

  CLAUSE 39.—(Consequential Amendments of Insurance Acts.)
  Sir K. WOOD: I beg to move, in page 36, line 27, to leave out from the word "cancellation" to the word "of" in line 29.
  Under the Bill, certain cancellations have to take place, but until some arrangements are made for Northern Ireland, that will not be possible, and this Amendment and that which follows are simply to safeguard the position and provide that reserve values for persons resident in Northern Ireland shall not be affected until reciprocal arrangements are made.
  Amendment agreed to.
  Further Amendment made: In page 36, line 34, at the end, insert the words
  "Provided that such reduction or cancellation of reserve values shall not have effect for the purposes of Section one hundred and
  2320
  twenty-two of the Insurance Act unless and until reciprocal arrangements with Northern Ireland are made under this Act."—[Sir K. Wood.]
  Mr. R. DAVIES: I beg to move, in page 37, line 5, at the end, to insert the words
  "Provided also that where an employer has failed or neglected to pay any contributions which, under the Insurance Act as amended by this Act. he is liable to pay in respect of any person, such person shall be deemed to be an insured person during the period of such failure or neglect."
  This I regard as a very important Amendment, and I shall be very much surprised if the Government are unwilling to accept it. The House will bear with me while I refer to the provisions of the National Health Insurance Act covering this subject. Section 106 of the National Health Insurance Act of 1924 provides that there shall be included among the debts which, under Section 209 of the

  2321
  Companies Act, 1908, are, on a distribution of the assets of a company being wound up to be paid in priority to all other debts, all contributions payable under this Act, and so on. But it is found that in actual practice many insured persons are deprived of benefits because of the failure of employers to stamp the insurance cards at the proper time. The most common case is that of the bankrupt employer. In that case very serious and cruel hardships Fall upon a considerable number of persons insured under the National Health Insurance Act. What this Amendment proposes is to throw on the Government the onus of seeing that, provided the insured person has carried out his part of the transaction, he shall not suffer any loss of benefit. I shall be told of course that as the contributions are paid, that consequently the liability of the Government to pay pensions will not accrue
  I want to give a concrete case. Take the case of a person who is insured from the age of 16 to 60. The contributions are paid in respect of him week by week without failure. All of a sudden his employer finds himself in financial difficulties, and without the knowledge of the employé the employer becomes bankrupt. I will reduce the case a step further. Suppose that the employer finds himself in financial difficulties in January. He does not pay any contributions in respect of his employé for the whole of the first half of that year. When the employé desires to secure his contribution card he finds that there are no stamps on it at all. Strange as it may seem, very few insured persons bother much about their insurance cards until they desire to claim benefit, and then the first thing required of them is that the contributions must have been paid. The Ministry of Health has ample information at its disposal to prove my contention that there are hundreds if not thousands of insured persons every year who are deprived of their benefits merely because of the neglect of their employers. I know that the Minister's answer will be, as it has always been, that although the employer has failed to stamp the card an opportunity is provided to an insured person to make good the amount of contributions respect of himself, leaving the employer's contribution out of account for the pur-
  2322
  pose. But I must point out that the hardship may have fallen upon the insured person by that time.
  There are provisions in the Insurance Act calling upon the employer to pay the benefit where the loss of the benefit is the fault of the employer. But much time is wasted and many employers have no means whatever of meeting their dues in such cases. I hope that the Minister will accept the Amendment. I feel sure that it will appeal to him.
  It would be a monstrous thing if a man had paid his contributions up to nine months before his death, and then 'left a widow and two or three little children under 14 years of age, who, because the employer his failed to stamp the man's card, were deprived absolutely of the, benefits that would otherwise accrue to them. The Amendment is moved in the best spirit because cases of this kind have happened so often. There was the case of a colliery company the other day. The approved society made a complaint in respect of several of the men employed, and the men had the option to pay the contributions, but that was absolutely unfair to them. I know the difficulties there are in the administration of this scheme, but I feel sure that the Ministry would be able to get over them. No person insured under this scheme ought to suffer the loss of a penny of benefit merely because the employer has neglected to carry out his part of the transactions. The Treasury will in any case have received the contributions. The Treasury will have received. in some cases, probably 40 years of regular contributions, but because the employer has become bankrupt the insured person would be deprived of benefit. That is our case.
  Miss WILKINSON: I beg to second the Amendment.
  It is not very often realised that many employed persons hardly ever see their insurance cards. The cards are dealt with in bulk, especially in the case of large factories. The money is deducted compulsorily from their wages, the whole of the cards are dealt with in the office, and they are sent in bulk to the various societies. The employé naturally is entitled to assume that the employer has done his share. The State does not place on the employé the responsibility in this

  2323
  case. The employer is made the collecting agency for the State. Therefore, if the State's own agent defaults, the loss should not fall on the employé who has done his share. Of course it is open to the State to make this a civil debt, and the resources of the State, which are infinitely more powerful than those of the employé, can be used to recover the money, if the employer becomes bankrupt, by making the debt a charge upon his assets. With all that machinery at the disposal of the State it is surely only fair that the employé or the widow and her children should be paid during such time as the State is making arrangements to settle with the employer. You might have the case of a helpless widow with children around her, knowing nothing of the law. knowing only that she expected her benefit and is not getting it. I hope that the State will stand in loco parentis —I do not know the Latin for husband— to a woman, and collect the debt for her and see that she gets her benefit?
  Sir K. WOOD: I recognise the importance of the Amendment, but I should say at once that this is more a matter of amendment of the National Insurance Act than of amendment1 of this Bill. I appreciate the points that have been raised and the difficulty that may occasionally occur. As to that, I will make a few observations and give an undertaking. If the Mover of the Amendment will refer to Section 1 of the National Health Insurance Act, 1924, he will there see a definition given of "insured person." The Clause says:
  "Subject to the provisions of this Act, all persons of the age of 16 and upwards who are employed within the meaning of this Act shall be, and any such persons who are not so employed but who possess the qualifications hereinafter in this Section mentioned, may be insured in manner provided in this Act, and all persons so insured shall be entitled in the manner provided by, and subject to the conditions contained in. this Ant to the benefits in respect of health Insurance and prevention of sickness conferred by this Act."
  It is fair to say that that is the definition so far as insurance is concerned. Payment of contributions, whilst undoubtedly normally the test as to whether a person is insured or not, is not the only test that is left. Any employed person remains an insured person so long as there is one stamp on his card in
  2324
  each year. When an approved society does not receive a stamped card from the man, it is the duty of the society, in the first place, to ascertain why the stamped card is missing. Secondly, if in such circumstances as the hon. Gentleman has indicated the member by reason of the absence of contributions is treated by his society as having ceased to be an insured person, he has then the ordinary right of appeal against the society, and if he can establish the fact that he has satisfied the first condition to which I have referred, he is entitled to be reinstated. I should also inform the House that if an employer is negligent in paying contributions, it is the duty of the employé to report the matter to his society or to the Department in order that the Department may take the necessary steps to ensure compliance. Finally, I would refer the hon. Member to Section 106 of the Act of 1924. He has referred to the possibility of an employer's bankruptcy. There is a helpful, provision in this Section which meets the case of winding-up or bankruptcy or anything of that kind, and gives unpaid contributions priority over the general creditors' claim against the assets.
  Mr. R. DAVIES: What about the case of a winding-up where there are no assets?
  Sir K. WOOD: My hon. Friend is quite correct. There is a difficulty, but I am sorry to say his Amendment does not meet it. I daresay he has brought this matter forward, quite properly, merely in order to express an opinion in this direction and to see whether anything further can be done. As he knows, a Commission is now sitting in connection with National Health Insurance and, no doubt, some of the societies may be able to put forward some practical suggestion for dealing with this matter. My hon. Friend will not take me as unduly criticising his proposal if I say that a simple declaration such as is suggested would not take the matter very much further. We ought to have some provision by which a man should be deemed in certain circumstances to have made contributions, but directly you begin to say that you are in difficulties with the societies so far as their accounts and benefits are concerned. I hope my hon. Friend will agree that in regard to this particular matter we must see if anything can be worked out in order to meet the difficulty and, as he knows, there will be

  2325
  a further opportunity of dealing with the subject when we are bringing forward our Insurance Bill next year. Perhaps he will feel that in the circumstances what I have said is a sufficient reply for the present occasion.
  Amendment, by leave, withdrawn.
  CLAUSE 42.—(Local authorities.)
  Captain GARRO-JONES: I beg to move, in page 39, line 3, after the word "borough," to insert the words "and a Metropolitan borough."
  9.0 P.M.
  The object of the Amendment is to enable Metropolitan borough councils to administer this Act in preference to the London County Council. It will be noticed that I stand alone in proposing this Amendment, but if hon. Members cast their minds back to the Committee stage, they may recall that a large number of hon. Members subscribed to the principle on that occasion, including many who sit on the opposite side, and some of whom I see present. In accordance with a practice with which we are becoming accustomed, these hon. Members, having put their names down to the Amendment, and some of them having spoken on the subject, went back on the position which they had taken up immediately after the Minister replied. The hon. Member for West Fulham (Sir Cyril Cobb), whoso name was down to a very similar Amendment, and who did not receive a single iota of concession, is in his place, and I confidently expect that he will either give me support or explain in what particular this proposal is wrong.
  Prior to the Minister's Amendment, the local authorities empowered to administer this Measure were the London County Council, the borough councils of county boroughs and county councils, but in order to meet various pleas which were put forward, the Minister introduced an Amendment providing that non-county borough councils and urban district councils, in cases where those bodies were both education authorities and the authorities empowered to administer the Maternity and Child Welfare Act, 1918, should have power to administer this Measure. In the case of these authorities there will be two sets of officials, first the maternity and child welfare visitors who will have the duty of administering this Measure in respect of children under
  2326
  five, whereas in the case of children between the ages of five and 14 an entirely different set of officials will be employed. One argument against that system is people object to having a succession of officials calling round to their houses for various purposes. These hordes of officials are growing and it would be a splendid thing, whoever is to administer the Act, if only one set of officials were employed.
  My Amendment proposes that instead of the London County Council having authority to administer the provisions of this Measure in London, these should be administered by the Metropolitan borough councils. These councils, though not education authorities, are authorities under the Maternity and Child Welfare Act and therefore, have already in their employment maternity and child welfare visitors who could quite easily carry out all the duties required. As I have pointed out, if the Bill remains as it is, in addition to these visitors, we shall have another set of officials from the London County Council making inquiries. I suggest that is an indefensible proposal and that the whole power ought to be given to the Metropolitan borough councils. If the Minister cannot accept the proposal, I hope he will explain the reason why this power should be entrusted to the London County Council in preference to the Metropolitan borough councils. I have already said something in criticism of hon. Members who—though perhaps I am putting it too strongly in saying so—ran away from this Amendment on the Committee stage. I submit this may have been due to an unintentional misrepresentation by the Minister of Health when I proposed the Amendment in Committee. I would like a reply on this point from the hon. Gentleman the Parliamentary Secretary, and I hope he will give it his attention.
  Sir K. WOOD: Perhaps the hon. and gallant Member will refer me to the particular passage with which he is dealing?
  Captain GARRO-JONES: I shall quote from the OFFICIAL REPORT of Wednesday, 15th July, and shall read it quite accurately. The hon. Gentleman need have no fear that I shall misquote the OFFICIAL REPORT. I had proposed that the Metropolitan borough councils should have this power to administer the

  2327
  Measure, and the Minister brought in another Amendment, as follows:
  "Provided that where the council of any non-county borough or urban district is both a local education authority and an authority for the purposes of the Maternity and Child Welfare Act. 1918, that council shall, as respects that borough or urban district, be the local authority for the purpose of this Act to the exclusion of the county council."
  That had the effect of bringing non-county boroughs and urban district councils, if they happened to be authorities under the Maternity and Child Welfare Act, and also education authorities, but it did not bring in the Metropolitan borough councils at all. In these circumstances, I ask" the hon. Member to consider whether this remark of the Minister of Health was justifiable. When my Amendment was being answered, the Minister said:
  "This is not really a question which ought to raise large principles of a distribution of powers between the London County Council and the metropolitan boroughs.
  These are the words of which I complain:
  "The real object of the Amendment which the hon. Member has moved, I think, is incorporated in the Amendment I have put on the Paper."—[OFFICIAL REPORT. 15th July, 1925; col. 1445, Vol. 186.]
  That misled, quite unintentionally, a large number of hon. Members. My object was perfectly simple. It was to include metropolitan borough councils as the authorities for administering the Measure, and the Amendment which the Minister brought forward, though he said that my object was incorporated in his Amendment, did not in fact go a single step towards achieving that object. That may explain why many hon. Members, whose names were down to a similar Amendment to mine, did not proceed with their Amendment. The Metropolitan borough councils are powerful bodies, they have done their work very well, they already have most important powers, and it is a wrong principle that they should depend for the exercise of their powers on delegation from the London County Council rather than on the direct authority of this House. I hope the hon. Member will accept my Amendment, or at any rate give some substantial reason why it should not be accepted.
  Mr. MARCH: I beg to second the Amendment.
  Sir CYRIL COBB: I should like to put one point to the hon. Member in charge of the Bill. As I understand it. under the Clause as re-drafted, the London County Council will be the authority to administer the duties under this Bill as provided in Clause 6. The London County Council can do one of two things. It can, in the first place, delegate to the borough councils all those duties relating to children under five now administered by the maternity and child welfare committees of the borough councils, and at the same time it can delegate to its education committee all those duties which relate to children between five and 14. It can also take up another position, that it will not delegate at all any of its powers with regard either to children under five or to children between five and 14, though necessarily the powers with regard to the latter children will fall into, the hands of the education committee, who will be able most effectively to carry them out through their great system of care committees in London. The machinery of the care committees for the purpose of visiting families is far more effective than the machinery of the maternity and child welfare committees.
  That is by the way, but the second position may be that the London County Council will delegate none of its powers, but will keep in its own hands, so as to have a uniform system throughout London, the whole of the duties regarding all the children, whether under five, or between five and 14 years of age. What I want to know from the hon. Gentleman is this: In the case of the first position, will these duties, which are carried out by (he maternity and child welfare committees, rank for grant under the Ministry of Health in the same way as all the other duties carried out at the present time under the maternity and child welfare committees: and will, at the same time, the duties which are carried out by the education committee rank for grant under the Board of Education in the same way as all the other care, committee work that is carried out at the present time?
  Captain GARRO-JONES: On a point of Order. I am afraid that, if we are led off on this side track. I shall not get a direct reply to my question. I submit that it is not relevant to this Amendment whether or not any grants

  2329
  are given to the education committee or to the maternity and child welfare committees.
  Sir C. COBB: I submit that it is relevant indeed, because naturally both the borough councils and the London County Council want to know whether, if they do carry out these duties, they will rank for grant. In regard to the second position, if the London County Council takes over the whole of these duties for all the children, will the whole of that work rank for grant? If so, I am perfectly satisfied with the arrangements which have been made in the revised Clause 42, although I am bound to say that I was a little doubtful, at the time when we were discussing this question in Committee, whether the matter was satisfactorily settled, not only from the point of view of the interests of the children, but also from the point of view both of the borough councils and of the London County Council, as to whether this work would rank for grant.
  Sir K. WOOD: With reference to the last question put to me by my hon. Friend the Member for West Fulham (Sir C. Cobb), I think I can give him an assurance in the terms which he desires, both as regards the ordinary conditions of the grant and the proper carrying out of the work. In regard to the matter raised by the hon. and gallant Gentleman who moved the Amendment, I confess that I cannot see any ground of complaint that he has in what my right hon. Friend said on the last occasion. I think ho was perfectly clear and definite, but I do not think that is material now, and I will deal with the merits of the Amendment. The simple reason why we are asking the London County Council to undertake this work —and I may say that these observations apply equally to the Amendment that my hon. Friend the Member for the City of London (Mr. E. C. Grenfell) has on the Paper with regard to the City of London—is that neither the metropolitan boroughs nor the City Corporation are education authorities, and I think the whole House desires that as far as possible the administrative work and the inquiries necessitated under Clause 6 should be associated with the education authority. That is really the main reason why we are entrusting the London County Council with this work. It is
  2330
  perfectly true, as my hon. Friend has said, that the London County Council are also empowered to make arrangements with the metropolitan boroughs or with the City Corporation, and, of course, they will have to consider as to that, but that is the simple reason, which I hope will satisfy the hon. and gallant Member. As my right hon. Friend said on the last occasion,
  "We are dealing here with children up to the. age of 14. The officers of the maternity and child welfare committees deal with children up to the age of five, and I think it must be fairly obvious that the proper officers for the local authority to employ to deal with children from five to 14 are the school attendance officers."—[OFFICIAL REPORT, 15th July. 1925): col. 1445. Vol. 186]
  I think that will commend itself as a reasonable and proper arrangement to most Members of the House, and it is for that reason, and no other—I recognise, as the hon. and gallant Gentleman said, the good work that many of those metropolitan councils are doing, and especially the work of the City Corporation—that we have entrusted the London County Council with this power. I hope that, with that explanation, my hon. and gallant Friend will feel satisfied, and not, press his Amendment further.
  Captain GARRO-JONES: I regret that I am unable to withdraw my Amendment.
  Amendment negatived.
  The following Amendment stood on the Order Paper in the name, of Mr. E. C GRENFELL:
  In page 39, line 4. after the first "council "to insert: the words
  "in the case of the City of London the Common Council."
  Mr. E. C. GRENFELL: I do not move my Amendment.
  CLAUSE 44.—(Decennial reports and revision of contributions.)
  Mr. LEES-SMITH: I beg to move, page 41, line 7, to leave out Subsection (2).
  I want to assure the Minister of Health that this is the last Amendment we have to bring forward on Report stage. Perhaps I might congratulate him on his appearance after the strain of the last few weeks. His demeanour shows no signs of that strain, which I hope we have

  2331
  not factiously added to. This Amendment is really one on which we must proceed to a Division, because it raises a point which is one of first-class importance and principle. I do not want to make any very lengthy remarks. This Clause provides that the contributions from both employers and employed shall be increased at decennial periods into the almost immeasurable future. The contributions at present are fairly modest, but if this Clause be carried, they will increase as the years go on till they become Is. 3d. per man and 7d. per woman, and will be not far from double what they are at present.
  The special point which we wish to raise on this Clause is one which we have not been able to raise upon any other Clause. It is this: 2 you calculate out the purposes for which these increased contributions are necessary it becomes clear that they are wholly unnecessary for the direct purposes of the benefits of this Bill. The reason for this increased contribution is that it is intended by this means gradually to put the old age pensions at 70 from a non-contributory on to a contributory basis. We on this side regard that as the most reactionary social step of the last generation, and practically the repeal of the principle of an Act which up to the present every party in this House has supported. I brought this forward a few days ago. I was not quite correct then in my figures. Now the position T gather is this: that a boy enters into insurance next year, we will say at the age of 16. When he is 26, on the first increase of payment, he must pay a contribution not wholly for the purposes of the benefits of this Bill, but part of which he will pay in order to provide for the old age pensions of the future. Gradually these contributions are to be increased until, finally, the whole of the expense of the old age pensions for those over 70 are to be placed on industry and the poor, and wealth is to pay nothing at all.
  This is not the place, nor the time, to argue this out. We raise this point merely because, in the assistance and co-operation which we hope to give to the Minister of Health in explaining the provisions of this Bill to the people, we can assure the Minister that this point,
  2332
  at any rate, so far as we are concerned, shall not be entirely overlooked. There is one issue in regard to this on which there seems to be a good deal of misapprehension to which, I think, the Minister of Health has himself contributed On the Second Reading Debate the right hon. Gentleman said:
  "We have decided to extend the exemption from the means test to those old people who have attained the age of 70 before the scheme comes into operation."—OFFICIAL REPORT, 18th May, 1925; col. 79, Vol. 184.]
  If I understand this Bill correctly, that is not the case. The means test is not abolished for all old age pensioners over 70. I think that is the position. Is not the position, as a matter of fact, that there still remains the means test for such people as small tradesmen, costermongers, fishermen, smallholders, crofters and an entire class of person who are just as poor as those who are brought under this Bill, but who, because they do not happen to be wage-earners, do not come within the category? These will remain, so far as this Bill is concerned, for ever a large portion of old age pensioners. So far as I have been able to make out this Bill will affect about 100,000 old age pensioners out of somewhere near one million. I am sure that there would be the greatest possible disappointment and disillusionment amongst those who are left out when the real facts of this Bill are made known.
  Miss WILKINSON: I beg to second the Amendment.
  I want to bring before the House the question of the women contributors under this Bill. I have pointed out to the right hon. Gentleman and to the Parliamentary Secretary at all points in the Bill where I could possibly find a relevant place in which to put it, the fact that these women are paying in regularly to this fund for benefit of which many of them will be the recipients, but paying contributions which are also going to finance other Sections of the Bill. By that I mean that of the 2½d. contribution of the women which the right hon. Gentleman says will, in fact, supply their old age pensions, they are really paying about 1½d. per week more than is necessary to provide them with the pensions when they get to the age of 65. We have also pointed out the fact that because large numbers of women, from the necessity of the case, fall out of industry long before they get to 65 they

  2333
  will not even get that benefit for which they have paid. All these injustices exist under the present Bill. I would point out to the right hon. Gentleman that, if every woman is going to have her contribution increased by Id. that injustice is going to be simply enormous. I mean that you are going to have with a girl starting at the age of 16, we will say, and being one who does not marry, and having her contribution increased when she is 26, and 36, and 46, she is going to pay this penny until she gets to a stage when she is paying far more for merely a five years' benefit under the Old Age Pensions Act to bring down her pension to the age of 65 instead of 70 than is really necessary. She is creating a fund for other people. That may be very heroic, or very unselfish, and all the rest of it, but I want to submit that the single women in industry are helping to pay far more than their share towards this Bill and far more than they will ever get out. It does seem to me to be extremely unjust on the face of it. In asking that this Sub-section should be rejected by the House, I ask them to bear that point in mind. We may be told—I am sure we shall be told—that the whole finances of the Bill have been worked out on the basis of this Subsection (2). The figures have been brought forward and have convinced at least this side of the House or the party on these benches that this Bill is heavily over financed. We feel that if it is the case that the whole of the financial basis of this Bill rests on this decennial increase, at least the Minister might consider whether, in another place before the Bill is finally passed out of our hands for ever, he could not leave out the single women under this Bill, especially those who are getting older. I think it probably could be done by a very small amending Clause. I do ask the House in general to consider the position of the single woman who is going to pay so much more than is necessary and more than she will ever get back in benefits.
  Mr. CHAMBERLAIN: I expected that this particular Sub-section would be the subject of a further Amendment and a further protest on the part of hon. Members opposite. I think the House must feel that there is a certain unreality about the Debate upon this point, because the Sub-section itself is prefaced by the
  2334
  words "unless Parliament otherwise determines." In any case the increases which are contemplated will not fall upon the contributor for a good many years to come. I think the reason for this provision was sufficiently explained by the Chancellor of the Exchequer in the speech which he made upon the Budget. It was pointed out what is shown in the Actuary's Report, Table VIII, that the increase in the cost of old age pensions under the existing Act is going to be very much heavier than was ever supposed before as the years go on, and whereas now, in 1925–26, the amount is £27,000,000 a year, that will be doubled by the year 1956, when it will amount to £54,750,000. I think I mentioned on a previous occasion that I had calculations made to see how long it would be better anybody who entered into the enjoyment of the old age pensions under this Clause would have contributed anything towards that benefit, and I found that 38 years will have to elapse before a single person would be affected by these contributions and would contribute anything to the old age pension he received. In these circumstances I really do not think it is of much more than academic interest to us to-day. If the situation of the country is such that, later on, it is found that it is unnecessary to proceed with this provision, then it will be open to Parliament to reverse it and to determine otherwise, in which case these increases will be withdrawn.
  Mr. WALLHEAD: Why not reverse the procedure?
  Mr. CHAMBERLAIN: We cannot tell at this moment what is the procedure which will be appropriate in 10, 20 or 30 years hence.
  Mr. WALLHEAD: You might allow Parliament at that time to come forward with a demand.
  Mr. CHAMBERLAIN: So we do. Parliament can come forward with a demand if necessary. It is "unless Parliament otherwise determines." If Parliament chooses to determine so, it can determine so when the times comes.
  Miss WILKINSON: Does that mean that unless Parliament brings forward a demand the amounts will be automatically increased?
  Mr. CHAMBERLAIN: Yes, that is exactly what it does mean. If Parliament does not wish the amounts to be increased, it has the power of changing the provision in the Bill. As to the point raised by the hon. Member for East Middlesbrough (Miss Wilkinson), that is one which has been discussed before, namely, that in insurance everybody does not get the same benefit out. She stresses the hardship upon the single woman. That is on the assumption that a woman who enters into insurance knows that she is going to be single for the whole of her life. I dispute the certainty. The hon. Lady herself has no certainty that
  she will always remain in her present condition. That is one of the risks that are contemplated in the insurance scheme. Taking the various uncertainties which were provided for in the figures that have been produced to the House, the benefits to women who may be single at this time, but might not be single hereafter, are very much in excess of the contributions that they are asked to pay.
  Question put, "That the words proposed to be left out stand part of the Bill."
  The House divided: Ayes, 247; Noes, 142.

  Division No. 316.]

  AYES.

  [9.30 p.m.

  Acland-Troyte, Lieut.-Colonel

  Crooke, J. Smedley (Derltend)

  Home, Rt. Hon. Sir Robert S.

  Ago.-Gardner, Rt. Hon. Sir James T.

  Crookshank, Col. C. de W. (Berwick)

  Howard, Capt. Hon. D. (Cumb.. N.)

  Albery, Irving James

  Crookshank, Cpt. H.(Lindsey, Gainsbro)

  Hudson, Capt. A. U. M,(Hackney, N.)

  Alexander, E. E. (Leyton)

  Cunliffe, Joseph Herbert

  Hume, Sir G. H.

  Allen. J. Sandeman (L'pool. W. Derby)

  Curtis-Bennett, Sir Henry

  Hunter-Weston. Lt.. Gen. Sir Aylmer

  Ashley, Lt.-Col. Rt. Hon. Wilfrid W.

  Curzon, Captain Viscount

  Huntingfieid, Lord

  Ashmead-Bartiett, E.

  Dalziel, Sir Davison

  Kurd, Percy A.

  Astbury, Lieut.-Commander F, W.

  Davies, A. V. (Lancaster, Royton)

  Inskip, Sir Thomas Walker H.

  Atholl Duchess of

  Davies, Maj. Geo. F.(Somerset, Yeovil)

  Jackson, Lieut. Colonel Hon. F. S.

  Baldwin, Rt. Hon. Stanley

  Davies, Sir Thomas (Cirencester)

  Jackson, Sir H. (Wandsworth, Cen'l)

  Balfour, George (Hampstead)

  Dawson, Sir Philip

  Jacob, A. E.

  Banks, Reginald Mitchell

  Dean, Arthur Wellesley

  Jephcott, A. R.

  Barclay-Harvey, C. M.

  Doyle, Sir N. Grattan

  Jonas, G. w. H. (Stoke Newington)

  Barnett, Major Sir Richard

  Edmondson, Major A. J.

  Kennedy, A. R. (Preston)

  Barnston, Major Sir Harry

  Elveden, Viscount

  Kidd, J. (Linlithgow)

  Beamish, Captain T. P. H.

  Erskine, Lord (Somerset, Weston-s.-M.)

  King, Captain Henry Douglas

  Benn, Sir A. S. (Plymouth, Drake)

  Erskine, James Malcolm Monteith

  Knox, Sir Alfred

  Berry, Sip George

  Everard, W. Lindsay

  Lamb, J. O.

  Bethell, A.

  Fairfax, Captain J. G.

  Lane-Fox, Lieut.-Col. George R.

  Betterton, Henry B.

  Falle, Sir Bertram G.

  Little, Dr. E. Graham

  Birchall, Major J. Dearraan

  Falls, Sir Charles F.

  Lloyd. Cyril E. (Dudley)

  Bird, E. B. (Yorks, W, R., Skipton)

  Fanshawe, Commander G. D.

  Looker-Lampson, G. (Wood Green)

  Bourne, Captain Robert Croft

  Fielden, E. B.

  Loder, J. de V.

  Bowyer, Capt. G. E. W.

  Finburgh, S.

  Luce, Major-Gen. Sir Richard Harman

  Brass, Captain W.

  Forestler-Walker, Sir L.

  Macandrew, Charles Glen

  Bridgeman, Rt. Hon. William Clive

  Foster, Sir Harry S.

  Macdonald, R. (Glasgow, Cathcart)

  Briggs, J. Harold

  Frece, Sir Walter de

  McDonnell, Colonel Hon. Angus

  Briscoe, Richard George

  Galbraith, J. F. W.

  Macintyre. Ian

  Brocklebank, C. E. R.

  Ganzoni, sir John

  McLean, Major A.

  Brooke, Brigadier-General C. R. I.

  Gates, Party

  Macmillan, Captain H.

  Broun-Lindsay, Major H.

  Gibbs, Col. Rt. Hon. George Abraham

  McNeill, Rt. Hon. Ronald John

  Brown, Maj. D. C. (N'th'l'd, Hexham)

  Gilmour, Lt.-Col. Rt. Hon. Sir John

  Mac Robert Alexander M

  Buckingham, Sir H.

  Gower, Sir Robert

  Maitland, Sir Arthur D. Steel-

  Bull, Rt. Hon. Sir William James

  Grace, John

  Malone Major P B

  Burman, J. B.

  Greene, W. P. Crawford

  Manningham-Buller, Sir Mervyn

  Burton, Colonel H. W.

  Grenfell, Edward C. (City of London)

  Margesson, Capt, D.

  Butler, Sir Geoffrey

  Grotrian, H. Brent

  Cadogan, Major Hon. Edward

  Guinness, Rt. Hon. Walter E.

  wiener, R. J.

  Campbell, E. T.

  Hacking, Captain Douglas H.

  Merriman, F. B.

  Cassels, J. D.

  Hall, Lieut.-Col. sir F. (Dulwich)

  Milne, J. S. Wardlaw.

  Cautley, Sir Henry S.

  Hall, Vice-Admiral Sir R. (Eastbourne)

  Cnadwick, Sir Robert Burton

  Hall, Capt. W. D'A. (Brecon & Rad.)

  Mitchell, S.(Lanark, Lanark)

  Chambarlain Rt Hon. N. (Ladywood)

  Hannon Patrick Joseph Henry

  Mitchell, W. Foot (Streatham)

  Champman, Sir S.

  Harland A.

  Mitchell, Eyres, Com. Rt. Hon. B. M.

  Charteris, Brigadier-Genera; J.

  Harland, A.

  Monsell, Eyres, Com. Rt. Hon. B. M.

  Chilcott Sir Warden

  Harvey, Major S. E. (Devon. Totnes)

  Moore, Lieut.-Colonel T. C. R. (Ayr)

  Christie, J. A.

  Hawke, John Anthony

  Moore, Sir Newton J.

  Clarry, Reginald George

  Henderson, Lieut.-Col. V. L. (Bootle)

  Moore-Brabazon, Lieut.-Col. J. T. c.

  Clayton G. C.

  Heneage, Lieut.-Colonel Arthur P.

  Moreing, Captain A. H.

  Cobb Sir Cyril

  Henn, Sir Sydney H.

  Morrison. H. (Wilts, Salisbury)

  Cochrane, Commander Hon. A. D.

  Henniker-Hughan, Vice-Adm. Sir A.

  Morrison-Bell, Sir Arthur Clive

  Colfox, Major Wm. Phillips

  Herbert, S. (York, N. R., Scar. & Wh by)

  Murchison, C. K.

  Cope, Major William

  Hilton, Cecil

  Nail, Lieut.-Colonel Sir Joseph

  Couper, J. B.

  Hogg. Rt. Hon. Sir D. (St. Marylebone)

  Nelson, Sir Frank

  Courtauld, Major J. S.

  Holt. Captain H. P.

  Newman, Sir R. H. S. D. L. (Exeter)

  Craig Ernest (Chester, Crewe)

  Hope, Capt. A. O. J. (Warw'k, Nun.)

  Nicholson, O. (Westminster)

  Craik, Rt. Hon. Sir Henry

  Hopkins, J. W. W.

  Nuttall, Ellis

  Crook C. W.

  Hopkinson, A. (Lancaster, Mossley)

  Oakley, T.

  O'Connor, T. J. (Bedford, Luton)

  Sandon, Lord

  Vaughan-Morgan, Col. K. P.

  Oman, Sir Charles William C.

  Sassoon, Sir Philip Albert Gustave D.

  Waddington, R.

  Penny, Frederick George

  Shaw, R. G. (Yorks, W.R., Sowerby)

  Ward, Lt.-Col. A.L.(Kingston-on-Hull)

  Percy, Lord Eustace (Hastings)

  Shaw, Capt. W. W. (Wilts, Westb'y)

  Warner, Brigadier-General W. W.

  Perkins, Colonel E. K.

  Sheffield, Sir Berkeley

  Warrender, Sir Victor

  Perring, William George

  Shepperson, E. W.

  Waterhouse, Captain Charles

  Peto, G. (Somerset, Frome)

  Simms, Dr. John M. (Co. Down)

  Watts, Dr. T.

  Pielou, D. P.

  Sinclair, Col. T.(Queen's Univ., Belfast)

  Wells, S. R.

  Pitcher, G.

  Skelton, A. N.

  Wheler, Major Sir Granville C. H.

  Pliditch, Sir Philip

  Slaney, Major P. Kenyon

  Williams, Herbert G. (Reading)

  Power, Sir John Cecil

  Smith, R. W.(Aberd'n & Kinc'dine, C.)

  Wilson, Sir C. H. (Leeds, Central)

  Radford, E. A.

  Smith-Carington, Neville W.

  Wilson, M. J. (York, N. R., Richm'd)

  Raine, W.

  Smithers, Waldron

  Wilson, R. R. (Stafford, Lichfield)

  Ramsden, E.

  Somerville, A. A. (Windsor)

  Winby, Colonel L. P.

  Reid, D. D. (County Down)

  Stanley, Col. Hon. G. F. (Will'sden, E.)

  Windsor-Clive, Lieut.-Colonel George

  Remer, J. R.

  Stanley, Hon. O. F. G. (Westm'eland)

  Winterton, Rt. Hon. Earl

  Rentoul, G. S.

  Storry Deans, R.

  Wise, Sir Fredric

  Rhys, Hon. C. A. U.

  Stott, Lieut.-Colonel W. H.

  Wolmer, Viscount

  Rice, Sir Frederick

  Stuart, Hon. J. (Moray and Nairn)

  Womersley, W. J.

  Richardson, Sir p. W. (Sur'y, Ch'ts'y)

  Styles, Captain H. Walter

  Wood, Rt. Hon. E. (York. W. R., Ripon)

  Roberts, Samuel (Hereford, Hereford)

  Sueter, Rear-Admiral Murray Fraser

  Wood, E. (Chest'r, Stalyb'ge & Hyde)

  Ruggles-Brise, Major E. A.

  Sugden, Sir Wilfrid

  Wood, Sir Kingsley (Woolwich, W.)

  Rye, F. G.

  Tasker, Major R. Inigo

  Samuel, A. M. (Surrey, Farnham)

  Thompson, Luke (Sunderland)

  TELLERS FOR THE AYES.—

  Sandeman, A. Stewart

  Tryon, Rt. Hon. George Clement

  Major Hennessy and Mr. F. T.

  Sanderson, Sir Frank

  Turton, Edmund Russborough

  Thomson.

  NOES.

  Adamson, Rt. Hon. W. (Fife, West)

  Hall, F. (York, W. R., Normanton)

  Runciman, Rt. Hon. Walter

  Adamson, W. M. (Staff., Cannock)

  Hall, G. H. (Merthyr Tydvil)

  Saklatvala, Shapurji

  Alexander, A. V. (Sheffield, Hillsbro')

  Hardle, George D.

  Salter, Dr. Alfred

  Ammon, Charles George

  Harney, E. A.

  Scrymgeour, E.

  Baker, J. (Wolverhampton, Bliston)

  Hartshorn, Rt. Hon. Vernon

  Scurr, John

  Barker, G. (Monmouth, Abertiliery)

  Hayday, Arthur

  Shaw, Rt. Hon. Thomas (Preston)

  Barnes, A.

  Hayes, John Henry

  Shiels, Dr. Drummond

  Barr, J.

  Henderson, Rt. Hon. A. (Burnley)

  Sinton, Rt. Hon. Sir John

  Batey, Joseph

  Hirst, G. H.

  Sinclair, Major Sir A. (Caithness)

  Beckett, John (Gateshead)

  Hirst, W. (Bradford, South)

  Sitch, Charles H.

  Benn, Captain Wedgwood (Leith)

  Hudson, J. H. (Huddersfield)

  Slesser, Sir Henry H.

  Broad, F. A.

  Jenkins, W. (Glamorgan, Neath)

  Smillie, Robert

  Bromfield, William

  John, William (Rhondda, West)

  Smith, Ben (Bermondsey, Rothe-h'the)

  Bromley, J.

  Jones, Hanry Haydn (Merioneth)

  Smith, H. B. Lees (Keighley)

  Brown, James (Ayr and Bute)

  Jones, J. J. (West Ham, Silvertown)

  Smith, Rennie (Penistone)

  Buchanan, G.

  Jones. Morgan (Caerphilly)

  Snell, Harry

  Cape, Thomas

  Kelly, W. T.

  Spencer, George A. (Broxtowe)

  Charleton, H. C

  Kirkwood, D.

  Stamford, T. w.

  Clowes, S.

  Lansbury, George

  Stephen, Campbell

  Cluse, W. S.

  Lawson, John James

  Sutton, J. E.

  Clynes, Rt. Hon. John R.

  Lee, F.

  Taylor, R. A.

  Collins, sir Godfrey (Greenock)

  Lindley, F. W.

  Thomson, Trevelyan (Middlesbro. W.)

  Compton, Joseph

  Livingstone, A. M.

  Thorne, G. R. (Wolverhampton, E.)

  Connolly, M.

  Lowth, T.

  Thurtle, E.

  Crawfurd, H. E.

  Lunn, William

  Tinker, John Joseph

  Dalton, Hugh

  MacLaren, Andrew

  Trevelyan, Rt. Hon. C. P.

  Davies, Evan (Ebbw Vale)

  Maclean, Nell (Glasgow, Govan)

  Varley, Frank B.

  Davies, Rhys John (Werthoughton)

  March, S.

  Viant, S. p.

  Davison, J. E. (Smethwick)

  Maxton, James

  Wallhead, Richard C.

  Day, Colonel Harry

  Mitchell, E. Rosslyn (Paisley)

  Walsh, Rt. Hon. Stephen

  Dennison, R.

  Montague, Frederick

  Warne, G. H.

  Duncan, C.

  Morris, R. H.

  Watson, W. M. (Dunfermilne)

  Edwards, C. (Monmouth, Bedwellty)

  Murnin, H.

  Watts-Morgan, Lt.-Col. D. (Rhondda)

  Edwards, John H. (Accrington)

  Naylor, T. E.

  Webb. Rt. Hon. Sidney

  Fenby, T. D.

  Oliver, George Harold

  Wedgwood, Rt. Hon. Josiah

  Forrest, W.

  Paling, W.

  Westwood, J.

  Gibbins, Joseph

  Parkinson, John Allen (Wigan)

  Whiteley, W.

  Gillett, George M.

  Pethick-Lawrence, F. W.

  Wilkinson, Ellen C.

  Graham, D. M. (Lanark, Hamilton

  Ponsonby, Arthur

  Williams, Dr. J. H. (Llanelly)

  Graham, Rt. Hon. Wm. (Edin., Cent.)

  Potts, John S.

  Williams, T. (York, Don Valley)

  Greenall, T.

  Purcell, A. A.

  Wilson, C. H. (Sheffield, Attercliffe)

  Greenwood, A. (Nelson and Colne)

  Richardson, R. (Houghton-le-Spring)

  Wilson, R. J. (Jarrow)

  Grenfell, D. R. (Glamorgan)

  Riley, Ben

  Windsor, Walter

  Griffiths, T. (Monmouth, Pontypool)

  Ritson, J.

  Wright, W.

  Groves, T.

  Roberts, Rt. Hon. F. O.(W. Bromwich)

  Young, Robert (Lancaster, Newton)

  Grundy, T. W.

  Robertson, J. (Lanark, Bothwell)

  Guest, J. (York, Hemsworth)

  Robinson, W. C. (Yorks, W.R., Elland)

  TELLERS FOR THE NOES.—

  Guest, Dr. L. Haden (Southwark, N.)

  Rose, Frank H.

  Mr. T. Kennedy and Mr. T. Henderson.

  Question, "That the Bill be now read the Third time," put, and agreed to.

  CLAUSE 45.—(Interpretation.)
  Captain BOVVYER: I beg to move, in page 41, line 36, to leave out the words
  2338
  "who was living with him," and to insert instead thereof the words "whom he was supporting."

  2339
  This Amendment and the next one on the Order Paper are correlated. At first sight they may seem to be unimportant, but I submit that, at least as far as the illegitimate child is concerned, they may be very important indeed in the future. This Clause defines the word "child," and says that "child" shall include a step-child,
  "and, in relation to a man, an illegitimate child, whether his or his wife's."
  Then follow the limiting words which I wish to see deleted
  "who was living with him at the time of his death."
  Supposing when the father dies the child is living with the mother, or is at a boarding school, or is away from home. Then, under the words of this Bill, if they are interpreted strictly, the child would not be able to receive any benefits at all. What I said as regards the child of a father applies equally well to the definition of an illegitimate child of a woman. Under the terms of this Bill benefit is precluded there unless the child is living with its mother at the date of the death of the mother. I ask the Minister to leave out the words "who was living with him "and" who was living with her" in order to insert "whom he was supporting "and" whom she was supporting." It may be asked, why should any money be paid at all unless the child is living with the father or the mother? But, as so often happens in legislation dealing with illegitimate children, the illegitimate child itself is the very last person to be remembered. On behalf of the illegitimate child, who under our present system of administration and our law already has enough against it, I would plead that this definition of an illegitimate child should be broadened in the way I have suggested.
  Mr. PETHICK-LAWRENCE: I beg to second the Amendment.
  I have great pleasure in associating myself with this proposal. The Minister I think will agree that this is not a moral question, because it was the intention to include the illegitimate child in the Bill. I wish to point out that the actual words in the Bill are limited, and might easily exclude children who ought reasonably to come within its provisions. I do hope that the Minister will see his way to
  2340
  accept the slightly wider words which have been put forward in this Amendment in order that the real purpose of the Bill will be actually carried out.
  Mr. CHAMBERLAIN: I have every sympathy with what I understand to be the object of my hon. and gallant Friend in moving this Amendment, but I think his objection to the Clause as it now stands is probably founded upon an assumption that the words are to be taken exactly literally, but I do not think that is so. I think the term in the Bill,
  "a child who was living with him at the time of his death"
  would include the child at a boarding school and children boarded out, as well as the illegitimate child of a man or his wife not in fact living in the house but boarded out. Those cases would be covered by the Bill. If that is all my hon. and gallant Friend has in mind, I do not think his Amendment is necessary, and the substitution of the words which he has proposed would not lead us out of the difficulty. Again the question would arise as to what is the exact meaning of the word "support" and whether it meant partial support, and there would be the possibility of claims being put in after the death of the reputed, father in regard to which it would be difficult to establish paternity. The child must be the child of the man or the woman concerned, and we could not deal with it unless the parentage was clearly established. I hope with this explanation my hon. and gallant Friend will not think it necessary to press this Amendment.
  Mr. J. JONES: Those hon. Members who are members of boards of guardians often come across cases where the fathers have done a pierhead jump, and the mother has gone away, and the children have been left behind, and nobody knows where they have gore. In these cases boards of guardians are always left with the responsibility of keeping those children In such eases why should the responsibility be placed upon the guardians to find the wherewithall to keep those children? I am not a lawyer, and I cannot exactly understand what this proposal means, but does it mean that the children have to be living with their parents, because it is sometimes very difficult to ascertain who the parents are, and even some members of this House

  2341
  might find themselves in trouble in that respect. What is the position of these derelict children we have to deal with? We have hundreds of them in our district, not because they want to be like that, because the children are not responsible, and you are not going to visit the sins of the parents upon the children. We want to know where this responsibility is going to be placed. Often we have entered into communication with the authorities in Australia and Canada to find out the parents of these children, and we cannot find them. I want to know if anything is going to be allowed for these children.
  Mr. WALLHEAD: Does this proposal include children who have been adopted?
  Mr. CHAMBERLAIN: No, Sir; that is not known to the law, but if legal status is given to an adopted child, it might be able to amend this Act.
  Mr. J. JONES: If boards of guardians adopt children, will they be entitled to some allowance?
  Mr. SPEAKER: That question does not arise.
  Mr. LAMB: This is a most serious question, and I hope the Minister will give it serious consideration, because it is really a matter of justice to the child we are now considering. The object of the Bill is that the benefits which are to accrue in return for the contributions paid should go to the child, and the qualification as to where the child is living is no proof whatever of the responsibility of the parent of the child. We know that in practice many children do not live with their parents, and they are boarded out, and under this Bill I am afraid these children will not receive the benefits which are really due to them. I would like to know if boarded out children are included?
  Mr. CHAMBERLAIN: I have explained that they would be included.
  Mr. R. DAV1ES: I desire to join in the appeal which has been made to the right hon. Gentleman to grant this concession. Then. is only one point I wish to make. The Minister of Health seems to have a doubt as to cases where the paternity is not established. I should have thought it would meet the case put forward if he could accept this Amend-
  2342
  ment and treat it in respect of those cases where the paternity is established. I should imagine that there will be many cases in that category, and as this is our last appeal to the right hon. Gentleman on our last Amendment, I hope he will grant this concession, because in my view it would be a blemish on this Bill if these children were left out in the cold, and for these reasons I hope the right hon. Gentleman will reconsider his decision.
  Amendment negatived.
  Mr. CHAMBERLAIN: I beg to move, in page 43, line 13, at the end, to insert the words:
  "(6) A person who would be entitled to an old age pension under the Old Age Pensions Acts, 1908 to 1924, by virtue of this Act, shall, for the purposes of this Act, be deemed to be entitled thereto by virtue of this Act notwithstanding that that person would be entitled to an old age pension under these Acts independently of this Act."
  This Amendment simply carries out what I explained on Clause 26, and we are now inserting the wider provision instead of the narrower one. It will now apply to all cases where a person is entitled to an old age pension under the Bill.
  Amendment agreed to.
  CLAUSE 46.—(Application to Scotland.)
  Amendment made: In page 43, line 31, after the word "Health," insert the words
  "except in Section twenty-seven, in which Section references to the Minister shall be construed as references to the Secretary for Scotland, references in the said Section twenty-seven to a local authority shall be construed as references to a local authority within the meaning of the Local Authorities Loans (Scotland) Acts, 1891 to 1924."— [sir John Gilmour.]
  Motion made, and Question proposed, "That the Bill be now read the Third time."
  Mr. WILLIAM GRAHAM: The House has now reached the Third Reading stage of a very important Bill, and I only propose to detain hon. Members for a few minutes for the purpose of a review of some of the important provisions of the Bill, and also a criticism of its financial scheme. Before I do so, I ought to say at once that, while we on this side strenuously oppose the basis on which this Bill is reared, while we have promoted many Amendments which have

  2343
  not been accepted in the course of the Debate, while we have succeeded here and there in getting others adopted by the Minister, I think I express the opinion of all Members of the House when I pay a tribute to the patience of the Minister of Health and his colleague, and their willingness at all stages, even when they differed from us, to give us all the information in their power. Strongly as we differ from them on many points, that tribute ought to be paid to them to-night.
  There are two proposals turning on the finance of this scheme which I venture to think the House, on the Third Reading, will wish very briefly to review. The Minister of Health indicated that he would take this opportunity of making a statement to the House with regard to the suggestion that the contributions under the National Health Insurance Act should be reduced, in order that that reduction might be set alongside or against the contributions which industry has to bear under this Bill. That proposal has been associated, so far, with the right hon. Gentleman the Member for Hillhead (Sir R. Home), and I think also with other hon. Members, but I cannot at this stage anticipate anything that they intend to say in this Debate. All that I intend to do is to express our views of that proposal, from whatever quarter it comes, as clearly and as plainly as I possibly can. A great deal has been said about the apparent burden on industry which this new scheme suggests, and all kinds of proposal have been put forward to give industry concessions in other quarters, of which, undoubtedly, the proposal to reduce the contributions under the National Health Insurance Act is one of the most attractive.
  I agree that in general, in view of the fact that the first valuation of these societies shows an apparent surplus of £17,000,000, and having in mind the prospective second valuation, which will place that surplus, probably, at about £30,000,000 or more, there may be grounds for thinking that that affords a definite sphere of remission or reduction to industry as a whole, to be set against the extra burden which is imposed under this Bill. That proposal is, however, only superficially attractive. The very minute we go back to the Insurance Acts in this
  2344
  country, the minute we refer to what it was intended to do by way of extended benefit and other provisions under that legislation, it becomes perfectly clear that this scheme is only attractive on the surface, and that it is not one which, by any strict view of finance at all, or regard for the public health services in this country, we on this side of the House for one minute would support.
  1.0. P.M.
  The ideal of the earlier Acts was undoubtedly to provide extended benefits, and I sometimes wonder if it is correct to refer to these apparent surpluses as surpluses at all. There is not the least doubt that a vast field in public health endeavour in this country under the National Health Insurance Acts remains to be covered, and it is of vital importance to the great masses of the people, particularly in crowded localities, that that work should be overtaken at the earliest possible moment. The suggestion now is not, indeed, to raid the surpluses of these funds, because that, of course, would, I think by common consent, be an intolerable proposition; but it is to reduce the contributions under the National Health Insurance Acts which, unfortunately, in my judgment and in that of many other hon. Members of this House, is another way of substantially achieving that result; because, if you are going to reduce the contributions, it is perfectly plain that you make a serious inroad upon these apparent surpluses, you postpone the coming into operation of the extended benefits which were intended, and I think you are guilty of some breach of faith, if I may say so without the slightest offence, as regards the financial operations of that scheme and the pledges which were undoubtedly given in previous Parliaments. Certain hon. Members have been encouraged to put forward that proposal by statements which have been made, directly and indirectly, from the Government side of the House, mainly to the effect that in all these schemes of social insurance it is the broad idea of the Government to see that they stand together. Be that as it may, even that would not afford any ground whatever for a departure from legislation which dates from 1908 or thereabouts, under which certain rights and expectations of rights have been built up. That would not give the slightest ground for altering

  2345
  the rate of contribution under that scheme in such a way as to endanger the completion or provision of those rights at some date in the future. I think we must absolutely safeguard the National Health Insurance Acts and all that is involved in them from every point of view. Accordingly, I very much hope that, when the Minister comes to reply, he is going to make it plain—much plainer, indeed, than he made it, or possibly could make it, to the deputation which met him some days ago—that there will be no reduction or invasion of the provision of these benefits, that there will be nothing, in short, which would in any way weaken the possibility of the National Health Insurance Acts overtaking a great and important part of the public health services of the country.
  The only other point that I will venture to mention concerns the financial mechanism of the Bill. Hon. Friends of mine on this bench and behind me have attacked the scheme at almost all stages of its career through this House, and in particular they have drawn attention to what they regard, and what we commonly regard on this side, as serious flaws in its financial provisions. I think they can be very clearly and simply explained to the House. There is not the least doubt that large sums of money, running into many millions a year, are involved in this scheme, and the House would not wish to-night to part with a new departure in social legislation without understanding exactly the kind of financial arrangements that it involves. Let us notice exactly what the Minister of Health proposes in this Bill. He does not set up anything in the nature of a fund for widows' and orphans' and old age pensions on a contributory basis, as this now is, in the sense of a fund which can be actuarially measured. Clause 11 of the Bill sets up what is called, first of all, simply a Pensions Account, and then there is a second line of defence behind that in what is called the Treasury Pension Account. Into the first account, or the first pool, as I will call it for the purposes of clear debate—the Pensions Account—we pour in year by year the contributions of all the parties to this scheme. We pour in during the first 10 years, under the Actuary's proposal, a stabilised State contribution
  2346
  of £4,000,000, and there are also concessions which were made in certain Clauses —concessions which, as I think the Minister himself will agree, have flowed largely from Amendments promoted on this side of the House. Further, the Minister may, upon the decennial view under Clause 44, improve upon that to the extent of arranging for such further and additional review of the state of this account as may be necessary from time to time. We have, first of all, this pensions account. It is not in any sense an actuarial fund. We pour into that contributions from all sources. The Treasury is authorised to set up a Treasury Pensions Account. That is the account which carries all the surplus or unnecessary money, year by year, which is not required in the first account, and in which these sums are invested and in which they accumulate, what interest they yield, and out of which the initial fund is replenished as necessity requires by the rise or fall of the demand of the beneficiaries. There is nothing new in that class of finance. We have seen it in many quarters and schemes, but I hardly think it can be regarded as a satisfactory arrangement financially by anyone who wants to see pensions under a contributory scheme based on a sound actuarial footing. It is made plain by many of the passages in the Actuary's Report, in which he safeguards himself all along by estimating conditions and making deductions, and saying that these things are subject to many problems, which none of us can foresee.
  What is the weakness of this scheme? The real weakness is that you do not establish any fund at all; you add one more to the series of Treasury accounts in teachers' and other classes of superannuation which are, on a strict basis, not superannuation at all, because it is the essence of a superannuation scheme that you have an actuarial fund behind it, and you have not anything of the kind in this case. We on this side of the House do not dispute that the benefits will be paid, but I am rather inclined to think that the Minister of Health, if he refers to the Treasury, will agree that it will not probably protect the masses of the people, the contributors under a scheme of this kind, unless you make it perfectly plain that they will get the benefit of any improve-

  2347
  ment in this account which might come through less call on it, or more favourable conditions. We will get benefits year by year tinder this scheme. But suppose for a moment the call on the account is very much less than we anticipated. Suppose you had very favourable conditions as regards contributions, with fewer widows, what is to be the exact arrangement for giving the people the benefit of that improvement, because I understand you are carrying the contributions over to a fund to be invested by the Treasury, But I do not see anything to suggest that you are going to do more for the beneficiaries under your pensions account year by year, either by lessening contributions or improving benefits.
  In the last place, I make what is believed to be a practical suggestion for this finance of our social insurance scheme. We on this side of the House made our demand for a non-contributory basis for this Bill, and we were defeated. We recognise that there existed before this Bill large numbers of contributory schemes, National Health Insurance, for example, and contributory schemes now for teachers' superannuation and police superannuation. Has not the time come, more particularly in connection with the inquiry into the finance of unemployment insurance when we should try to get these things collected together, and when we should endeavour to set up some kind of general fund or stabilised arrangement under which we are able to say we have taken a very broad basis of all the classes of contributions, and under that arrangement we may be perfectly certain that people will get the benefit of any improvement in the condition of the fund. That state of affairs, I think, we have not got under this scheme, and I think it is a very important criticism that ought to be advanced before we part with this Bill. I therefore hope the Minister of Health—who in another sphere has given great attention to schemes of superannuation—will be able to tell the House that a more permanent basis is contemplated, and that we are going to see that employers and people get, not merely the protection of a pensions account year by year but also any benefit that comes from the investment of a fund which these people, by their contributions, have built up.
  Sir ROBERT HORNE: We have listened to one of those clear and lucid expositions of the right hon. Gentleman to which the House has long become accustomed, but I think his Scotch faculty of logic rather failed him at one portion of his speech. He began with an attack on the proposition I addressed to the Committee some days ago upon the ground that it was taking advantage of some surpluses that had been created, or that it was not proper when surpluses were being created that the contributions should be reduced. He went on immediately in his next proposition to claim that one of the unfortunate features of the present scheme was that when the surpluses were being built up there was no provision whereby the contributions should be reduced to those who were beneficiaries under the scheme. I also listened with some interest to his last attack upon the contributory character of the scheme, because the House, I am sure, has waited for long for some definite asseveration, on the part of those who were responsible for the Treasury during the last Government, that the scheme they intended to propose was a non-contributory tone. But I leave these particular items of controversy to the Minister of Health. In what I have to say, I am very reluctant to detain, the House even for a moment from a decision on the Third Reading of the Bill. In particular, I regret very much that I should be seeking to create an extra bunker in the course of the right hon. Gentleman after the fine game he has played throughout the whole period of the discussions we have had on the Bill. "I entirely endorse what the right Hon. Gentleman has said with regard to the serenity of temper and the courtesy of manner which has been displayed by the Minister of Health throughout the conduct of the Bill. I have also to apologise to the House for a certain amount of correspondence in which I have involved hon. Members in connection with the proposition which I was so rash as to venture. I am only consoled by thinking that, at least, the Post Office has obtained some revenue and that the printing trade has been a beneficiary from some of the remarks I have made.
  The right hon. Gentleman who has just sat down said he hoped the suggestion I made will not be taken into serious con-

  2349
  sideration by the Minister of Health on the ground, as he put it, that the benefits that are enjoyed to-day under the National Health Insurance Scheme would be jeopardised. As a preliminary observation I should like to remind the House of the very close concatenation of Health Insurance and this new Pensions Bill. The people who are insured under the Pensions Bill are the same people who are insured under the Health Scheme. It is forgotten by everyone who directs his attention to the subject that one of the additional benefits, on which the right hon. Gentleman laid such great stress, which is attempted to be provided by the Health Insurance Bill is that of setting up a pensions fund, the very thing that this Bill proposes to do. I should like to add this, that the people whose dead relatives have been insured under the Health Insurance scheme are going to enjoy under the Pensions Bill a benefit which no one has ever paid for and which they are never going to contribute a cent towards, to the enjoyment of a pension for the widows and orphans of men who have been previously insured under the Health Insurance scheme and accordingly there is a close alliance between the Health Insurance scheme and the Pensions Bill. It is perhaps worth telling the House what the present value is of the pensions which will be enjoyed by the widows and children of men now dead who were insured under the Health Insurance scheme for which no penny has ever been paid by people who are contributors under the Health Insurance scheme. These widows and children are going to enjoy pensions of a capital value of £42,000,000 for which no contribution has ever been paid by anyone and which the State is now about to provide. Accordingly, I am going to submit to the House that it would not have been unfair if the Government had thought fit, in producing this pensions scheme, to say, "We are providing at great cost one of the additional benefits which the Health Insurance scheme contemplated but for which it was unable to pay. We are providing £42,000,000 for the widows and children of men who were insured under the Health Insurance scheme, but who never contributed a penny towards these pensions, and accordingly we propose to take some portion of these accumulated funds which it would have been perfectly justifiable for
  2350
  the approved societies to devote to setting up just such a pension scheme as this. "But I recognise that it is no good butting one's head against a brick wall. I am not going to ask that any such action should be taken. I leave entirely aside any surpluses which have been accumulated up to date, and I am not going to make any suggestion of what is called a raid upon any surpluses which may be accumulated in the future. The one practical proposition I make is this—
  Mr. WALLHEAD: The dog has shown its teeth.
  Sir R. HORNE: I do not know what the hon. Member means by saying that the dog has shown its teeth. On the present occasion, if I am a dog, I do not propose to put my teeth into that surplus. What I want to put to the House is a very definite and very practical proposition. It has been agreed from every quarter of the House that industry to-day is not in a position to bear any further burden. That view has been expressed from the Liberal benches, and upon that ground the whole of the Labour party went into the Lobby in support of a Motion that the Government should bear the entire cost of the pensions scheme. I take it that it is acknowledged that it is a precarious action to take to put any further burden upon industry at the present time. I take it that that is agreed.
  Is there any Member in this House who can read the statistics of the coal trade, which are presented day by day in the newspapers, who does not realise that the contributions towards this pensions scheme, as far as the coal trade is concerned, are only going to be added in innumerable cases to the losses which firms to-day are suffering, and in many other instances will drive out of business firms who to-day are with difficulty carrying on, thus adding to the number of those who have come to an end and who, unfortunately, have had, as a result of their action, the opprobrium cast upon them of putting 315,000 men out of employment. That is a situation so serious that the House must contemplate every possible means of alleviating the burden which industry has to bear. I am sure that proposition will be accepted by everybody. The Government has so far met the contention which was made by the proposals which they have adopted in connection with unemployment insurance.

  2351
  They have suggested that those contributions should be reduced by 2d. in the case both of the employers and the men. That is a certain alleviation, but it is an alleviation which the taxpayer has to pay, and as industry is one of the great taxpayers of the country, it is obvious that industry does not enjoy the full benefit of the concession which has been made.
  I turn, accordingly, to the National Health Insurance Scheme. It is impossible to divorce or separate the contributions which are made to these various social services. Industry has to bear the burden, both the man and the employer. To-day, for Health and Unemployment Insurance the employer pays a contribution of Is. 3d. and the workman a contribution of Is. 2d. Under the Government proposals, assuming that there is a real concession under the Unemployment Insurance Scheme, they will still have to bear, if the present pensions burden falls entirely upon them, Is. 5d. in the case of the employer and Is. 4d. in the case of the workman.
  Mr. DUNCAN GRAHAM: Not in all cases.
  Sir R. HORNE: I cannot imagine any other case.
  Mr. GRAHAM: In the coal trade.
  Sir R. HORNE: As far as I know, it must happen in all cases.
  Mr. GRAHAM: It does not happen in the coal trade.
  Sir R. HORNE: I cannot understand why it does not happen.
  Mr. GRAHAM: The miner pays the employer's share, and you know it.
  Sir R. HORNE: Well, whoever pays it, if you add the two together you get the increased sum which I have mentioned. I can make a present of that to my hon. Friend in order that I may get on with my argument. At any rate the cumulative burden on industry is the addition of these two sums. I am certain that everybody looked for a diminution in the burden on industry rather than an increase, and to-day, in a time of such great depression, we are faced with an increase which is going to be a serious burden to everybody. What is the condition of health insurance? At the present time the employer pays 5d. for every man he employs,
  2352
  and the employeé also pays 5d. But I am sure that the House recognises that there is nothing sacred in the number of pence. It previously was 3d. from the employer and 4d. from the worker. The contribution was raised from 3d. to 5d. from the employer, and from 4d. to 5d. in the case of the worker—in order to do what? Not to give additional benefits, which seems to be the only thing which the controversialists on the other side think of in this matter, but in order to double the ordinary benefits. That was the purpose for which the increased contributions were levied.
  But I would point out that the 5d. has got no sacrosanct character and that the House surely is free to see if contributions are being exacted in excess of those which are required. What is the situation? At the last quinquennial valuation there was declared to be a surplus of £17,000,000, of which £9,000,000 was distributed, while £8,000,000 was kept. For the quinquennial valuation, which is still going on, I have not the exact figures, but there are available to the House the figures which the Minister of Health gave on the 17th March this year, when he stated that there were in the hands of the National Commissioners £66,000,000 of accumulations, and invested on behalf of the approved societies £40,000,000 accumulations, with £2,000,000 in cash, making in all £108,000,000 accumulations. I am certain that I am not overstating the figures if I state that the result of the quinquennial investigation which is just finishing will reveal £60,000,000 available or the reserves which the actuaries desiderate, and that something like 40,000,000 of surplus will be achieved y the various approved societies. As soon as I state these figures it would appear evident that at least the insured persons' contributions are producing more money than is required for the distribution of ordinary benefits. For the moment I shall put it like that. And the question comes to be whether, at a time of great distress, this House should not consider whether it would not be wise, at least for the next quinquennial, to reduce the contributions. If I am asked what would I suggest by way of reduction—
  Mr. CHAMBERLAIN: When the right hon. Gentleman speaks of "ordinary benefits," does he mean statutory benefits?
  Sir R. HORNE: Yes, apart from the additional benefits which are in the schedule, but, as my right hon. Friend knows, it is possible with his acquiescence to substitute for the statutory benefits one or more of the additional benefits.
  Mr. J. JONES: Is it not also provided in the Act that where a society has surpluses it is allowed to give extra benefits to he members?
  Sir R. HORNE: I shall deal with that point later. My suggestion to the House and to the Minister is this—that he should, before he brings the Pensions Bill into operation, take into very serious consideration, and I hope sympathetic consideration, the possibility of reducing the contributions to Health Insurance. So far as I have been able to examine the figures, with such knowledge as an outsider may have and without the assistance of any Government expert, it would be perfectly simple for the Government at the present time to take from the contributions of Health Insurance a penny in the case of the employer and a penny in the case of the workman, and still not merely keep the fund solvent but enable it to yield surpluses to go to additional benefits. That is my proposition. Let me give the reasons why I arrive at that conclusion. In the first place, I would remind my right hon. Friend that the expectation of the burden upon Health Insurance is calculated upon an old theory which has proved to be entirely wrong. By experience "they have found at the Ministry of Health that the tables upon which they were acting, which were those of the Manchester Unity, are out of date. They have been acting upon the Manchester Unity's experience from 1903 to 1907, and in the minutes of evidence I find that the Controller of this Health Insurance scheme has admitted that it is quite out of date, and that the experience is that the health of the people is very much better than it was when calculated for those particular tables. Accordingly, they had more money coming in than they expected.
  I am not going to build upon that. I leave it to the Minister as an off-set to any bad luck that he may anticipate in the years to come. But I would direct attention to another feature of the
  2354
  Ministry's action which is entirely out of date. All the accumulations under the Health Insurance scheme are calculated to yield an interest of only 3 per cent. One knows that there is not an actuary to-day who would value these accumulations at 3 per cent. I am sure that no actuary would value them at less than 4 per cent. One has only to look at the right hon. Gentleman's Bill now before the House to find that they are calculating, they are valuing the accumulations under the Pensions Bill at 4 per cent. Why the different percentage for money under the Health Insurance Act and the Pensions Bill? The situation cannot be justified. I am advised that if you value, as you ought to do, the accumulations under the Health Insurance Act at 4 per cent. instead of 3 per cent., it would give you far more than enough to take a penny from the contribution of the workman towards his Health Insurance. I may be asked where I am to get the next penny. I will tell the House. If you take the balance of last year, 1924, which was considerably below the average of previous years, you find that there was a surplus on the year's working of £6,700,000. In order to give a penny off the contributions—
  Mr. DALTON: On a point of Order. Is the right hon. Gentleman in order in making this very detailed discussion of health insurance arrangements on the Third Reading of a Bill which has no connection with health insurance, and, if so, shall we on this side be allowed to reply in equal detail on the Health Insurance Act?
  Mr. SPEAKER: The question was opened by the right hon. Member for Central Edinburgh (Mr. W. Graham) of a possible reduction of contributions on the health insurance, on the ground that it was interlocked with this Measure, and he was possibly anticipating something that might be said by the right hon. Gentleman the Member for Hillhead (Sir R. Home). That is the reason I have not intervened. But I should say that, on the Third Reading, anything that is said' should be connected with what is in the Bill, and should therefore be based on the contributions required1 from employers and employed under this Bill.
  Sir R. HORNE: I quite appreciate the point of order raised by the hon. Gentle-

  2355
  man opposite, and I shall endeavour not to go into any more detail than I can help on this matter. It is perfectly obvious, however, that a challenge was thrown out by the speaker who initiated the Debate and also in the considerable amount of conversation which has taken place on my previous suggestion. I shall confine myself now to a very short statement showing my point of view. As I have suggested, a second penny taken off the contributions represents only £2,700,000, and if you subtract that from the £6,700,000 surplus of last year—which was a bad year in comparison with the previous year—you leave a balance of £4,000,000 for the purpose of such additional benefits as are required. The kind of reply which was made is that not all approved societies are making surpluses. That is the common reply. It is the reply which my right hon. Friend on the Front Opposition Bench made on the last occasion, or it is one of them. I have no doubt he has hundreds more—a fertile mind like his would imagine many more —but it is a complete fallacy to suppose that this creates any difficulty. In fact the consolidated scheme of 1924 provides that all deficiencies should be made up by a central fund which is initiated for the very purpose of making up deficiencies. Section 67 of the Statute of 1924 provides that it shall be incumbent upon every society to pay a certain amount to contingencies, in the first place, and, in the second place, to a central fund, and only if the contingencies are used up does the central fund come into operation. Let me tell the House what happened with regard to this central fund in the course of the first quinquennial. It was only called upon for £11,000 altogether, and I venture to make this prediction, that in the second quinquennial, which has been even more fruitful than the first, the sum for which the central fund will be asked will be still less. I cannot imagine why anybody raises this difficulty except the societies which present deficiencies.
  Mr. SPEAKER: I think the right hon. Gentleman is going rather beyond what is permissible. He is going into the question of the machinery and the fund of the other Measure. I understood he wished to express a view with regard to the contributions exacted by this Bill?
  Sir R. HORNE: I certainly accept your ruling, Sir, and am grateful that you should have allowed me to go as far as I have gone. It will probably be my duty to elaborate the argument which I would produce to the House in some other way upon some other occasion. But I would venture to urge the Minister of Health not to close the door upon the suggestion which I have made, and I would venture to ask him to reassure those of us whom he is asking to give the Third Reading to this Bill that he is going to make a definite and serious attempt to lessen the burdens upon industry rather than to increase them. I am sure that everybody realises to-day that these burdens are very great. I am sure also that the House understands that I am not here as an opponent of an improvement in the social services of this country. There is nothing in that direction which I would deny so long as the country could afford it, but I am oppressed by the conditions which menace the country to-day. We have lost, in the course of the War, a vast amount of wealth which we had accumulated, and we are living to-day fictitiously, as if we had still got wealth which we have lost. With an export of 75 per cent. of what it used to be, we are living as if we had a greater production to-day than we had in 1913. The day of reckoning is here now. We are unable any longer to obtain our prices in the market—
  Mr. J. JONES: We can hold garden parties at Buckingham Palace, though!
  Sir R. HORNE: Our costs and our burdens and our charges are greater than those of any other nation. We must reduce these, or we shall lose the place which hitherto we have held amongst the nations of the world.
  Mr. BLUNDELL: I rise with very great trepidation to address the House for a few moments after two such accomplished orators as my right hon. Friend the Member for Hillhead (Sir R. Home) and the right hon. Gentleman the Member for Central Edinburgh (Mr. W. Graham). But I feel I must tell the House that many hon. Members on this side will offer the most uncompromising opposition to the proposals which have been outlined by my right hon. Friend the Member for Hillhead. He seems altogether to have

  2357
  forgotten that the original scheme of the Insurance Act of 1911 contemplated and made provision for additional benefits. The White Paper that was issued when that Act was first introduced by the right hon. Member for Carnarvon Boroughs (Mr. Lloyd George) stated that an addition of 10 per cent. had been made to the experience of the Manchester Unity in order that additional benefits which were provided by that Act could be given by the approved societies. Whatever may be said by my right hon. Friend about the fact that one of these additional benefits includes the provision of pensions, the fact remains that the option as to which of the additional benefits should be given rested under the 1911 Act, and rests now, with the members of the approved societies themselves, and not with the Government or with any other body of persons. Really, that is the whole point at issue between my right hon. Friend and those who disagree with him on this point, that he wishes the Government to make selections in the interests of one section of those who contribute to the Insurance Fund, whereas the law as it stands at present and as it was introduced into this House, said that the insured people should select for themselves what benefit they would have.
  Apart from that point, I would venture to point out to the House that the right hon. Gentleman seems to have discovered a short cut to all social reform. His only explanation for singling out the members of approved societies as the people to help industry in what is admittedly a crisis was that the National Health Insurance Act deals with the same people as the Pensions Bill, which we are now discussing, though possibly a stranger to our Debates might not think so! That seems to me to be a very inadequate argument. The Unemployment Insurance Act also affects the same people as the Health Insurance Act and the Pensions Bill. You could put forward the argument that old age pensions should be paid out of the unemployment fund. If you are going to deal with classes of persons affected by the same kind of legislation you might use the Trade Facilities Act for the purposes of the Export Credits Scheme on the ground that it affected the same people, and, therefore, according to the right hon. Gentleman, you should interlock the schemes as closely as may be.
  Sir R. HORNE: My hon. Friend really must forgive me, but that is not the argument I presented. My point was that the contributions towards the Health Insurance showed a large surplus; and altogether apart from the Pensions Bill there is a case for reduction.
  Mr. BLUNDELL: I apologise to my right hon. Friend if I have misinterpreted what he said. I understood him to stress the fact that the people affected by the National Health Insurance Act and affected by this Bill are the same people. Apart, however, from that point it does surprise me to find these propositions coming from my right hon. Friend who has been Chancellor of the Exchequer on this side of the House. The first proposition, which I understand he has now withdrawn, was nothing more or less than a form of levy on capital, and that capital the savings of the approved societies! The only thing I cannot understand about that proposition is that it was not supported by hon. and right hon. Gentlemen on the other side who assure us of their belief in a Capital Levy. It does strike me as odd that such an argument should have been put forward on this side of the House. Indeed, the second proposition that my right hon. Friend has now advanced is one which would inevitably lead to the nationalisation of the Health Insurance services. Again, this other proposition is one I should have expected to find not on this, but on the other side of the House. If you are going to reduce the contribution, as has been pointed out in the course of conversation across the Floor of the House, you have to remember that there are numbers of societies that have deficits as well as those which have surpluses. When you made up the contributions of the societies that had deficits the result would be that the Central Fund would be absorbed. You would then have longing eyes again cast at the surpluses of the societies that had still a surplus. Ultimately you would get to the point when you would have to pool the surpluses, an operation which has been advocated in various quarters before now. Once you pool the surpluses there is no longer any excuse for the existence of approved societies, because the whole of their object is to carry on management so as to secure surpluses for their own

  2359
  members. Once you abolish the approved societies, you have to all intents and purposes nationalised insurance. To set up an entirely State scheme of insurance, excluding the members of the societies from the management, and abolishing the approved societies themselves would be then merely a matter of time or of evolution.
  Therefore, I am very much surprised that the proposal should come from my right hon. Friend. I say it with great diffidence respecting one who has occupied the position he has, but it seems to me that his argument has entirely begged the question. He stressed the unfortunate condition if industry at the present time. When he was doing that I am quite sure he was preaching to the converted. I am sure there is no Member of this House who is not impressed by the difficulties and dangers of the time through which we are passing. It seems to me that if my right hon. Friend's arguments have any effect at all, it is up to him to show that the benefit industry would receive from the reductions of contributions by a penny would be more than commensurate with the injury that would be done to the approved persons by reducing the contributions to their fund. One penny off the contributions for National Health Insurance would amount to about £3,000,000. If the whole of that £3,000,000 went to distressed industries there might be something in the argument of the right hon. Gentleman. But I submit to the House that by far the greatest amount of that sum would not go to distressed industries at all, but would go to industries which are quite able to pay the contributions. The alarm and distress caused to insured persons by these proposals have made themselves felt in a correspondence and in the Resolutions which have been passed by Approved Societies all over the country. I therefore venture to hope that the Minister of Health will not offer any hope to the right hon. Gentleman that he will put his proposals into action. I am perfectly certain that the more these proposals are known, the less they will be approved of. I am perfectly certain that the injury that will be done to insured persons, who are such a large section of the population, would very much outweigh any possible advantages that might accrue to industry.
  Mr. HARNEY: I quite agree with the right hon. Member for Hillhead (Sir R. Home) that we are in a very bad state as regards industry, and that every effort should be made not to add to its burdens. But it seems to me that that is no reason at all for robbing Peter to pay Paul. Something has been said about the circumstances. I do not think that the right hon. Gentleman—if he will pardon me for saying so—has at all presented to the House a true conception of what those circumstances are. When the 1911 Act was being formulated, the additional difficulty was that it was desirable, because it was found impracticable to do otherwise, to have contributions on a flat rate. A flat rate involved this difficulty: How are you going to pay equal benefits for equal contributions to persons of unequal ages. In order to deal with that, a scheme was established whereby the Government was to assume the liability that would represent what each approved society would have, on the assumption that every one of its members had been paying from the age of 16. That was a very large sum of money, and in order to meet it a sinking fund was created. What the Act of 1911 did was to say in effect: "For your contribution, you are to get certain benefits which are prescribed in the Act. But you will not get the full amount of them at first, because there will be a deduction of two-ninths made to go into this sinking fund. When the sinking fund has been worked out, then the two-ninths will come back, and you will get the full nine-ninths benefits, for which you paid in the contributions that were fixed."
  That was the scheme of the Act. It was found after being in operation for five or six years, that even with the seven-ninths that had been available for paying the minimum benefits as they were called, there were some societies that had a surplus and others that had a deficiency. That was necessary to the scheme, because those that had a surplus were the societies who had good lives and good management. Those that had a deficiency were those that had bad lives and, perhaps, not so good a management. That was an inevitable corollary to the scheme. You had to have a benefit that would be enough for the poor society and not be so big that it would result in a surplus in the successful society.

  2361
  By reason of that disparity between the societies, an inquiry was held in 1917, and so far from it being found that the contributions could be cut down, as the right hon. Gentleman now contends, the finding of that inquiry was:
  "The only alternative course is to increase uniformly the contribution income of all the societies to such an extent that the deficiencies is well-administered societies, if not wholly avoidable, will become exceptional."
  So far from it being the fact that the existence of surpluses predicates too high contributions, it was found by the Commission that the contribution was not sufficient to keep up to the mark the ordinary societies. They said, "Too much is going into the sinking fund and too little going into the benefit fund, and henceforth we will make an arrangement whereby the sinking fund will have something taken off which will, through the contingencies fund, come back into the benefit fund." The House will understand that, in coming to that conclusion, those who were promoting or were behind the Act of 1918 had to say to the approved societies that were in surplus, "We are going to take something from you. You were told that you would have the full benefit not merely of your immediate but of your deferred benefits, which would come in in 20 years. We are going to reduce the sinking fund, which will shift into the distance the deferred benefits." When the societies asked, "What are you going to give us in exchange?" the answer was this, according to the Report of the Commission. It was a regular bargain:
  "We are aware that objections may be entertained to this proposal on the ground that the present generation of insured workers have had the expectation of benefits in 1932, but we consider that this advantage is net (1) because we now propose to recommend that we will leave unimpaired the right of members of societies with a disposable surplus to the immediate enjoyment of it. and (2) that the scheme will gradually diminish, if it may not in some cases wholly remove, the prospect of the members of the deficiency societies having to make levies on their members or reduce their benefits or increase their contributions."
  It was on that basis that the agreement was come to prior to the Act of 1918, which resulted in the Sinking Fund being diminished, so that the ultimate benefits would be put back. I would like to read to the House one or two extracts dealing with the very point made by the right hon. Gentleman. When the right hon.
  2362
  Gentleman the Member for Carnarvon (Mr. Lloyd George) was explaining the Bill, he was at pains to emphasise these words:
  "According to the actuarial calculations which have been made, the proposed contributions will provide a margin of approximately 10 per cent. in addition to the amounts required for the payment of the minimum benefits. This margin will, if the actuarial anticipations are realised, be made available for the grant of additional benefits as provided for in the Bill as soon as experience shows that it can safely be devoted to that purpose."
  11.0 P.M.
  Was it not the very genesis of the Act that there were two classes of benefits to be given those out of ordinary fund and those out of the surplus which would ultimately arise at the expiration of the sinking fund period. We have been told that the contributions are to be raided as well as the actual surpluses, but are you going to raid the rivulets that feed these pools? What are these rivulets? What would be the effect? It would mean in the first place that the amount going into the sinking fund would be lessened. Secondly, it would mean, even if you diminish the present contribution scheme which the Royal Commission found to be too little, that you may diminish the overflow which offends the right hon. Gentleman so much, but at the same time you will be further increasing the deposits in the other societies which led to the necessity of appointing the Royal Commission and the necessity for raiding the sinking fund.
  Sir R. HORNE: Why do you not make the rivulets into a river?
  Mr. HARNEY: There is no necessity for me to do that, because they actually found the figure they fixed would be sufficient to fulfil the purpose, having regard to the fact that some societies would have good lives and others bad lives, and taking the average it was necessary to fix a certain amount, and that must run into the surplus. You cannot arrange any system whereby every approved society will have exactly the same calibre of health in its membership. We are asked, what harm is there after all in taking their surpluses? Whose money are you taking? It is the money partly of the employers and partly of the workers who have paid for these contingent benefits. We are told that the same people are concerned in both cases, but

  2363
  you cannot say that one society selected for its healthy character is the same as another. The societies are wholly different, and what right have you to say to society A, which has conducted its operations well and invited only fine healthy people to join, that you will penalise them on that account in order to make up the deficiencies of other societies, and to make good a deficit that would press too heavily on the employers under this new Bill?
  I, for my part, think that both suggestions made by the right hon. Gentleman, one of which has been adopted by the Government and the other of which will, I hope, be refused, are absolutely unworthy of this pretended boon that is being given to the country. People were told, "You pay 5d., and you will have widows' and orphans' and old age pensions," but what happens? Take the explanatory Memorandum of the Bill. There you are told, "You will not have to pay 5d.; 4d. will do." Why? A penny comes off. How? Because that penny represents what was paid in health benefits under the Health Insurance Act between 65 and 70. 'Take the next 2d. The right hon. Gentleman comes to this House and says that industry is in a very bad way; there is £11,000,000 pressing upon the poor employers. I am not saying anything unkind, but of course it is the case. "They cannot stand it," he says, "and I advise the Government to think what they can do." The Government think. They come back after 10 or 12 days' thinking, and they say to the right hon. Gentleman the Member for Hillhead: "We will tell you what we will do; we will take off 2d., and will put it on to ourselves," but they do not. The 2d. they take off there is 2d. taken off by lengthening the waiting period and making discretionary what was before a right with reference to uncovenanted benefit.
  Now the right hon. Gentleman comes along and says, "Thank you very much. You have taken £5,500,000 off the £11,000,000 that is put on the employer, and the other £5,500,000 must come off. I will make a suggestion where you can get the other 2d. You can get the other 2d. from the contributions that have already been made under the Health
  2364
  Insurance Act." I tell the right hon. Gentleman that, as he knows perfectly well, and as the House knows, these very surpluses—not only the pools themselves, but the anticipation of the streams that are pouring into those pools from these contributions—are now being used. I have the figures here:
  "During 1924 the approved societies associated with this conference alone contributed to voluntary hospitals and convalescent homes a sum of £186,000, and spent £226,000 in the provision of dental benefits.'
  The right hon. Gentleman's case is that, having got Id. from the health benefits, having got 2d. out of the pool, he now wants another 2d. out of those who are getting the benefits of surgical and dental treatment under the extended benefits that are conferred by the Act of 1911. I, for my part, consider this an attempt to turn what is put before the country as a great gift of the Conservative Government into a piece of camouflaged commercialism whereby what they are giving really represents only something taken from the people out of that which they already possess. The taking away is hidden; the giving is proclaimed; and we are told, "Vote for the Tory Government because of this great, good Act." The right hon. Gentleman has been the main offender in bringing it about, but what, really, the poor widow and orphan ought to shed tears of gratitude over is not what the Tory Government give them, but what is taken from those of their own class under a hand that is masked the Whole time.
  Mr. CHAMBERLAIN: Before I enter upon the brief observations that I want to make, I should like, first of all, to express to the right hon. Gentleman the Member for Central Edinburgh (Mr. W. Graham) as well as to the right hon. Gentleman the Member for Hillhead (Shit. Home) my very grateful appreciation of their courteous and kindly references to myself and my colleague, the Parliamentary Secretary. All through our Debates on this important Measure, and, looking back on the discussions that we have had, it is only right to record my opinion that, throughout, the Bill has been treated with the seriousness that it deserves, and that the Amendments put forward have been argued with force and sincerity." While I am naturally gratified that the main features of the

  2365
  Measure have successfully withstood criticism and have emerged unimpaired from the objections to which they have been subjected, I am bound also to say that in many minor details the Bill has been improved in its passage.
  I do not propose to dwell in my review on the changes made in the Bill, although I am glad to think that they have benefited three classes in particular—the children, the elderly people, and the dependants. But there is just one remark which fell from the hon. and gallant Member for Burton (Colonel Gretton), I think yesterday, in the course of our Debate, to which I would like to revert. He pointed out that the Bill had undergone various changes in Committee and on Report, and that I had made a number of concessions, almost every one of which was calculated to increase the charge on the Exchequer, and he expressed some apprehension lest we might be piling on our own shoulders burdens perhaps greater than we were appreciating. Those were weighty words, and I think the House would like to know what has been the financial effect, as far as we can estimate, of the various Amendments we have put into the Bill on Committee and in Report. Of course, the House will realise that the actuarial calculations on which a Bill of this kind is based, however great be the skill and experience of those by whom they are formulated—and I am sure everyone who knows the work of the Government's actuaries will agree that we are fortunate in having people whose gifts are of such a high order—neverthless, when you are dealing with a Measure such as this, in which £25,000,000 will be expended every year, it is impossible that you should get to more than an approximation of the actual figures which will only be revealed by experience.
  I frankly say that when we started the discussions I was conscious that we had in hand what I might call a margin of safety, that is to say, where the data was insufficient to enable us to make an actuarial calculation, we preferred to err on the side of safety rather than in the other direction. But I must say to the House, quite frankly, that, in the opinion of actuarial advisers, we have by these concessions eaten up the whole, or more than the whole, of this margin. The total concessions will probably
  2366
  amount to something like £750,000 a year. That means a sum of £7,500,000 in the course of the first ten years. Therefore, I think we have done extremely wisely in inserting in one of the Clauses of the Bill a proviso that the Treasury might from time to time call upon the Actuary to make an investigation of the financial conditions of the scheme, and report to the Treasury so that the conditions might be reviewed, and such modifications might be made as might be found necessary. That brings me to the criticism upon the scheme made by the right hon. Gentleman opposite, a criticism which I think was a development of an idea that he had expressed at an earlier stage of the Bill. When you are dealing with a number of independent financial unite, as you are in the case of the Health Insurance scheme, it is very necessary to have accumulated funds in order to be quite certain that your liabilities are going to be: met. Here we are in a different position. The right hon. Gentleman himself does not doubt that the benefits that are promised under the scheme are secure, but he suggests that under the financial scheme there is no security that the benefit of any improvement in the conditions will inure to the contributor. But, on the other hand, it is quite possible that things may turn out worse than we are anticipating at present, and I think the provisions we have got, which enable us to see exactly what the financial position of the scheme from time to time really is all that is necessary, and does enable us to vary the conditions of the scheme if that should prove to be possible and desirable; and the people who are to benefit under the scheme at any rate have this security that even if they do not get better terms in case conditions improve, at any rate they are made safe against any deterioration in the benefits of the scheme.
  I should like to say a few words—I do not need to say very much—about the speech of my right hon. Friend the Member for Hillhead (Sir R. Home). I do not think the House would desire that I should go into the details of the Health Insurance Scheme in a Debate on the Third Reading of the Pensions Bill, but I am myself, I am afraid, responsible for inviting my right hon. Friend to enlarge a little more on his ideas on the Third Reading, and I promised that I would endeavour to make some answer to him

  2367
  and put before the House some considerations which, I should think, had been present to his mind when he first spoke on the subject. I am very glad to hear my right hon. Friend disclaim any idea of raiding the surpluses. That, in my view, would certainly be interpreted, and, I think, with some justification, as a breach of pledges which have been given to approved societies. It has been expected that the reward of efficiency of administration on their part would be the power to use these surpluses in order to give additional benefits to their members, and to say to those who have exercised efficiency in their administration in the hope of obtaining these additional benefits, "we are going to take away that which you have by your thrift and your care accumulated" would, it seems to me, be an unjustifiable procedure. Therefore that does not form any part of 'his proposition. But he says the fact that those surpluses have been accumulated in past years shows that the contributions are higher than is necessary, and he thinks it should be possible to effect a reduction which would prevent such surpluses from arising in the future. I was in some doubt about the right hon. Gentleman's point.
  Sir R. HORNE: The proposition I put showed that I expected surpluses in the future, but that the contributions might be reduced and still leave surpluses to be accumulated. I say, frankly, that I think this scheme is over-financed, and I beg my right hon. Friend to go into the matter very carefully with the Government Actuary and in particular to deal with the rate of valuation which every modern actuary displays, and see whether he could not adopt the same basis.
  Mr. CHAMBERLAIN: My right hon. Friend is a little impatient. I had not got to that point. I was anxious, because I was not certain whether he was contemplating that in future it would be possible to reduce the contributions while still maintaining the additional benefits which are being declared by the societies as the result of surpluses accumulated in past quinquennial periods, or whether he proposes to do away with these additional benefits, and use the money which would be required for that purpose to reduce the contributions. I understood from the
  2368
  reply which he gave to me when I put the question to him that what he thought should be the aim in the future might be the preservation of the statutory benefits, but that he saw no reason why the additional benefits should not be put an end to in order that the surpluses which had been devoted to them in the past should in the future be devoted to a reduction of contributions. If that were contemplated, I must confess that I should view it with very grave alarm and concern. It would be a retrograde step in the efforts which we have been making to improve the general health of our people, and incidentally, of course, it would leave its injurious effect upon the finances of the societies, because these additional benefits are in the nature of preventive measures, and are, therefore, reducing the calls on and the liabilities of the approved societies. He may say that he believes it would be possible to reduce the contributions without reducing the additional benefits. What is his" definite and practical proposition"? I am using his own words. It is to take one penny from the employer's and one penny from the workman's contribution., and he thinks it would be possible to do that and still keep the fund solvent. I am sure he is fully aware of the National Health Insurance scheme. The fact that he spoke about keeping the fund solvent seemed to me to be significant, because he seemed to represent—although I do not say he himself is in error—a point of view which has been held and which is founded upon a complete misapprehension of the condition—
  Sir R. HORNE: I was not allowed to develop my argument. I was out of Order. The right hon. Gentleman must not think that he answers me by making a reply to a proposition which I was not allowed to defend. I perfectly understand the point he is on, and an perfectly prepared to explain it.
  Mr. CHAMBERLAIN: I am not answering my right hon. Friend. I am merely taking a phrase which he used as an illustration of an error, which I do not say that he—
  Sir R. HORNE: I am not in any error on the subject. I know precisely the right hon. Gentleman's attitude.
  Mr. CHAMBERLAIN: I was taking a phrase which the right hon. Gentleman used as an illustration of an error, not an error on his part, but an error entertained by a great number of people, who do not understand that it is not one fund with which we have to deal, but that there are an aggregation of funds, Consisting of surpluses in some cases, less deficiencies in other cases.
  If you reduce the contributions you must add to the number of societies that will be deficient and decrease the number of societies that have surpluses. It is certain that you are going to throw the whole scheme into discredit if you are going to put a large number of societies into deficiency. Unless you have a sufficient margin of contributions your central fund will disappear altogether. I want to examine this a little more closely. My right hon. Friend suggested that Id. from the employer and Id. from the worker was a reduction of contribution which could easily be made, but it amounts to a sum of £6,000,000. Taking the aggregate surpluses of the societies, after deduction of the deficiencies at the end of 1923, I find, according to the figures, that the surpluses were only accumulating at the rate of £5,000,000 a year. The result would be that you would be taking away £1,000,000 more than you had been accumulating.
  But is if certain that we can count upon the repetition of the surpluses which were accumulating down to the end of 1923; I beg the House not to take that as by any means certain. I beg them to understand that there are some rather disquieting features of which we have information which render it very unlikely that in future quinquennia the surpluses will be anything like what they were. Take one item, which is an annual charge of about £2,000,000 for doctors and drugs. There is at present a balance which has accumulated, from which that is paid, which will come to an end in 1926, and that charge of £2,000,000 will then fall upon the contributions and the accumulations of £5,000,000, should they continue, will be at once reduced to £3,000,000 a year, even if the other factors remain the same. Then there are questions arising out of the rate of disablement benefit and sickness benefit, in both of which there are rather disquieting features. Again, I might suggest that the existence of so
  2370
  much unemployment means a reduction in contribution surpluses which will be found to have its effect upon the gross surplus.
  My right hon. Friend relies upon the adequacy of the reserves and the rate of interest. But it is not correct to take the rate of interest upon the societies' investments as being 4f per cent. When you came to value the societies, taking their liabilities and their assets, a large part of the assets, more than half, consists of paper credits which only earn 3 per cent., and the full rate of interest earned by the societies is reduced from 4¾ per cent. to something between 3¾ per cent. and 4 per cent. Then, again, it must be remembered that if you raise the rate of interest you lower the value of the reserves and necessarily therefore you lower the assets which you have to set against your liabilities.
  The whole question of the finances of the National Health Insurance Act are now being considered by a Royal Commission. The Royal Commission is being assisted by an actuarial sub-committee. They are now going into just these questions—the rate of disablement benefit, the rate of sickness, the question of the rate of interest which should be taken into account—and in due course they will report. As a result of their Report, it will no doubt be shown whether the contributions which are now being paid are merely adequate or whether they are sufficient to produce a surplus. The Commission will, no doubt, make their recommendations as to what should be done with that surplus, if surplus there should be. Until we get that Report we are not in a position to say exactly what surplus we are likely to get, whether, indeed, we are likely to get any surplus at all. It is quite impossible, therefore, to contemplate in the present stage of our experience any reduction in the rate of contribution.
  Just a word or two to sum up what it is that we have been aiming at in this Bill. In the first place, we have introduced this Bill in fulfilment of our Election pledges. I know there are some cynics who think that any scheme of social benefit or betterment is merely a bribe that is offered by one party or another in order to secure office. Personally, I do not think there is anything to be ashamed of in a

  2371
  desire for office, provided that that desire is founded, not on personal aggrandisement, or even party aggrandisement, but on the consciousness that office is the only instrument by which you can carry into operation Measures which you believe to be right. It is because we believe that a Measure of this kind, a contributory scheme of pensions, was right and was good, because we believe it would have a great effect in strengthening the moral character of the nation, that we have advocated it at Election times and that we are now carrying it into effect. In spite of doubts and disbelief expressed by hon. Members opposite, I still remain firmly convinced, at any rate, that the more responsible and more thoughtful members of the community prefer a scheme of this kind to which they will feel that they have contributed for something to be given them as a right, rather than a scheme to which they have given nothing and from which they had to receive something as a charity from the State.
  We have, by an unkind fate, brought in this Bill just at a time which coincides with one of the greatest depressions that has ever overtaken our industry. Very gloomy anticipations have been expressed from time to time in this House. It may be that presently we shall find ourselves in face of a national crisis which will demand much more drastic measures than merely a postponement of a new reform of this kind. If the prophets of evil be right, and if such a crisis come upon us, I feel certain that the nation will be prepared to make whatever sacrifices are necessary to preserve its existence. Do not let us exaggerate our troubles. Do not let us be stampeded unnecessarily in the depression. After all, we are not dead yet. I submit to this House that they may pass the Third Heading of this Bill —I do not say with a light heart, but with that calmness and confidence which befits a nation that has overcome in the past great dangers and perils, perhaps not less than these, and which, if it keep its head, and shows its old courage, will overcome its present difficulties too.
  Mr. MAXTON: I was deeply moved by the fine peroration of the right hon. Gentleman. References to perils which we are going to weather in the future
  2372
  always appeal to the true British heart. But surely he was getting a little too far up into the heights in a valedictory address, which, in spite of all the fine things he or his friends may say, proposes to give to the widows of this nation ten miserable shillings a week. That is the salient fact. The Government came forward to redeem election pledges by granting a pension of 10s. a week to a woman, 5s. for the first child, and 3s. for subsequent children. Yet the right hon. Gentleman feels this scheme worthy of a great peroration about the future, if we are prepared to make sacrifices. I am interested in the contribution of my colleague the right hon. Gentleman the Member for Hillhead (Sir It. Home) It is a proposition worthy of consideration by the people. He tells us that Capitalism in this country is in a serious state. The Minister of Health thinks we may weather the storm by sacrifices, but the right hon. Member for Hillhead doe3 not think we can weather the storm unless an extra Id. or 2d. is taken off the employer's contribution. He suggests that big business is insolvent and on the verge of a crisis, and that the Government must turn to the approved societies, which are, to a large extent, run by ordinary working people, and say to them, "For God's sake, save Capitalism from the mess it has got itself into."
  Is that a misunderstanding of the Hillhead argument? It is that argument as I see it, and I am perhaps more capable of following the workings of the Northern mind than are many hon. Gentlemen opposite. He appeals in vain so far as his colleagues of the City of Glasgow are concerned. We are not going to put out a finger to save Capitalism from destruction. I never went into the Lobby to protest against a penny extra being put upon employers of labour, but I have gone into the Lobby against a penny being put on to the working people, who in the last number of years wave seen their wage steadily falling with the connivance and support and often the active aid of hon. and right hon. Gentlemen opposite. While wages have been steadily going down, you say to these people: "Your aged folk are to be kept on 10s. a week." This will not keep anybody in comfort. Widows cannot be kept at all on 10s. a week, yet imagine

  2373
  hon. Gentlemen asking a woman of the working class to keep a child for 5s. a week. Last week we heard much about the Eton and Harrow match, and I was interested in the pride which each side displayed in its own school. If I am not misinformed, it will cost any-right hon. Gentleman £250 a year at the very Jea6t to keep one boy at Eton or Harrow—£5 a week! And you ask a widowed mother to keep her boy for five shillings a week!
  The right hon. Gentleman talks about the great concession he has made when he extends the age from 14 to 16. A quotation was made from my right hon. Friend the late Chancellor of the Exchequer on more than one occasion in the course of this Debate that this 10s. a week to the widows would be hailed with relief by thousands of people throughout this country. It is God's truth, and that is the shameful thing about it. Think of the condition of a country where thousands of the people look to a miserable payment of this amount with a sigh of relief! Mark you, we here have not produced that state of affairs in this country. We have not brought Capitalism to such a. state that it cannot stand another penny a week. [HON. MEMBERS: "YOU have done nothing!"] I will tell you what I have done up till now, and it is a remarkable contribution to the public life. I have stirred up discontent among the common people, and if you realised the value of your country and of the population, you would thank the men who stir up discontent in this country, because men and women who are contented with the hellish conditions that you have produced are less than human beings. I hope that the discontent we have aroused will become stronger and stronger, and that the people will turn with scorn absolutely from miserable doles of this kind, and demand that what they are going to get are not small pittances of this sort, but the right to own and run their own country, and the common people will run it very much better, and at the end they will not have to come forward and confess, like the right hon. Member for Hillhead (Sir R. Home) and the Minister of Health that to-day you are in such a miserable state, after 100 years of private enterprise, that 18s. is all you can give to a mother with two children
  2374
  to enable them to face the future after the breadwinner has been removed.
  I know that I ought to have more sense. I have been in the House long enough to know that neither reason nor vehemence makes very much difference, and I wonder whether it is worth while talking here, and whether I would not do far better to talk to people outside. I hope people outside will not wait the three or four years that the right hon. Gentleman opposite hopes to remain in office. The power of the working classes is not exhausted. The civil population have got other resources. They have been quiet and meek, but I hope that in a very short time they will be prepared to stand up and refuse to accept calmly this Bill, and things like it, which I regard as a great insult to the working-class population.
  Mr. J. JONES Mr. J. JONES rose—
  HON. MEMBERS: Divide, divide.
  Mr. JONES: It is very nice for you to shout "Divide," but some of us want to have a reason why we should divide. We are divided already by the fact that we belong to the class who are being told that this Bill is a gift to them, and we know very well that this gift is an insult and is intended to be so, because the right Hon. Gentleman himself, in winding up the Debate, told us it was better for the people to get something from the State in reply to a contribution paid than to accept charity from the State, Do hon. Members opposite suggest that those who receive pensions from the State without payments are receiving charity? If so, then the biggest charity-mongers and the biggest dole-takers in this country belong to the class represented on the benches opposite. They are the only people who receive pensions without paying for them, and when the right hon. Gentleman talks about charity from the State we say that it is an insult to the workmen of this country. I would like to ask the right hon. and hon. Member who support, this Measure what is going to be the position of local authorities in the administration of this Measure. Somebody else will have to pay to keep the woman and her children. What will happen will be that we in the local districts, who are more inclined to be kind-hearted, will make up the difference. The Poor Law authorities will be mainly responsible for helping to enlarge the amount that the woman will receive.

  2375
  The other districts will take advantage of the Act, and will give them nothing. The woman will then have to continue her charing work to make up the amount necessary for the maintenance of herself and her children. Really, instead of relief to the people it is an insult to their intelligence. I hope we shall vote against this Bill as a party I, for one, am prepared to do so [An HON. MEMBER: "Do it!"] Oh, yes, openly, and confess that I am in opposition to the whole of the Bill. The principle is a rotten one. The worker must pay for all all the time.
  The soldier fights for all,
  The lawyer pleads for all,
  The King rules over all; and
  The worker pays for all!
  2376
  That is your Bill. We repudiate it, and express our hostility to it.
  Bill accordingly read the Third time, and passed.
  The remaining Orders were read, and postponed.
  It being after half-past Eleven of the Clock, Mr. SPEAKER adjourned the Rouse without Question put, pursuant to the Standing Order.
  Adjourned at Ten Minutes before Twelve o'clock.

  MERCHANT SHIPS (WIRELESS OPERATORS).
  MERCHANT SHIPS (WIRELESS OPERATORS).
TRADE AND COMMERCE.
  COTTON YARNS (IMPORTS).
  COTTON YARNS (IMPORTS).
  WHOLLY OR MAINLY MANUFACTURED ARTICLES.
  WHOLLY OR MAINLY MANUFACTURED ARTICLES.
  RUBBER PRODUCTION (MALAYA, CEYLON, AND DUTCH EAST INDIES).
  RUBBER PRODUCTION (MALAYA, CEYLON, AND DUTCH EAST INDIES).
  COAL SUPPLIES.
  COAL SUPPLIES.
EDUCATION.
  BRIDGE ROAD GIRLS' SCHOOL, WJ:ST HAM.
  BRIDGE ROAD GIRLS' SCHOOL, WJ:ST HAM.
  INSPECTORATE.
  INSPECTORATE.
BRITISH ARMY.
  DOMINIONS AND COLONIES (MILITARY SERVICES).
  DOMINIONS AND COLONIES (MILITARY SERVICES).
  ROYAL WARRANT (ARTICLES 978, 1,013, AND 1,014).
  ROYAL WARRANT (ARTICLES 978, 1,013, AND 1,014).
  ROYAL AIR FORCE (BRITISH FASCISTI).
  ROYAL AIR FORCE (BRITISH FASCISTI).
ROYAL NAVY.
  ATLANTIC FLEET (LEAVE).
  ATLANTIC FLEET (LEAVE).
  His MAJESTY'S SHIP"COVENTRY."
  His MAJESTY'S SHIP"COVENTRY."
  "BACCHUS" DISASTER (COMPENSATION CLAIMS).
  "BACCHUS" DISASTER (COMPENSATION CLAIMS).
  DOMINIONS AND COLONIES (NAVAL SERVICES).
  DOMINIONS AND COLONIES (NAVAL SERVICES).
  SMALL-POX,INDIA.
  SMALL-POX,INDIA.
HOUSING.
  SUB-LETTING (RENTS).
  SUB-LETTING (RENTS).
  SOUTHWAKK.
  SOUTHWAKK.
  CONTRIBUTORY PENSIONS BILL.
  CONTRIBUTORY PENSIONS BILL.
CHINA.
  ARMSEMBARGO.
  ARMSEMBARGO.
  NAVAL DEMONSTRATION.
  NAVAL DEMONSTRATION.
  INCOME TAX (FRUIT GROWERS).
  INCOME TAX (FRUIT GROWERS).
  CROWN LANDS, KENSINGTON.
  CROWN LANDS, KENSINGTON.
  HOP CONTROL (PAYMENTS).
  HOP CONTROL (PAYMENTS).
UNEMPLOYMENT.
  EMPLOYMENT EXCHANGES (SICK LEAVE AND OVERTIME).
  EMPLOYMENT EXCHANGES (SICK LEAVE AND OVERTIME).
  JUVENILES UNEMPLOYED, MANCHESTER.
  JUVENILES UNEMPLOYED, MANCHESTER.
  WESTHOUGHTON DIVISION.
  WESTHOUGHTON DIVISION.
  FACTORIES ANDWORKSHOPS CLOSED, DURHAM
  FACTORIES ANDWORKSHOPS CLOSED, DURHAM
POST OFFICE.
  TELEGRAPH FACILITIES, TOTTENHAM, EDMONTON, AND WOOD GREEN.
  TELEGRAPH FACILITIES, TOTTENHAM, EDMONTON, AND WOOD GREEN.
  HOUSE OF COMMONS OF NORTHERN IRELAND (REGISTERED LETTERS).
  HOUSE OF COMMONS OF NORTHERN IRELAND (REGISTERED LETTERS).
Preamble
The House met at a quarter before four of the clock, The LORD CHANCELLOR on the Woolsack.
MENTAL DEFICIENCY (AMENDMENT) BILL.
Committee of the Whole House (which stands appointed for to-day), put off to Tuesday next.

HARTLEPOOL CORPORATION BILL.
THE CHAIRMAN OF COMMITTEES (THE EARL OF DONOUGHMORE): My Lords, I beg to move the Motion of which Notice has been given.
Moved, That the order made on the 2nd day of April last, "That no Private Bill brought from the House of Commons shall be read a second time after Tuesday the 30th of June next," be dispensed with, and that the Bill be now read 2a.—(The Earl of Donoughmore.)
On Question, Motion agreed to, and Bill read 2a accordingly.

FYLDE WATER BILL.
Read 3a, with the Amendments, and passed, and returned to the Commons.
NOTTINGHAMSHIRE COUNTY COUNCIL (GUNTHORPE BRIDGE) BILL.
Read 3a, with the Amendments, and passed, and returned to the Commons.

DANGEROUS DRUGS BILL. [H.L.]
THE CHANCELLOR OF THE DUCHY OF LANCASTER (VISCOUNT CECIL OF CHELWOOD): My Lords, I desire to ask the leave of the House to introduce a Bill to amend the Dangerous Drugs Acts, 1920 and 1923, so far as is necessary to enable effect to be given to a Convention signed at Geneva on behalf of His Majesty on February 19, 1925; and to move that the Bill be now read a first time.
Moved, That the Bill be now read 1a.—(viscount Cecil of Chelwood.)
On Question, Bill read 1a, and to be printed.

ELECTRICITY SPECIAL ORDER.
VISCOUNT GAGE: My Lords, on behalf of my noble friend Viscount Peel, I beg to move the Motion of which Notice has been given.
Moved, That the Special Order made by the Electricity Commissioners under the Electricity (Supply) Acts, 1882 to 1922, and confirmed by the Minister of Transport under the Electricity (Supply) Act, 1919, in respect of the urban district of Guisborough, in the North Riding of the County of York, which was presented on the lath day of June, 1925, be approved.—(Viscount Gage.)
On Question, Motion agreed to.

LAND DRAINAGE (BLACK SLUICE) PROVISIONAL ORDER BILL.
Read 3a (according to Order), and passed.

WEST HARTLEPOOL CORPORATION (TROLLEY VEHICLES) PROVISIONAL ORDER BILL.
VISCOUNT GAGE: My Lords, I beg to move the Motion which stands in the name of Viscount Peel in relation to this Bill.
Moved, That the order made on the 2nd day of April last, "That no Provisional Order Confirmation Bill brought from the House of Commons shall be read a second time after Tuesday, the 30th of June next," be dispensed with, and that the Bill be now read 2a.—(Viscount Gage.)
On Question, Motion agreed to, and Bill read 2a accordingly.
Bill committed for Tuesday next.

MINISTRY OF HEALTH PROVISIONAL ORDERS (No. 3) BILL.
House in Committee (according to Order) on re-commitment of the Bill: Bill reported without amendment.
PIER AND HARBOUR PROVISIONAL ORDERS (No. 1) BILL.
House in Committee (according to Order) on re-commitment of the Bill: Bill reported without amendment.
PIER AND HARBOUR PROVISIONAL ORDERS (No. 2) BILL.
House in Committee (according to Order) on re-commitment of the Bill: Bill reported without amendment.
TRAMWAYS PROVISIONAL ORDERS BILL.
House in Committee (according to Order) on re-commitment of the Bill: Bill reported without amendment.

HOUSING.
THE LORD BISHOP OF SOUTHWARK THE LORD BISHOP OF SOUTHWARK had given Notice to call attention to the continued shortage of housing accommodation for the working classes, and to the impossibility of meeting the deficiency unless there is a large increase in the labour available for the purpose of building houses, and to ask His Majesty's Government what steps they propose to take in this matter. The right rev. Prelate said: My Lords, about this time a year ago the House spent some days in discussing a housing measure introduced by the last Government, and amidst some difference of opinion which was then expressed there was general agreement at any rate on two matters. There was general agreement on the fact that it was urgently necessary that a very large number of new houses should be provided, and there was also agreement on the fact that it would be quite impossible to provide these houses unless there was a large increase in the amount of labour available.
Let me remind your Lordships of the problem which confronted us in this housing question a year ago. In the year 1919 local authorities were asked by the Ministry of Health to state how many houses were required to make good the existing deficiency. The returns showed that something like 1,000,000 houses were required in Great Britain. To that

225
number there must also be added 100,000 houses required each year to meet the ordinary loss of houses through age and the accommodation required through the pulling down of slum districts. The measure was intended to meet this need by providing for 2,500,000 houses in fifteen years, starting with the building of 90,000 houses in the year 1925 and gradually rising until the figure aimed at was 225,000 houses in the year 1934 and each year of the remaining years of the fifteen year period. It was recognised that this gigantic programme could not be undertaken unless the amount of labour was largely increased A report of the National Building Committee showed that there had been a very serious decrease in the number of skilled craftsmen available. In 1913 there were 429,000 craftsmen, but this number had fallen in 1924 to 367,000. There were 11,750 fewer bricklayers, 16,600 fewer masons and 4,000 fewer plasterers, and to build 225,000 houses in a year would mean a very large increase in the number of skilled craftsmen. The National Building Committee went on to make recommendations, to which I shall have to refer later, showing how this deficiency might be met.
I first of all ask how many houses have been built under the various State-aided measures and how many houses have been built during the last year. So far as I know, we shall have a satisfactory report as to the number of houses which have actually been built. I noticed in The Times a few days ago an article in which it was stated:—
"Good progress in actual building is being made and in the first five months of this year over 35,000 houses were actually completed, in spite of the bad weather. During the present season much more rapid progress is being made."
It is possible that we may be told that between 90,000 and 100,000 houses may be completed this year. That would be a very satisfactory statement so far as it goes. There is no doubt that the Minister of Health has been working with the greatest energy in an attempt to solve this problem, and, if I may say so without impertinence, I feel that it is a national asset that the Minister of Health is a man who combines such enthusiasm with great practical knowledge of the problem.
There are two comments which I should like to make upon the present rate of
226
building. The first is that so far it has not appreciably reduced the overcrowding in various parts of our great towns. Hero and there, no doubt, a family has been moved out from the overcrowded districts, but so far it has been from the nature of the ease impossible to reduce to any large extent the overcrowding which is so prevalent in many of our great towns. The second comment that I make is much more fundamental. While the number of 90,000 houses is thoroughly satisfactory for the year 1925, the real question is whether there is such a supply of labour as to increase very largely the number of houses to be built in the ensuing years. If we go on building at the rate of 90,000 or even 100,000 houses a year we shall never solve the housing problem. At the end of this century the problem will still remain unsolved, for we shall be only meeting the ordinary wastage in houses without building sufficient houses to deal with the gigantic slum problems which await us.
I notice that the Secretary for Scotland, a day or two ago, stated that the position in Scotland was still very serious. He said:—
"Whereas the estimate of the Scottish Royal Commission on Housing in 1917 the deficiency on the existing standard of housing was 121,430, that of the central Department at the end of 1924 was 150,000, and at the conclusion of six years, notwithstanding the strenuous efforts by Government Departments and local authorities, the situation is getting worse."
The real crux of the situation, therefore, is whether provision is being made for an increased supply of labour so that houses may be built in ever-increasing numbers during the ensuing years until they reach the figure of 225,000 in 1934. It is here that I have serious misgivings. From the inquiries that I have been able to make I find that work is already hindered through the shortage of labour and that apparently there are very small prospects of any large increase in the number of skilled craftsmen available.
Take, for instance, the case of London. In 1919 the London County Council resolved to build 29,000 within five years. By the end of last year it had built 9,000 houses. The reason given for the deficiency was the shortage of labour. In July of last year their housing committee recommended that 12,600 houses should be built annually for ten years. Progress

227
towards this result has been very slow. In one district that I know well I was told last year, not officially but on very good authority, that by the end of this year there would be 1,000 houses in position and occupied. I enquired a few days ago and I was told that probably there would be 500 houses ready at the end of the year. The difficulty is not a difficulty either of material or of money, but of labour. The London Housing League, which has been drawing attention to the importance of the labour situation, stated that 6,930 craftsmen would be required for the building of 8,600 houses, but that in February of this year, on the London County Council building estates, there were only 933 skilled craftsmen. That number has been raised this month, I believe, to 1,650, but 1,650 men working continuously making no allowance for any stoppage could succeed in building only 4,000 houses instead of the 12,000 that are required.
Only yesterday the housing committee reported to the London County Council that progress towards the completion of the large building programme already authorised by the Council was hindered by the scarcity of skilled labour, and I am told that in provincial towns the difficulty is just the same. Building schemes have been held up through lack of labour, and in some large towns there is very little prospect of gaining any substantial increase in the number of skilled craftsmen during the next few years. The same is true in the country districts. I noticed a letter in The Times a few days ago from an architect, who wrote:—
"In the last month I have had three refusals by building contractors to tender for work on the ground that they were quite unable to obtain the necessary labour."
What methods are suggested to meet this deficiency? The National Building Committee made two suggestions. They rejected, rightly or wrongly—personally I am sorry that they did so—proposals For dilution, but they then suggested that it might be possible to supply the deficiency partly by transferring to the housing branch of the trade those who were engaged in other parts of it. They did not lay very much emphasis on this and they spoke with a certain amount of hesitation about it, but they did indicate that a certain amount of labour for housing might be obtained in this way.
I am anxious to ask the noble Lord who will reply whether everything that is possible in this direction has been done. Is it possible, for instance, to control still further the erection of buildings which might be regarded as unnecessary? A large number of business premises, cinemas, banks, and so on, have been erected and are being erected at the present time. Would it be at all possible to divert some of the labour from these works to the more pressing work required in housing? I am not recommending this and I am not supporting it; I am only asking a question about it. This may possibly be a sentimental solution of the problem, which would cause additional unemployment in various directions while it would not help those whom it was intended to help.
The other proposal that was made by this Committee was much more important. They suggested that the number of apprentices should be very largely increased in the ratio of one to every three craftsmen and that in this way a large number of trained men might be prepared to carry on the enlarged building scheme. This proposal was quite essential to the whole success of the scheme. The noble and learned Viscount who moved the Second Reading of the Housing Bill last year, said:—
"The trade unions have satisfied us that there is a very large supply of labour which is capable of being brought to the aid of these building operations. They have agreed to enlarge the age at which apprentices may be taken and they have agreed to look for apprentices in an active fashion."
In the actual report they were most emphatic on this. They said:—
"The National Federation of Building Trade Employers and the National Federation of Building Trade Operatives, however, have recognised the necessity for using all possible influence to ensure an adequate number of apprentices being taken by employers, and they recently appointed a National Joint Apprenticeship Committee to examine the situation and propose measures for its amelioration."
Now I am anxious to know if it is possible to state how many apprentices have been taken on under the scheme, how many apprentices have actually been registered during these last few months.
I know that at various places apprentice committees have been formed and that in some places they are doing excellent work. In others, however, I am told, these committees exist simply in

229
name and practically no apprentices have been enrolled. In London this proposal has not so far been carried out. The chairman of the housing committee of the London County Council said the scheme to secure additional skilled labour by an extension of the apprenticeship system is still in an embryonic condition as regards the London area, and I believe it is so elsewhere. It is difficult to know where the fault lies. Sometimes I am told that it is due to the parents, who do not care for their children to enter into the building trade. I am told, however, by the headmasters of schools and those connected with work in our clubs that there are a large number of boys who would gladly be apprenticed to the building trade. If I ask employers, I am told that the fault is due to the men, who are afraid of unemployment and therefore do not encourage the scheme. If I ask the men, I am told that the fault is really due to the big employers, who find it too much trouble to take apprentices and who prefer to have skilled workmen.
The point I want to make is that the whole success of our building programme depends upon securing a sufficient number of apprentices who can be trained into skilled workmen. Unless we gain these additional skilled craftsmen this scheme will never carry out what it was intended to do, and at the end of a few years we shall find that the housing problem is still as far from solution as it is at the present time. I know that we may be told that it is very early to judge as to the success of the housing programme, and that it is very early to judge as to whether there will be a sufficient supply of labour available; but I would point out that every year's delay causes the continuance of almost intolerable suffering.
I hesitate to quote actual cases of hardships because it might very easily be thought that I was exaggerating or making a simple appeal to sentiment. A few days ago this House was profoundly Moved as it listened to cases of real hardship among loyalists in Ireland. I believe this House would be not less moved if it realised the hardships that were being endured year after year by people living within a few hundred yards of this House. Let me give only three illustrations, taken out of a large number of cases sent to me by trained and experienced observers. One
230
is the case of a father and mother and five children all living and sleeping in one small room. The walls are verminous and all the children very sickly and suffering from rickets. The next is the case of a father and mother and six children in two small rooms. The walls are verminous, the boards of the floor in holes. The next is the case of a family of six in one room—the husband and wife, a girl of eleven and boys of thirteen, fifteen and seventeen all sleeping and living in one room.
THE MARQUESS OF SALISBURY: In what part of the country?
THE LORD BISHOP OF SOUTHWARK: In London. Those cases are not exceptional cases. I could give the House a very large number of cases of this kind. I will only remind your Lordships that the last Census shows that in London alone there are 900 cases of families of six and more living in one room—living, sleeping and feeding in one small room. Can you wonder that such conditions are detrimental to health and that the death rate in these overcrowded districts is far higher than you find it elsewhere? Can you wonder that these conditions bring to naught much of our educational efforts? How is it possible for a child to do its home lessons in a room so crowded? These conditions in many cases make decency almost impossible. They make home life simply a name and nothing more, and I believe that if these facts and conditions were thoroughly realised in the country there would be such an expression of public feeling that no trade interest, either of employers or unions, would be allowed to stand in the way of building a sufficiently large number of houses by any methods which may be necessary, so as to bring to an end speedily a condition of affairs which has too long been a national scandal.
THE LORD BISHOP OF MANCHESTER: My Lords, I am asking leave to say a few words in support of what has just fallen from the right rev. Prelate the Bishop of Southwark, as I come from the north of England, where the conditions are no less bad than in the south, or in the neighbourhood of London. I think there is really considerable danger that in the great

231
urgency of supplying houses at the present time, we may overlook the necessity, long recognised, of pulling down a considerable number of existing house properties without replacing them at any rate in the area in which they now stand. A programme which aims merely at securing that there should be one house per family, while it would be the means of alleviating the present evil, will not get rid of some of the worst conditions, and there is a great danger that the evils which have long been recognised will be left out of sight, owing to our concentration of attention upon the present programme.
For example, to take only one instance—but it is certainly a typical case—there is one parish, in Ancoats, Manchester, where there are 9,000 people living in an area of a quarter of a square mile. The great majority of the houses in that area were condemned eight years ago. They are still standing, and there is apparently no prospect of their being removed It is impossible to build houses fast enough to make possible the removal of property which at any rate provides a roof. It is no wonder that tuberculosis is rampant in these places. I could add, if it were necessary or desirable, to the tale of hardship and horror which has been put before us by the Bishop of Southwark. It happens that I have heard lately of cases where these conditions obtained. In one case, a member of the family having died, several other members slept in the room where the corpse lay awaiting burial, and the family had their meals in the same room. Then there is the economic result on the rent charged for most inadequate rooms in that same area, and still more in areas close by. I have the case of furnished rooms, so-called, containing bed, table, a few chairs and a chest of drawers, all most decrepit. And the rent will be 12s. 6d. to 15s. a week for the one room. The first thing, therefore, that it seems to me necessary to insist upon in addition to what is being put before us and what is being accomplished by all these efforts—for which we are most grateful—is that merely to build the new houses on the supposition that all the existing house property can be regarded as a permanent asset will not do. We must recognise again that there is a considerable amount that needs to be cleared away before the people have a chance of a decent livelihood.
232
With regard to the provision of labour something, no doubt, must depend upon the social status of the industry, and here I have come across some rather alarming facts. It is not only that the total numbers engaged in the industry have been tending to decline, when we want to see them increase, but the social standing of the industry in many parts of the country seems to be dropping, and that means that it will be increasingly difficult to obtain recruits for it. I am informed on perfectly reliable authority that in Manchester and its neighbourhood at the present time it is a common thing to find numbers of men in the bricklaying and plastering trades waiting outside the time office for a part of their week's wages to be paid in advance—always, I think it will be admitted, a sure sign of a downhill tendency in the industry. Whenever that tendency begins to increase it means that there is coming a more hand-to-mouth standard of life among the people who show that tendency, and very often there is only about 10 per cent. of the week's wages left to be drawn at the week-end. That always means that the money is getting spent before it reaches the wife and mother of the family, who has to care for the children, and there is hardly anything with which to meet the household expenses.
The figures that are stated for the whole country are, I think, to this extent illusory, that they tend to conceal the fact that we are not meeting the need in the neighbourhood of the great towns where the need itself is greatest. The bulk of the houses are not being built, or at any rate not a sufficient number seem to be being built, in those neighbourhoods. In Manchester five years of certainly strenuous efforts have produced less than 5,000 houses up to date. The pace of building has been increased a good deal lately but not many more than 1,500 houses a year for the working classes can be expected, while of those 500 every year will be subsidy houses built for sale and they will not be capable of being taken by any of the poorer classes. So that it would seem that future progress depends largely on really raising the status of the industry and drawing into it a better class of men, especially in the bricklayers' and plasterers' departments, and a development of that apprenticeship to which allusion has already been made.

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I need not say anything more to insist upon the effects either upon health or upon morale, but having made some study—not a very extensive or thorough one, I admit—of the connection of this question with other matters, I should like to point out that there is political health at stake also, for I think there is quite sufficient evidence to show that where you get really bitter disaffection towards the institutions of the country it is nearly always in districts where bad housing prevails. There are other causes of industrial unrest in abundance, but there is nothing which makes the settlement of industrial disputes so difficult as the embittered atmosphere due to housing conditions, which any of us with an ounce of imagination must see at once are of a kind to produce the most profound irritation and nervous fretfulness. There can be little hope of real political and social well-being becoming established in the country until we have genuinely solved this housing problem.
VISCOUNT GAGE: My Lords, the Question of the right rev. Prelate is drafted in terms that admit of a very wide discussion, and as this is obviously one of the most intricate and widely discussed problems of the day, I hope your Lordships will excuse me if I do not attempt to follow all the points raised by the previous speakers or to enlarge upon the merits or demerits of the schemes of successive Governments as compared with each other. I can only hope to indicate with the figures that have been supplied to me, the degree of success that has so far attended the sum total of all the various Government schemes. I can tell the right rev. Prelate at once that the Government intend to continue to base their policy on the Housing Acts of 1923 and 1924. They take the view that the full effects of those two Acts, taken in conjunction with the agreements and negotiations connected with them, have not really yet been properly felt: but up to the present they are working fairly satisfactorily, as the figures which I shall have to place before your Lordships will, I hope, show.
It is, of course, evident that mere figures can only be a very partial guide as evidence of how actual hardship and distress are being relieved, because not only is the distribution of the new houses a very important factor, as the
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right rev. Prelate who spoke last has pointed out, but it is hard to arrive at a satisfactory conclusion as to the actual number of houses that really are required. Estimates that have been submitted from time to time by local authorities in the past have undoubtedly been coloured by a desire to reach ideal conditions and, also, considerable overlapping has occurred. However, I agree with the right rev. Prelate who spoke last that the figure of two and a half million houses, which the late Government calculated would be required within fifteen years, can be taken as a rough basis with which to compare the figures which the recent schemes have produced. Towards this figure houses built under the three principal Acts, the Addison, the Chamberlain, and the Wheatley Acts, that is to say, houses built with some form or other of State assistance, either by local authorities, public utility societies, or private individuals, number 307,689; under the two latter Acts there are either under construction or authorised another 183,033. In addition, there are a number of houses of working class type that have been erected privately without State assistance, the statistics of which are not really complete, but I understand I am safe in saying that since the War over half a million houses of the working class type have been built by all agencies.
I fully realise that this figure, though it may be satisfactory to statisticians, may be of small comfort to those who, like the right rev. Prelate, are brought into daily contact with the appalling conditions that he described. But the worst cases, as he said, are usually complicated by the problem of congestion and slum clearance, which, I think, lies outside the scope of this particular Question, although, of course, it is intimately connected with it. The Government would be glad to furnish information with regard to the progress of their schemes in this direction, but I will only say now that eighty-four schemes are in process of completion throughout the country, of which sixteen are in London. I think it will be of interest to the right rev. Prelate if I submit the more recent figures showing how the Government housing schemes are actually proceeding at the moment.
The year which ended on March 31 last was a record year as regards house build-

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ing. During that period 136,689 houses were completed, about half of which were built with State subsidies and about half without; as a matter of fact, 67,669 were built with State assistance and 69,220 without. Of that total 117,817 may be classed as working-class houses. At present, under the Housing Acts, new houses are being completed—I think the right rev. Prelate gave the figure—at the rate of over 7,000 a month, and judged upon the basis of the results last year, during which 69,000 houses were built by unassisted private enterprise, the total for the year represents an annual output of 140,000 houses. I have the authority of the Minister for saying that we are now building more houses than are required to meet the annual growth of the population and are eating into the arrears. I hope that your Lordships' House will agree that these figures are not so black as, perhaps, the right rev. Prelate gave us to suppose they would be. A total of 140,000 houses a year in itself represents 2,000,000 in fifteen years, and it remains for me to try to show whether this rate can be maintained or improved.
It is obvious, of course, that this consideration depends on the two main conditions of the supply of materials and the supply of skilled labour. In reference to the first, there is no reason to suppose that the supply of the ordinary materials used in house construction will be interrupted. In addition, the Government are convinced that houses built by certain new methods can provide satisfactory accommodation and they are of opinion that these new methods deserve every encouragement. With this end in view special financial arrangments have been made for the erection of four different new types in various centres throughout the country. These houses will be open for inspection and the public will be able to judge for themselves as to their utility. In regard to what was said by the right rev. Prelate about the diversion of building labour to luxury building, I understand that under the Act of 1919 powers were given to Government authorities which lasted for two years but that was not found satisfactory. The powers were rarely used and, on the whole, it was found that more difficulty was created by their exercise than by not exercising them.
In regard to the supply of skilled labour, the right rev. Prelate laid particular stress on the importance of the
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apprenticeship scheme which was started in 1924, and expressed some apprehension as to how that scheme is being adhered to. I need not remind your Lordships that the scheme was designed to provide for an additional supply of apprentices over and above the ordinary number which the building trade normally maintains, which normal figure, as he said, was considerably affected at that time by the War. The Committee which formulated the scheme at the request of the Minister reported in considerable detail on April 10, 1924, in a Report, Command Paper No. 2104. But the decision of the Minister to accept the proposals of the Building Industry Committee as they affect the conditions of contracts for the erection of houses by local authorities, with particular regard to the provision that the apprentices should be encouraged in the ratio of not less than one to three craftsmen employed on the work, was only communicated by circular on February 3 of this year and applies only to tenders asked for after that date. It is, therefore, really too early to form a conclusion as to the success of the scheme of apprenticeship and it has not been possible yet to obtain statistics as to the results, though by the end of the year I believe the Ministry hope to be in possession of much more detailed information.
In relation to what was said by the right rev. Prelate concerning the instances of failure to observe the conditions of these contracts, I can only say that the Ministry have not had any case brought to their notice of the direct evasion of responsibilities entered into by any of the parties to these agreements. The conditions, of course, vary enormously and the application of the new scheme of apprenticeship to those conditions can only be effected and its results appreciated gradually. But the Minister is making every effort to ensure the success of this scheme and although, as I have said, there are no statistics available, the evidence of competent observers goes to show that steady progress is being made with this apprenticeship scheme. If the right rev. Prelate can point to any specific case or evidence to the contrary I will undertake to bring it to the notice of the Minister.
May I conclude by saying that the Government is fully alive to the detrimental

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effects of the hardships resulting from the shortage in houses? But it must be remembered that the question is only partially a political one; that attempts to adapt the ordinary laws of supply and demand and the established custom of the building industry must be conducted with circumspection and caution, otherwise, as has been proved before in dealing with this very question, the last state may be worse than the first. The progress as shown by the only really reliable index—the number of houses built and building—is at any rate in a more hopeful condition than it ever has been before, and the Government are resolved to continue to press forward with the two Acts which they are already operating, with the greatest possible energy.
VISCOUNT HALDANE: My Lords, your Lordships have listened to three speeches, two of which were of a different type from the third. The two right rev. Prelates who have spoken both spoke with that deep feeling which comes from personal contact with a genuine evil. The Lord Bishop of Southwark addressed us with a full sense of contact with what he encounters in his daily life. It was a pleasure to me, to listen to the second right rev. Prelate, who has gained great, distinction in connection with social questions in this country and who, I hope, will also often address us as he has addressed us to-day. Now, the two right rev. Prelates dwelt on the case from the point of view of the evil which they observed—an evil which, they rightly said, called for as drastic a remedy as we could apply.
Then we had the speech of the noble Viscount opposite who told us what the Government and, indeed, successive Governments had been trying to do to remedy that evil. I listened with great pleasure to the speech of the noble Viscount because I thought it was a thoroughly business-like speech He gave us the facts as nearly as he could and he has left us to judge whether what is being done is enough to satisfy the standard which has been set up by the two right rev. Prelates. It is extremely difficult to judge of that. How fast you can go in dealing with this building difficulty is a question on which I should be very sorry to pronounce. I had to look into it in some detail because I was responsible for piloting the Housing Act of
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1924 through your Lordships' House. We sifted the question in some detail. The programme then was, as the noble Viscount has said, to erect 2,500,000 houses within sixteen years. The noble Viscount told us what progress had been made in the accomplishment of that idea and I should like to spend a minute or two in examining his figures. First of all, adding together What has been done recently—not last year but in recent years—I gathered from him that out of the 2,500,000 required 307,000 houses odd had been built and 183,000 were being built.
VISCOUNT GAGE: Under the Government schemes.
VISCOUNT HALDANE: Yes. Then the noble Viscount added that 500,000 had been built by private enterprise.
VISCOUNT GAGE: I do not think I made myself clear. I said the total number of houses built under the Government scheme, together with the estimated number of houses built without Government assistance of the working-class type, amounted in all to over 500,000.
VISCOUNT HALDANE: Then what has been done by private persons must be very little, because if you add the 307,000 which are built under the schemes of the Act to the 183,000 which are not yet built but are being built, the total is very nearly 500,000.
VISCOUNT GAGE: I must explain one further thing, and that is that the statistics of the unassisted houses have been available only for the last two and a half years.
VISCOUNT HALDANE: Yes, but they have resulted in a very small total indeed from private enterprise, and that is what we rather feared. I will tell your Lordships why we feared it. No doubt private enterprise is always ready to build houses, but houses for the working classes are not the form of investment looked to by private enterprise. There is a large number of people in this country who do not belong to the working classes, but who belong to the lower middle class and who want a better type of house and are ready to pay for it. It is for them that private enterprise builds and those houses do not fall within the 2,500,000 required. I am

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not surprised to gather from the official figures with which the noble Viscount has furnished us that within the category of working-class houses what has been provided by private enterprise does not amount to anything very great.
Then the noble Viscount did not tell us very distinctly within what period of construction the 500,000 fell, but I take it that it goes back to the time of the War when this agitation begun. That takes you back seven years, and the provision of 500,000 houses within seven years is not a very large provision when you have to get 2,500,000 in order to satisfy what is necessary. The 2,500,000 is a figure which dates from last year. It was Mr. Wheatley's figure, based upon taking into account what had been done by his predecessor in office under the Housing Act of 1923. Therefore it does seem that we have a very big problem to solve. In saying that I am not making reflections upon the exertions of successive Governments, because I think their task has been an exceedingly difficult one. The noble Viscount told us that at present about 140,000 houses are being built a year. I think that is a very respectable contribution to the solution of the problem if only it is kept up. The worst is that we are so much in the region of expectation and of hopes here, and our expectations and hopes almost always seem to fall short. We certainly have not realised anything approaching to them in the years that have passed. If it be really the case that the Government have solid reason for thinking they are to get 140,000 houses a year then they are doing very well. That will not give 2,500,000 within sixteen years, but they are giving a substantial contribution to-day.
THE MARQUESS OF SALISBURY: It gives about 2,350,000.
VISCOUNT HALDANE: I move about to a certain extent and I see everywhere, in small towns and villages, building going on now. I think there is a real improvement in the spirit in which the public are approaching this question. The difference between the Act of 1923 and that of 1924 was that the Act of 1924 looked to the local authorities rather than to private enterprise. Government assistance, at all events, was given preponderantly to the local authorities.
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That was a good thing and I think the Government have wisely not repealed the Act of 1924. It is there for the local authorities to use, and I am bound to add that for the purposes of the large cities, for such places as the Bishop of Manchester alluded to and hardly less for such problems as the Bishop of Southwark dealt with, I think it is only the activities of the local authorities that will be adequate to the task which has to be faced.
Therefore I should be glad to know from the noble Marquess who leads the House, if he replies on this debate, to what extent the local authorities are not only being looked to but to what extent they are co-operating. They did take up these things very vigorously in the early period of the Act of 1924, and then things passed to the present Minister of Health who, I think, has shown great energy in the discharge of his duties, but what I would like to know is whether those energies have been directed to enlisting the assistance of the local authorities, to whom I am pretty sure we must look if we are to hope for anything like success in dealing on a sufficiently large scale with the problem that is before us. I can only say in conclusion that I think it is very satisfactory that this House should discuss these questions. I think we are under an obligation to the right rev. Prelate for having raised this matter. I hope that on subsequent occasions your Lordships will more and more discuss these social problems, because I think that more and more your Lordships are being looked to to take an increased interest in them.
THE LORD PRIVY SEAL (THE MARQUESS OF SALISBURY): My Lords, I have really very little to add to the very complete statement of figures which has been made already by my noble friend who spoke on behalf of the Government, but I may say in two or three sentences, in reply to the noble and learned Viscount, the Leader of the Opposition, that he is quite right in his statement that there is no desire on the part of the present Government to repeal the Act of last year. We approach this subject absolutely impartially. We are deeply impressed—I was going to say as deeply impressed as the right rev. Prelates, but probably they are so intimately associated with the subject that they feel it even

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more than we do—but we are as deeply impressed as possible with the overwhelming necessity of providing housing accommodation, and no question of whether we approve or disapprove of the particular provisions of the Act of last year is going to prevent us from working it for all it is worth. We believe that the Act which is associated with the name of my right hon. friend the present Minister of Health is a more effective Act than the Act of last year, but if local authorities wish to proceed under the Act of last year by all means let them do so. In the face of this great public necessity I need not tell your Lordships that no question of our former opinion as to which was the better Act will tempt us for a moment to interfere with the working of the Act of last year if it should appear to be appropriate in the opinion of the local authorities.
The noble and learned Viscount went through a good many figures and apparently was not impressed with the total of 500,000 houses which have been constructed since the War. He said that it was over a period of seven years. That is quite true. I wish the speed of house building had been more rapid. The important figure, however, is not what has been built in the past, but what is being built now, and therefore he was well advised to deal with the figure of 140,000 this year. I would remind your Lordships that this figure is larger than any for a single year. It is what is called, in the common jargon of the day, a "record," and that is satisfactory, but it is not only a record but, according to all the information at our disposal, it is already eating into the arrears. This large number of houses is sufficient to make good the annual increase in the population and also it is actually eating into the arrears now—not rapidly enough I agree, but it is tending to diminish the severity of the problem and that is a very important point.
The noble and learned Viscount asked what guarantee we have that this pace will be maintained. I was rather surprised at that question. I see no reason to doubt it. At any rate, so far as the Government are concerned, we are doing all we can not merely to continue this pace but to stimulate it still further, and we are imposing upon every contract under the. Housing Acts a condition that
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for every three craftsmen there shall be an apprentice. This condition is made in every contract. Where local authorities are building direct it is laid down that this proportion of apprentices shall be added, so that already a beginning has been made towards increasing the number of building operatives. It is not possible to give the result of this plan because it has only just been brought into force, and no statistics are yet available. But at any rate that is one example of the efforts which His Majesty's Government are making. There are, of course, other examples. There are the methods of new construction. As your Lordships are aware the Minister of Health has been very interested in pushing forward experiments in new construction with a view to using them. I think I am correct in saying that at this moment there are 19,000 examples, of one sort or another, of houses that are being built under the new construction methods, that is, constructed otherwise than by bricks. Most of them are concrete. There, again, is an opportunity for increasing the pace at which houses may be built, and it is evident that if these methods of new construction are finally approved by the local authorities who are to use them, as we hope, then a much larger number of labourers will be available than at present, since a great many of these houses can be built with unskilled labour. That is another way by which we hope to increase the number of labourers. These two examples show that there is no reason to apprehend that the figure of 140,000 houses a year will be diminished—on the contrary. Speaking for myself, I earnestly hope it will be increased.
The noble and learned Viscount also asked whether local authorities were continuing to act under the Acts. I think the figures which I have here may be of interest. Under the Housing Acts, 1923 and 1924, apart from the houses completed, there were on July 1 under construction 62,000 houses; houses definitely arranged for, but not yet started, 55,000; authorised, but not yet arranged for, 65,000; in all a total authorised but not yet completed of 183,000 houses. No doubt most of these, probably nearly all, are being built through the agency of local authorities. I think that will probably be a sufficient answer to the questions of the noble and learned Viscount.

THE TERRITORIAL FORCE.
LORD TEMPLEMORE LORD TEMPLEMORE rose to call attention to the state of recruiting in the Territorial Army, and to move for Papers. The noble Lord said: My Lords, those members of your Lordships' House who ask questions on matters connected with the Army or Navy are in a fortunate position. In my opinion this House was not treated too generously when the offices of the present Government were distributed last November, and questions concerning most Departments have to be answered by noble Lords who are not directly responsible for those Departments. Not that their answers are any the worse for that., and after the exceedingly able exposition of the noble Lord who replied for the Ministry of Health this afternoon it would be most ungracious on my part to suggest anything of the kind. But it is an excellent thing that in this House we have direct representatives of the War Office and the Admiralty in the persons of the two noble Lords who act as Under-Secretary of State for War and Civil Lord of the Admiralty respectively.
The question I raise this afternoon is a matter of very great importance, and more important now than it was before the Great War, for reasons which I will refer to later. In raising it I need not say that I have no desire to embarrass the Government. I desire to help them—and I raise it for another reason. In his speech just now the noble Viscount, Lord Haldane, said that he thought it was a good thing that matters relating to local government and the like should be debated frequently in this House. I agree, and I think that matters concerning the Forces of the Crown should be debated at frequent intervals in your Lordships' House. After these few preliminary observations I will pass at once to the point I wish to make.
I take, first of all, the figures I find on page 94 of the General Annual Report of the British Army, which was issued with the Army Estimates this year. I find that in 1913 the establishment of the Territorial Army of Great Britain was 312,400, and the strength was 245,779. In 1922 the establishment was 179,622, and the strength 134,769. In 1923 the establishment was 180,089, and the strength 140,626. In 1924 the establishment was 180,132, and the strength 142,804. I take
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next the figures on pages 120 and 121 of the same Report, which give the increases and decreases of other ranks of the Territorial Army—the figures I have given refer to all ranks. For the year ended September 30, 1924, I find that the total increase from all causes was 36,606, and the total decrease 34,277, which gives a net increase for the year of 2,029. That is apart from an increase of 5,946 in the year 1922–23, and of 562 for the year 1921–22.
At the risk of wearying your Lordships—this is a very important point—I will take some more figures which will be found on page 90 of the General Annual Report, which gives the strength and establishments of certain Territorial Divisions that I have picked out. I find that the strength of the Territorial Army Division appears to vary a little in different Commands. I think that the figures vary in the Royal Corps of Signals but the variations are not material, and accordingly I take the establishment of a Division as 400 officers and 10,150 other ranks. I find that on October 1, 1924, the 51st (Highland) Division of the Scottish Command had a strength of 329 officers and 9,201 other ranks: the 50th (Northumbrian) Division of the Northern Command had 333 officers and 8,540 other ranks: the 48th (South Midland) Division had 338 officers and 7,721 other ranks. I then come to the London Divisions which are given together, the 56th and the 47th. They had, on October 1, a strength of 637 officers and 13,773 other ranks, which gives an average for each division of 318 officers and 6,886 other ranks. I come to the 44th (Home Counties) Division of the Eastern Command, with 336 officers and 7,430 other ranks, and to the 54th East Anglian Division of the Eastern Command, with 318 officers and 8,130 other ranks.
I now pass to the strength at May, 1925, taken from the last figures that I have. I find there that the Highland Division, taking other ranks only (the officers do not change much in any division), have a strength of 9,292, an increase of 91; the 50th (Northumbrian) Division have 9,658, an increase of no less than 1,118, which is most creditable and makes it the leading division in Great Britain; the 48th Division have 7,833, an

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increase of 112. I come to the other side of the picture. The strength of the two London Divisions was 13,530, a decrease of 243, while the 44th (Home Counties) Division decreased by 361 and the 54th (East Anglian) Division by 147.
I think that these figures show that the Territorial Army is only just holding its own, if it is doing that, and, unless recruiting becomes a good deal better, I have reason to think that we shall again finish up on October 1 somewhere about 35,000 or 36,000 men below establishment. I had figures given to me just before I entered the House with which I will not weary your Lordships but which indicate that 5,000 recruits enlisted in June. That, of course, is very good; but against that I understand that about 3,000 men—no doubt they were time-expired men—went away. I would point out to your Lordships that this is a very crucial year. When the Territorial Army was re-formed in 1920 and 1921 the bulk of the men, of course, joined. Vast numbers of men went away on the termination of their engagements last year and further vast numbers were due to go away this year. One question to which I should particularly like an answer from the noble Earl when he replies is: How many of those men are still to go away, and does he think that their numbers will be filled by the recruits who are likely to come forward?
It may be argued from the figures that I have given the House that most of the Divisions are not very bad and that a good many of them, like the Northumbrian and the Highland Divisions, are very nearly up to strength, while others are approaching strength, so that there is nothing very much to be alarmed about. I am quite aware that there are very good features about the recruiting and in various parts that I have quoted and others, such as Birmingham, for instance, where I understand that the battalions are very nearly up to establishment, the position is quite satisfactory. But I would remind your Lordships that the establishments are very low, compared with the establishment of 312,000 before the War. You have, I think, an establishment of 180,000 now, and you cannot even get that. The establishment of an infantry battalion is extraordinary low—only 20 officers and 636 other ranks. Some units are lamentably weak. I will take only two, so as not
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to weary your Lordships with too many figures. I happen to be familiar with both of them. They are the 5th Battalion of the City of London Regiment, which on October 1—I have no other figures but those of the General Annual Report—had 16 officers and 312 other ranks, and the 7th Battalion of the Middlesex Regiment, which consisted on the same date of 18 officers and 367 other ranks. It is quite obvious—indeed, I know it for a fact—that, when all deductions are made for men away sick, for absence with or without leave and for a hundred and one other causes which prevent men from going out to camp, neither of those battalions went to camp much above a strength of 250 in one instance and 280 in the other.
I need not remind any of your Lordships who have the very faintest acquaintance with military matters that it is a most disheartening thing for a commanding officer and captains of companies to carry out what should be the climax of the year's training with skeleton units. I do not deny that the average Territorial is probably more efficient in his duty than was the old Volunteer. This is no disparagement to those gallant and patriotic men who, from the year 1859 and for nearly fifty years after, came forward and took their place in the, ranks of the Volunteers until the Territorial Army as we know it was formed by the noble and learned Viscount opposite; and, I must say, thanks mostly to his initiative, proved such a wonderful standby and reserve even in the early days of the War.
Here I should like to digress for one moment, if your Lordships will permit me, in order to pay a compliment to two noble Lords whose assistance in laying the groundwork of the reorganised Army was exceedingly important but, I think, too little recognised. I refer to the noble Marquess, Lord Lansdowne, and to the noble Earl, Lord Midleton, whom I am glad to see in his place. The noble and learned Viscount opposite will rightly go down to history as a very great War Minister, but I think that he would be the first to admit that the work of those two noble Lords in the reorganisation not only of the Regular Army but of the Territorial Army greatly helped him in his work of reconstruction—I refer to the work that was done by those two noble Lords in the days before, during and after the South African War,

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when we first began to organise our Army on modern lines.
I have said that the Territorial is probably more efficient than the old Volunteer, but, for all that, I do feel that the shortage of men is serious and the fact that, five years after the Territorial Army has been re-formed, we cannot even get the modest establishment of 180,000, is a serious matter which requires some explanation, and the House must remember that now we are in a different position to that in which we were before the War. Before the War we had a Special Reserve, we had a very strong Army Reserve, and the Regular Army was stronger than it is now. The Special Reserve was about 80,000, and the Territorial Army was about 245,000 the year before the War. Now we have a far weaker Regular Army, the Army Reserve is exceedingly weak, the Special Reserve does not exist, and we have a Territorial Army of round about 140,000 men.
What is the reason for the reluctance of officers and men, and especially men, to come forward and give the limited amount of service required in the Territorial Army? I have had a considerable amount of experience of this Force, because during the last four years of my military service I was on the Staff of the London District Command, and in close connection with the Territorial Divisions, and after leaving the Service I was secretary to the Middlesex Territorial Army Association. Very great efforts were made between 1920 and 1924. In 1921 Princess Mary presented Colours. In 1922 His Majesty graciously reviewed two Territorial Divisions in Hyde Park, and many schemes were undertaken on behalf of the Force. Lord Lucan, whom I see present, can bear me out with regard to what was done in the City of London; but in spite of all these facts, of all these hard-working and untiring efforts, the results were exceedingly poor. In the first place war weariness was adduced. I think it is getting a little too late to adduce that reason only. There must be something else. One reason that officers gave for not joining or, having joined, for leaving, was the expense in connection with camp and training. I hope the War Office have taken that into consideration, and I expect they have clone so.
Now I come to one important question which has a good deal to do with
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recruiting, although those mentioned are not directly concerned with the matter. I refer to the question of the Terrfitorial Army Brigadiers. Are the Army Council quite certain that they always get the best men I know it is a delicate question, because it might be thought that I was attacking these distinguished officers and their capability, but nothing is further from my thoughts. I know that the greater number of the senior officers of the British Army are second to none in their military capacity, but it by no means knows that an officer who has reached the rank of Colonel, and who is possibly sent from the staff of the War Office to command a Territorial Army Brigade, is the best man for the job. A Territorial Army Brigade in time of peace is peculiar and requires peculiar qualities in its Brigadier. Those who know the Territorial Army will agree with me as to that. Another thing which I should like to mention is that these Territorial Army Brigadiers, to whom I have been referring, suffer from a reduction of emolument, because if, say, a colonel leaves a first-grade appointment in the War Office for a Territorial Brigade, he at once drops from £1,400 to £900 a year. I think that is a matter to which the War Office might give very careful consideration.
There is one other important matter which does not bear directly upon what I have been saying, but as I have given private notice to the noble Earl that I was going to raise the matter I hope he will make no objection. It refers to the enlistment of men for the Technical Reserve. As the House is aware, about a year ago it was decided to enlist tradesmen and skilled artisans for a Technical Reserve, to take their places, I think, in the Territorial Army and also the Regular Army, in an emergency. For some reason this move was strongly objected to by a great many of the trade unions, especially. I think, by the National Union of Railwaymen. A good deal of correspondence passed and meetings took place, and I think the last we heard of it was that in his speech on the Army Estimates the Secretary of State for War, in another place, said he intended to get these men, he hoped with the help of the trade unions, but if necessary without them. I should like to hear from the noble Earl what has

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happened, and whether men are forthcoming for this Technical Reserve.
Now, criticisms such as I have made without suggestions are of no use, and I am going now to advance three suggestions which I hope may be of use to the War Office and the Government. Firstly, I think you have got to realise that the Territorial Army, thanks to causes which I have mentioned—the absence of the Militia and the Special Reserve and the smallness of the Regular Army—has become of greater importance than ever, and you ought to try to raise its status in every way. I should begin by raising the status of the head of the Territorial Army. I should like to see the Director-General on the Army Council. I am aware that the Territorial Army is the special province of the Under-Secretary, who, I dare say, discharges his duties well and sympathetically, but I do think that something more is required, and that the military head of the Territorial Army should be on the Army Council as well. If the noble Earl will forgive me, I would remind him that he was absent at Geneva for about two months earlier in the year, no doubt on very important national business, but hardly on business connected with his position at the War Office, and one rather wonders what guardian angel looked after the interests of the Territorial Army during his somewhat protracted absence.
My second suggestion is that from a certain date—it would not affect existing positions—no officer should be appointed to the command of a Territorial Army Brigade, or to the Directorate of the Territorial Army in the War Office, who had not either served as adjutant of a Territorial unit in time of peace, or served on the Staff of a Territorial Army Division. The third suggestion is that there should be a thorough canvass of employers. I do not know whether the War Office have carried out one already—rather think there was one a few years ago—but I should like to see another, and encouragement given to employers to form their shop or works units, such as companies, batteries or platoons. I do not see why we should not have a King's Roll. As you had after the War a King's Roll for employers who employed ex-soldiers, I do not see why you should not have a King's Roll for employers whose men join the Territorial Army.
I have tried in this debate not to exaggerate in any way or to paint too black a picture. There are some very bright spots in our Territorial Army—namely, Scotland and the North, Birmingham and, to a lesser degree, Lancashire. There are, in my opinion, some very dark spots—London, Bristol, East Anglia and the Home Counties. I should like to hear from the noble Earl when he replies whether he thinks that the Territorial Army is going to increase in numbers, to remain stationary or to decrease in numbers, and in the two latter cases what steps the War Office intend to take in the matter. Taking the figures again—and I do it because they are of great importance—when I see that we have a smaller Regular Army than before the War, necessarily a smaller Army Reserve, no Militia or Special Reserve, a Territorial Army smaller by 105,000 or thereabouts than was the case in 1913, and when I compare that with our commitments, which seem to me sometimes to be rather overwhelming, I cannot consider the position satisfactory. We live in an age of gestures—at least I do not think we do now quite so much as we did a year ago; we are gradually emerging to sanity again—but although gestures and diplomacy may do a great deal they cannot excuse a nation for neglecting its armed forces.
Whatever power for the preservation of peace the League of Nations may be in the near or distant future, as practical people we should in these matters live in the present and see that, our land, sea and air forces are ready in numbers and efficiency to do what they may be asked to do. Sometimes these debates do good, sometimes they do not. I have tried to initiate this debate in a spirit of helpfulness. I have thrown out one or two suggestions which, although they may probably not be acceptable as they stand, may at all events form the basis of discussion. It is my earnest hope that this debate may help the War Office to elucidate this problem, a very difficult and sometimes disheartening problem, but one that must be solved—namely, that of providing sufficient and suitable officers and men for His Majesty's Territorial Army. I beg to move.
THE EARL OF MIDLETON: My Lords, the figures that my noble friend gave were exceedingly eloquent, but I think that

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your Lordships will have been very much impressed with his concluding sentences, in which he pointed out that this question of the Territorial Army is not one which affects that force alone but which must be regarded in reference to the general commitments of the country. I do not propose to speak at large on that question, but I cannot help pointing out that we are at this moment in a position with regard to the Army in which we are not with regard to the naval forces of the country. In the controversy which is raging at this moment, independent members of Parliament are in one respect in difficulty because they do not know how far the policy of the Government goes, and until they know exactly what that policy is with regard to the distribution of naval forces they cannot, of course, be fit to judge of the necessity of the additional cruisers which ape, demanded.
With regard to the Army, unfortunately, we are not in that position at all. Everybody knows that the commitments of this country and its undertakings abroad are not less, but more, than they were in 1914. As my noble friend has eloquently shown our means of meeting them are exiguous compared with what they were in 1914. What is the position of the Territorial Force? In 1914 it stood third; to-day, it stands in the second line. In 1914 the Regular Army could mobilise six divisions and had a very large Special Reserve behind it as well as its own reserve. To-day I very much fear that my noble friend on the Front Bench (Lord Onslow) could not promise us that we could send six divisions, or even four divisions, to France. If necessary, we might send three. Behind that stands the Territorial Force and the Territorial Force alone; and the Territorial Force, as my noble friend has just shown us, is on so small an establishment that it would be impossible to mobilise one battalion as a battalion; you would, in every case, have to throw two battalions together in order to produce even the modicum of men who are required in the field. That is a most serious position. I am not attacking the Government. I know the conditions in the country, but I do say that it causes us to give the gravest possible consideration to the Motion which has been brought before the House to-night.
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One other thing I think we have the right to say. It is quite clear that in the present state of the national finances the offering of further inducements to the Territorial Army will present a difficulty, if they are to take the form which a large number of Territorial officers regard as necessary—namely, some bonus or retaining fee offered to those who undertake the very great liability which the Territorial Force now undertakes. If such a bonus or retaining fee is to be provided it can only be provided by drastic economy in some other direction.
The position of the Secretary of State for War and the civil side of his Office is one of the greatest possible responsibility at this moment, and I must say that I was astounded, and I believe your Lordships would be astounded—nay, I was more, I was disturbed, to hear that, with the Regular Army in its present condition, with the Territorial Force calling for an effort in which the whole force of the War Office, on the civil side especially, must be engaged, it is in contemplation, if the newspapers are correct, that the Secretary of State for War, for the first time in living memory, should leave this country for several months in the autumn, at the very time when the Estimates are being considered, when, if there are to be drastic cuts, they must be, made, when, if there is to be a demand upon his colleagues for the Territorial Force, that demand must be pressed. Yet at that very moment it is proposed, for really no reason of public advantage that I can imagine, that the Secretary of State for War should be absent for some months from this country. I sincerely hope that that project, if it has been entertained, will be abandoned. I appeal to the head of the Government, I appeal to the noble Marquess who leads this House, the representative of the head of the Government, that this ususual course should not be taken at a time when we are really not in a condition, as far as the War Office is concerned, to fulfil any one of the engagements which His Majesty's Government have recently entered into. I say that with a full sense of responsibility.
Those of us who have served at the War Office—and I served there in various capacities for twelve years—know that it takes years to raise the standard of a particular force. You may lay down larger establishments. You may ask

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for larger quantities of equipment and ammunition; but in the present condition of the finances of this country you will not be able to carry that out in a hurry. In regard to the Territorial Force, if the Government decide to offer special inducements to men to join and to adopt the various suggestions made by the noble Lord, Lord Templemore, it will be years before they can come fully into effect and before their full advantage will be felt. Therefore, I would ask the noble Earl, Lord Onslow, to tell us that all the efforts of the office which he represents will be applied this autumn in a determined endeavour to relieve us from a state of things which I venture to say is dangerous to the country. Then, in regard to the figures, the more your Lordships study them the more astonished you will be that there should be a reduction of the forces at a time which might become one of great difficulty.
LORD RAGLAN: My Lords, the noble Lord, Lord Templemore, has made suggestions to the War Office in regard to recruiting for the Territorial Force, but I very much doubt whether there is anything more they can do than they are doing. My experience is that they encourage recruiting in every possible way. The Territorial Army to-day has three chief enemies—women, trade unions and motor bicycles. So far as the women of this country are concerned, not only do they resent their husbands and lovers spending their week-ends and evenings in soldiering instead of going out with them, but there is no doubt that since the War a great many women have got it into their heads that a man who joins the Territorial Army is running an imminent risk of being killed; and they naturally dislike the idea of their husbands and lovers being killed in the near future. It is very unfortunate that they should have such an idea but they have it and it has to be reckoned with.
In regard to the motor bicycle, it is worth while remembering that in pre-War days the only way that the average young man had of getting out into the country was by joining the Territorials. He now finds it much easier, and from his own point of view more amusing, to ride a motor bicycle and get into the country by that means. In regard to recruiting I think the Government do everything they can to encourage employers to
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encourage their men to join the Territorial Forces. I think that most employers do all they can to encourage their employés to join the Territorials. No doubt the giving of more money to the Territorials would encourage recruiting still further, but that is not at present within the power of the War Office.
LORD O'HAGAN: My Lords, before the noble Earl, Lord Onslow, replies on behalf of His Majesty's Government, may add a few remarks upon this important subject? I happen to be a member of a Territorial Association and I have had a good deal of experience of recruiting. I think that the War Office might take this further action to encourage recruiting. They should organise a campaign of publicity in regard to the Territorial Army. There can be little doubt that up and down the country the importance of the Territorial Army and the functions it is now called upon to perform in its reorganised condition have not come home to a vast number of citizens of this country. I do not wish to detain your Lordships, but I should like to repeat the words which fell from the Secretary of State for War during the present year concerning those functions of the Territorial Army. From his place in the other House and in his appeal to the County Territorial Associations, the Secretary of State, having taken the unprecedented step of meeting the Council of the Territorial Associations, accompanied by my noble friend Lord Onslow, emphasised the importance to the realm of the duties fulfilled by the Territorial Army, in defending our homes and in regard to Imperial defence. He said that the Territorial Army should be the accepted medium of the expansion of the Imperial forces of the country; that it was not on all fours with the Territorial Army as we regarded it before the War. He also said that on mobilisation the units of the Territorial Army would be brought up to their full strength, that is, their war strength, and that each division would throw off another division.
I have no wish to repeat the figures that have already been placed before the House. They speak for themselves. They speak still more eloquently, I venture to think, when we know and appreciate the fact that while we have not yet raised the peace establishment of

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the Territorial Army, in the event of mobilisation the war strength would have to be completed and after that the War Office would have to see that the divisions were duplicated. Surely the implications of that are clear—namely, that it is more important perhaps than anything else to ensure in the Territorial Army at present a peace establishment of very highly-trained noncommissioned officers, capable of giving the training which would be essential if the schemes I have indicated are to be carried out. I venture, therefore, to thank the noble Lord, Lord Templemore, for bringing this subject before your Lordships this afternoon. There are many noble Lords connected with County Territorial Associations who will be glad of the opportunity he has afforded them of discussing this matter, and I hope that your Lordships may hear something encouraging from my noble friend Lord Onslow.
May I add one or two suggestions to those made by the noble Lord, Lord Templemore? First of all I should like to recommend a campaign of publicity in regard to the Territorial Army throughout the country both in the public Press and also indirectly by the War Office through the means they have at their disposal. There are a number of small points of which those who are intimately concerned with the Territorial Army at the present time are aware and which cause a great deal of dissatisfaction, but I do not wish to embark upon a discussion of them. I would, however, recommend to my noble friend that just as there is now a Reserve of Officers a reserve of highly-trained non-commissioned officers should be formed for the purposes I have already mentioned.
I will take another opportunity of asking the War Office to see if they cannot do more to encourage the cadets. You have here a potential source of recruits not merely for the Territorial Army but, as was the experience at the outbreak of the War, at any rate in certain parts of the country, for the Regular Army. I would also like to appeal to my noble friend to carry out more actively the policy that has been adopted with regard to improving what is called the social accommodation of units up and down the country. This may not sound a first-rate matter, but it is a point which
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does make, and has made, an enormous difference in many parts of the country. May I also endorse the appeal of my noble friend Lord Templemore that greater general encouragement should be given to the Territorial Army, and that the War Office and the Government should take into very serious consideration his suggestion that the Director-General of the Territorial Army should have a place on the Army Council?
I venture to think that the Territorial Army justified its creation under the able administration of the noble and learned Viscount opposite, to whom we all owe a debt of gratitude for the Territorial Army. In the War it justified the high hopes that were entertained of it, and I would respectfully urge upon my noble friend and the War Office that they should, at any rate, consider the suggestions which have been put forward to-day with regard to helping the Territorial Army, which can be such a power for good not merely to the War Office from the military point of view, but from the point of view of the development of sound and patriotic citizenship.
THE UNDER-SECRETARY OF STATE FOR WAR (THE EARL OF ONSLOW): My Lords, the Question on the Paper is one which deals entirely with the Territorial Army, but my noble friend Lord Midleton has, I think, traversed a good many other subjects. He discussed the question of naval policy, and, in fact, the general policy of the Government, and economy and the newspaper reports of the suggested travels of my right hon. friend. I am afraid I cannot deal with these matters, but I will refer to one matter which is not really in the Question. It is a matter that was touched upon by Lord Midleton and by my noble friend Lord Templemore—namely, the question of the reserves of the Regular Army. That is quite outside the Question on the Paper, but possibly it is germane to the subject.
The normal strength of the Regular Reserve is 113,702, and the actual strength on July 1 was 91,878, and we estimate that by April 1 next this figure will rise to 95,186. As regards the Infantry of the Regular Army our reserves are adequate. The deficiency which exists at present is temporary and is due to various short service engagements with the Reserve, which obtained

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in the period after the War. The deficiency, as your Lordships will observe, is gradually being made good, and except in certain departmental classes we confidently expect it will disappear altogether in the course of the text five years. This deficiency would be reduced if the policy of premature transfer to the Reserve were adopted in future years. I ought, perhaps, to add that in order to make provision to meet minor emergencies, without a general calling up of the Reserve, Section A of the Reserve has been re-opened to admit 3,000 men who are prepared to meet the extra liability for an additional 6d. a day. Approximately 1,000 of these men have been engaged, and we expect to enrol the remaining 2,000 during the present financial year.
As regards the Territorial Army, the war establishment of the existing units of the Territorial Army, excluding officers, is about 317,000 all told, and the peace establishment is, roughly speaking, 60 per cent. of that—that is to say, with the exception of the anti-aircraft units and the coast defence units whose peace and war establishments are the same, the strength of the. Territorial Army on July 1 (that is the latest figure I have) was 141,550. Your Lordships therefore will see that we are short of the peace, establishment by slightly more than 34,000 men. I ought also to add that we are short by about 1,500 officers.
My noble friend called attention to various figures of the Territorial Army at various dates. I could not quite follow them all, but he certainly gave figures for dates in October, 1924, and May, 1925. The strength in October, 1924, was 136,708, and in May, 1925, it was 135,378. I ought to say that on March 31 it was 133,268—that is to say there was a falling off between October and March 31 and a slight increase in May. There always is a falling off in recruiting after camp, but in the spring of each year recruiting begins to increase in view of the camp which is coming on and this has been notably the case in the present year. The drop in the figures which I just quoted has also been accentuated by the loss of a number of men who joined when the Territorial Army was reconstituted and whose four years have now run out. The question which was put to me by my noble friend Lord Templemore about the number of men leaving in that way I am
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afraid I cannot answer offhand. We could get the figures by asking each Command, but I have not them here at the moment. A certain number of men are dropping out now owing to the termination of their engagements, but in spite of that the present strength of the Territorial Army is 141,550 and that is the highest figure since its reconstruction. I think my noble friend mentioned that there has been a considerable increase in enlistments this year. He mentioned a figure for July of over 5,000.
LORD TEMPLEMORE: The figures I quoted were for June.
THE EARL or ONSLOW: Yes, the first of July. The figures for the end of May were 6,241, so that both those months are, I think, very satisfactory. My noble friend called attention to the weakness of certain units in the London district and Home Counties and contrasted that with the strength of units in divisions in the north. It is difficult to give reasons for this. As my noble friend very truly said the north is better than the south. For instance, the 50th Division only wants 54 officers and 430 other ranks to complete the establishment. The 47th, again, require 83 officers and 3,811 other ranks, and the 44th (the Home Counties Division) 68 officers and 3,084 other ranks. The 51st (Highland Division) is not quite so good as the 50th, but it is very good. It requires only 66 officers and 853 other ranks. The percentages of the population who are serving in the Territorial Army is higher in Scotland than in the Northern Command, and the percentage in the Northern Command does not differ appreciably from the percentage in the Eastern Command. As regards the Western Command the figures given are better than the Southern and Eastern and London Commands. It is difficult to say what is the reason for this, though, as Lord Raglan suggested, motor bicycles, and so on, may be attributed as a reason why the figures in London are not so encouraging as they might be. Still, it is difficult to account for, but there they are.
The noble Lord, Lord Templemore, drew attention to the Supplementary Reserve. It is not part of the Territorial Army; it is part of the Regular Army, though its organisation is partly in the hands of the Territorial Association. I

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do not think we need be too pessimistic as regards this force. It has not been in existence very long, and there have been certain difficulties and disagreements in regard to its formation and its recruitment. As regards its present state, the figures are as follows. Of the 7,957 other ranks of the establishment of category B, 2,541 have been recruited. The railway recruits are coming in satisfactorily on the whole. In category C. of the establishment of 12,682, 6,029 have been recruited. A charge has been levelled against this Supplementary Reserve that it interferes with recruiting for the Territorial Army. To a certain extent that was the case at the outset, and the attraction of this Supplementary Reserve may have operated against certain Territorial units, such as the Royal Engineers, for example. I have examined the whole matter, and I think the competition cannot be said to have been a serious danger to the Territorial Army.
There is another force belonging to the Territorial Army which has been recently instituted, and that is the anti-aircraft unit. These units are on the same establishment for peace as for war, but so far only about 33 per cent. of the establishment has been recruited. These units have only been established for a short time and they are handicapped in not possessing the buildings they require. These are now being provided and the units are becoming more capable of absorbing recruits. Your Lordships will remember that a recruiting campaign was conducted in London. This was a great success. It brought the strength of the London units to 111 officers and 2,153 other ranks. London, of course, is still short of its total requirements, but it is stronger than the other Commands which are to form anti-aircraft units. This, briefly, is the state of affairs as regards the Territorial Associations, and although I see no grounds for undue pessimism, yet the state of affairs as regards the numbers of the Territorial Army is not all that might he desired and the fact that the Territorial Army is not up to its strength is all the more important in view of the duty which, in the event of war, it will be called upon to perform. That duty has already been explained by my noble friend and in that regard he quoted what the Secretary of State for War said.
One of the main points was the expansion of the Territorial Army in case
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of mobilisation. The methods of that expansion require examination in very considerable detail, and some months ago the Army Council appointed a Committee to examine this question. This Committee has been working very hard and is forward with its work, but it is not yet in a position to complete its report. Therefore, at the present moment I cannot give any further details beyond what was said by my right hon. friend on the occasion to which I have already referred. I think that as soon as the responsibilities of the Territorial Army have been definitely regulated, that is, when this Committee has reported and the results are carried out, when officers and other ranks know exactly what will be required of them in the event of war, we may hope for a considerable stimulus in regard to recruiting.
I hope that will be the case, but quite clearly we do not intend to leave matters at that. We intend to take much more energetic measures to bring the Territorial Army up to its establishment, but in doing so we have to remember—and this is a point which has not been mentioned by any noble Lord yet—that it is not only a question of getting recruits: they must be the right sort of recruits. Some years ago more attention was paid, I think, to quantity than to quality, and the consequence was that commanding officers found that their units required careful revision and the elimination of those unsuited for service in the Territorial Army. I think that elimination has been accomplished very successfully and to-day the Territorial Army, small as it is, consists of the best possible personnel. In that respect we cannot wish to see it improved. But in any attempt to recruit for the Territorial Army and increase its numbers up to the establishment, we must exercise the greatest possible care, see that quality is not sacrificed to quantity and that the high standard which now exists is maintained. I put this question of quality first. I think it is a sine qua non, and in that I hope I shall have the agreement of your Lordships.
In order to obtain the high standard to which I have referred, and which it is desired the Territorial Army should possess, it is necessary that a large proportion of the Territorial Army should attend camp. In this regard I should like to say how grateful the Army Council is

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to the noble Viscount, Lord Burnham, and his newspaper for their generous and patriotic offer of a cup for the unit which has the highest percentage of attendance at camp. All such prizes, shields and challenge cups do encourage those in the Territorial Army and in this respect the Force has been fortunate in receiving gifts of this kind. The noble Earl, Lord Dartmouth, who has been Chairman of the Council of the Territorial Association for some years, intimated his intention to resign (a matter which is viewed with great regret by all) and he suggested that in order to mark his period of office as Chairman—I do not know that it is necessary to have any further mark of the tenure of that office, because he has left an ineffaceable impression on the Territorial Army—he should give a cup to be competed for by members of the Force.
But the question of going into camp is one which rests largely with the employers. I have had the pleasure of meeting numbers of patriotic employers who want to do all they can to help the Territorial Army. They point out, and with absolute truth, that they are faced with considerable difficulties in allowing them to release their employees to go to camp. They have to fight trade competition, there is the difficulty of the numbers of their assistants, and some employers are at a disadvantage in allowing their employees to go to camp as compared with other employers who do not do so. Again, there is the difficulty of people who are employed in seasonal trades, like painters and agriculturists. If camps could be held in winter it would be much easier, but they cannot; they have to be held at a time when people in seasonal trades want all their men.
At the War Office—I am glad to note that my noble friend Lord Raglan thinks that we are at any rate trying to do something—we are, in fact, trying to help employers in several ways. In the first place, we are trying to expedite the notice in regard to the places where the camps will be held, and when they will be held, so that employers will have plenty of time in which to make their arrangements. In the second place, we are examining the possibility of holding camps at different times in different years—in one year, for example at a time when it will suit the agricultural interest and in another when it will
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suit more especially the industrial interest, and so on—and I hope that something may be done to make things easier for employers on those lines. I do not really anticipate an absolute solution in that way, because it must always be difficult for employers to allow their men to go to camp, especially in summer and particularly in seasonal trades, but we have certain other schemes in our minds which may possibly assist employers in this matter. They are not, however, sufficiently advanced to describe in detail at the present time, though I hope that in the course of the next few months we shall be able to make a statement upon considerably morn definite lines. I should like to say one thing about which I have no doubt and that is that we may certainly count upon the determination and good will of employers in letting their men go to camp whenever they possibly can.
We have been asked to-day what we intend to do—whether we intend to do any more or are content to leave things as they are. I should like to say emphatically that we do intend to make a very strong effort indeed to bring the Territorial Army up to its authorised establishment in the near future. It would be premature to go into further details at, the present time. I am very grateful to noble Lords who have made suggestions to-day and I hope that they will give us their assistance in the future, as well as other noble Lords who have experience and ideas. We shall be very glad to have the benefit of their experience and ideas. We feel, of course, that in this matter we must rely upon the assistance of the Central Council of Territorial Associations, and it is a matter of considerable satisfaction to us to know that the new Chairman of that Council who succeeded the noble Earl, Lord Dartmouth—I am referring, of course, to the noble Earl, Lord Derby—is one who has such very great experience in all matters connected with recruiting. We have had very valuable suggestions to-day from noble Lords who are interested in this matter. I need hardly say that those suggestions will be considered, as well as any other suggestions that may be made. We are determined to do our beet to bring the Territorial Army up to its establish-

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ment and we hope that during the course of the next few months we shall be able to give your Lordships further information upon this point.
THE EARL OF MIDLETON: May I say one word in explanation to my noble friend? He spoke of my anxiety with regard to the Regular Army as being entirely apart from this question. I suggest to him that my intention was solely to draw his attention to the fact that these circumstances are well known to the Territorials, and the fact that there is absolutely nothing between them and the first line is one of the greatest relevancy.
THE EARL OF ONSLOW: On the contrary, I said that the question of the Reserve was germane to this matter and that therefore I had the information at my disposal.
VISCOUNT HALDANE: My Lords, I think the interruption was a very relevant one. It is an important point, upon which too little stress has been laid in this discussion—the relation between the, Territorial Force and the Regular Army. But, first of all, I think that the House is indebted to the noble Lord, Lord Templemore, for having raised this subject. I think it is very important that we should discuss not only the social question which we were discussing earlier but the Service questions. We discuss them far too seldom and it is all to the general good that we should have sifted some of them over as we have done this afternoon. I have listened attentively to this debate and my criticism is that there has been a great deal too much arithmetic in it. The science of arithmetic is not the highest form of science, nor is it a profitable one to apply when you are dealing with the organisation and the recruiting of armies. If you want to get men to join the Territorial Force and to go to camp, do not imagine that they will be moved by considerations of whether they are to get 6d. more or whether they can extract 1s. out of you. Nor do I think that they are much disturbed even by the collocation of women, or trade union officials and of motor bicycles which the vivid imagination of the noble Lord, Lord Raglan, put together.
LORD RAGLAN: It was not imagination; it was experience.
VISCOUNT HALDANE: It was a collocation, and a very remarkable one, of which I have never heard before, and I doubt if it constituted a picture which often applies to Territorials going to camp. There is one way, and one real way, of getting people to recruit, and that is to put before them clearly what you want and what sacrifice you are asking them to make. The working classes—I have seen a good deal of them in connection with Territorial recruiting—are just like anybody else; they are moved by patriotism and high feeling. It is not a question of what they get but of whether they feel that they are discharging a really useful duty. In my time it was an obligation that was very frequently put before me that I should not go to India or to any other desirable part of the Empire, but that I should sleep three nights a week in the train, going about from recruiting meeting to recruiting meeting. This was very useful. The presence of the Secretary of State brings the most useful people about him and, if he goes among them, what he has to do is to explain very clearly what he wants and why he wants it. In those clays it was easy. There was at least the danger of a war with Germany. Many people were doing all they could to avert it, but we had to insure against fire and we were asking those whom we addressed to assist us in providing the premium of fire insurance. They understood that, and it was not difficult to raise six Divisions, and ultimately two Cavalry Divisions, for the Territorial Force.
There is no such prospect now as there was then, but there is another prospect. It was said in the course of the debate that such was the entanglement of our foreign policy that almost more than ever we required a large Army. I, on the contrary, think that there never was a time when, in view of the declarations of the Government, there was less justification for keeping up a large Army. If you try to do that, you will simply get a reaction against your Army, and that is just what you do not want. Your Army must be what you need. We have, I suppose, these five Divisions and a Cavalry Division—I can never quite clearly make it out, but I suppose it is that—and then, besides that which is sufficient for the immediate necessities that are likely to present themselves (Germany is not one

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of them now), you have a second line Army, the Territorial Army, behind it. You must have that Army in a condition of efficiency and, what is more, you must bring home to the minds of those whom you ask to enlist in it that you have to get it into a condition of efficiency. They are quite capable of understanding that and of responding to your appeal, if you only make it quite clear. But let there be no distinction in kind, as there used to be in the early days, between the Territorials and the Regulars. All that kind of nonsense was swept away by the War. You organise your Territorials, then, as a second Army in every respect like the Regular Army.
It is quite true that their figures are between 30,000 and 40,000 short of establishment at the present time, but that worries me less than it worried noble Lords who spoke. I know that Territorials go through a short period of service but it is a period of service in which they become trained and as the result of which they will come back if a real appeal is made to them by the country. In 1914 the Territorial Force practically doubled itself within six weeks, and it doubled itself with men who were not untrained but who, if one can apply the terms to people who had been through only four years' training, were Territorial veterans and came hack to serve their country because an appeal was made. Accordingly the Territorial Force is always producing a reservoir of trained men over whom you can hold no obligation but who, as experience shows, are ready to respond to you if there is sufficient necessity.
Your proper course is really to explain the structure of the Force, and to make it clear what a real service people are rendering in joining it, and not to be afraid of the foreign, service obligation. Before 1914 the great bulk of the Territorial Force among themselves entered into covenants to go abroad, and they did go abroad with the utmost intrepidity. There was no necessity to give them large bonuses, and I do not believe there is any such necessity to-day. It requires an exposition to the Territorial Force throughout the country grounded, not merely upon arithmetic, but upon strategical and war-organisation, and grounded upon ideas which people understand much better than they did ten years
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ago. I cannot help thinking that if distinguished people at the War Office—the noble Earl opposite might set the example—would go about as missionaries attending great meetings in the big cities and in the country, too, and preaching, not arithmetic but the gospel of strategical organisation in accordance with the necessities of the country, they would find a response, which would surprise them, from the working classes themselves.
I do not believe there is any difficulty in getting recruits and I do believe that in those who have passed through the Territorial Force you have a number of men who are sufficiently trained to be most valuable as a potential reserve. I am not saying that it is not, most desirable to get the Territorial Army nearer its establishment, and I was very glad to hear the noble Earl say that it is the intention of the War Office to do so. Although it is 30,000 or 40,000 short, that has no terrors for me as it has for some people. I am sure the difficulty can be got over if the War Office will concentrate upon organisation and. upon assuring the Territorial Force that it is treated exactly as the first line of defence. Then I am certain there will be no difficulty in getting recruits.
LORD TEMPLEMORE: In withdrawing my Motion for Papers, I beg to thank the noble Earl, the Under-Secretary for War, for his very full and courteous answers to my Question. I was very glad to hear from him that the numbers of recruits in April, May and June were so very good, and indeed they were good, and a great advance upon any results before. I should have been a little easier in my mind if he had been able to tell me what number of time-expired men were leaving, and if he thought their places would be filled by people coming in, but at this period of the Session I do not desire to press for figures. I was particularly impressed by the suggestion of the noble Viscount opposite as to treating the Territorial Army in all respects like the Regular Army, because I do not think that in these days that is always done. I do not think that the Territorials are always thought enough of, and I hope the War Office will take every opportunity now of letting the Regular and Territorial Armies know that that is the official policy.
Motion, by leave, withdrawn.

ROADS IMPROVEMENT BILL.
Order of the Day for the House to be put into Committee read.
Moved, That the House do now resolve itself into Committee.—(Viscount Peel.)
On Question, Motion agreed to.
House in Committee accordingly:
[The EARL of DONOUGHMORE in the Chair.]
Clause 1:
Planting of trees and laying out of grass margins in highways.
1.—(1) The Minister of Transport (hereinafter referred to as the Minister) and any county council or other highway authority shall have power to cause trees or shrubs to be planted and grass margins to be laid out in any highway maintainable by him or them respectively; and to erect and maintain guards or fences and otherwise to do anything expedient for the maintenance or protection of such trees, shrubs and grass margins.
(2) No such tree, shrub, grass margin, guard or fence shall be placed, laid out or allowed to remain in such a situation as to hinder the reasonable use of the highway by any person entitled to the use thereof, or so as to be a nuisance or injurious to the owner or occupier of any land or premises adjacent to the highway.
(3) The powers conferred by this section shall not be exercised by the Minister, or any county council or other highway authority except in a highway vested in him or them respectively, or upon land so vested which forms part of a highway.
(4) Where an urban authority incurs expenses under this section in connection with a main road which is maintained and repaired by that authority pursuant to subsection (2) of Section eleven of the Local Government Act, 1888, the expenses shall not be treated as part of the costs towards which the county council are required to make an annual payment under that subsection except where and so far as the county council consent to their being so treated.
VISCOUNT PEEL VISCOUNT PEEL moved to add to the clause the following new subsections:—
"(5) If damage is caused to the property of any person by anything done in exercise of the powers conferred by this section, that person shall, unless the damage was caused or contributed to by his negligence, be entitled to recover compensation there-for from the Minister, county council or other highway authority by whom the powers were exercised.
(6) Section seven of the Telegraph Act, 1878, shall apply to any work done in exercise of the powers conferred by this section as if the work were done in the execution of an undertaking authorised by
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a special Act of Parliament, and as if any county council or highway authority carrying out the work were the undertakers."
The noble Viscount said: The first subsection which I now move gives protection to the gas, water and electricity undertakings, and it also gives protection to other authorities and bodies and individuals also. The second subsection, (6), refers to Section 7 of the Telegraph Act, 1878, and was inserted to protect the Postmaster-General. The effect of it is that if the exercise of the powers of the clause involves the moving of telegraph lines, the expense of the moving is to be borne by the authority exercising the power. I beg to move.
Amendment moved—
Page 2, line 11, at end, insert the sail new subsections.—(Viscount Peel.)
On Question, Amendment agreed to.
LORD BANBURY OF SOUTHAM LORD BANBURY OF SOUTHAM moved to leave out Clause 1. The noble Lord said: I desire to move the omission of this clause for the following reason. It empowers the Minister of Transport to plant trees and lay out margins of grass on various highways. No doubt in ordinary times that is quite a good idea. It would take a good many years before the trees grow, and if by any chance a branch falls upon any person walking along the road the Government, I presume, or the local authority, will be responsible for any damage that may be done to that person. Only a short time ago a person was awarded £1,200 damages because a tree, or part of a tree, fell upon him, breaking his leg. Therefore we should be committing ourselves to a certain amount of unknown damages. My chief objection to this clause is that at the present moment we are so poor that we are unable to obtain four or five cruisers, which are absolutely necessary for the preservation of this country and for the preservation of its trade and commerce. While we are in such a position that it is doubtful whether we can obtain three, four, or five new cruisers. you are actually proposing to spend money upon planting trees on the roads and laying out grass margins, and tomorrow we are proposing to spend money upon theatrical entertainments.
I think if this country is in such a poor position pecuniarily as to make it doubtful whether it is possible to raise the money for procuring necessary pro-

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tection for our lives and property, we might really postpone the planting of trees along the road. After all, we have now been in existence for some hundreds of years without planting trees along the roads, and at the present moment, with such shortness of money, not only in the pockets of the Government but in the pockets of everybody else—except, perhaps, the trade unions—I think we might postpone the planting of trees along the highways until a better time. I beg to move.
Amendment moved—
Leave out Clause 1.—(Lord Banbury of Southam.)
LORD MONTAGU OF BEAULIEU: May I point out that the money proposed to be spent is entirely raised from motor taxation.
LORD BANBURY OF SOUTHAM: That does not make it any better. We might use the money for providing new cruisers.
LORD LAMINGTON: May I ask the noble Viscount a question with regard to subsection (3), which says:
"(3) The powers conferred by this section shall not be exercised by the Minister, or any county council or other highway authority except in a highway vested in him or them respectively, or upon land so vested which forms part of a highway."
I understand that the Common Law of the country is that the road authority only own the actual surface of the road, and nothing else. What are the cases in which the roadways are vested in the authority? What is the differentiation?
THE FIRST COMMISSIONER OF WORKS (VISCOUNT PEEL): My Lords, I am rather surprised that my noble friend moved an Amendment to leave out Clause 1 of this Bill, because Clause 1 is the Bill. When I moved the Second Reading I do not think the indignation of my noble friend was sufficiently aroused against this expenditure to induce him to put down an Amendment to reject the Bill altogether. One point be raised was that at some future time these trees night grow to such magnificent and umbrageous proportions that some of their branches might fall and injure the passers by. I submit that this century will be rather more advanced than it is at present by the time the trees have
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grown to such a size that any danger need be apprehended by the passers by, and I think most of your Lordships, for the rest of your lives, will be able to pass under them without much danger. But the real object of my noble friend was, I think, a more subtle one. He was evidently exercised not about the trees but about cruisers, and I think he wanted to induce me to make a premature statement about the number of cruisers the Government are going to build. As the Prime Minister is going to make a statement very shortly, possibly my noble friend will excuse me now.
As to the amount of money to be spent on these trees, of course it comes out of the Road Fund, being collected from the owners of motor vehicles, and I think that the sum to be expended on planting trees is very small. My noble friend knows how very little trees cost per thousand, and how inexpensive it is to plant them. In view of the enormous advantage of turning these bare roads into shady highways, this very small expenditure, discreetly made by the transport authorities, need not be grudged. It is not comparable to the expenditure on a cruiser or a submarine or even a sloop, and therefore I think we need not make any comparison of that kind. A point was made about the margins of the road. Those margins, I think, are in the highway or part of the highway, and therefore naturally will be within the authority of the Ministry of Transport or the County Council to deal with them.
EARL RUSSELL: I am not sure whether the noble Viscount has quite apprehended Lord Lamington's question. Subsection (3) says that these powers are limited to a highway vested in these authorities. I understand that to mean that they are the owners of the soil of the highway, and that, as was truly pointed out, is not the usual thing in this country. That would limit the application to new highways to ground bought by one of these local authorities, or by the Ministry of Transport. A highway cannot be said in ordinary cases to be vested in the local authority. Does the noble Viscount really think that he did deal with thatpoint?
VISCOUNT PEEL: I understand that what is included is such interest in land as the local authorities have got.
LORD LAMINGTON: I am quite sure the noble Viscount is wrong. The turf on the side of the road does not really belong to the road authority.
VISCOUNT PEEL: But this applies mainly to those roads which have been acquired by the Ministry of Transport. No question arises of the road surface; the whole land belongs to the Ministry of Transport.
LORD HARRIS: There are many counties where there is a very wide margin to roads. They are occupied by the local occupier. Whoever occupies the land has the grazing rights up to the end of the margin, and the road authority has no authority over the margin. On the contrary, the local landowner is very often compelled to do work on this margin which he thinks might very well be done by the local authorities.
LORD BANBURY OF SOUTHAM: Clause 1 says that the Minister of Transport and any county council or other highway authority shall have power to cause trees or shrubs to be planted and grass margins to be laid out "in any highway maintainable by him or them respectively." There is nothing whatever to limit it to these new roads, the soil of which has been bought by the Minister of Transport. It applies to all highways maintained by any county council or other highway authorities. I am not a lawyer, but I do happen to know as a magistrate as a fact that the soil of all the highways which are maintained by county councils or other local authorities does not belong to them but belongs to the owner of the land adjoining that highway. If the owner owns both sides of the roadway he owns the whole of the soil. There was a very well-known case when the Duke of Rutland's keepers held down a man who was endeavouring to prevent a grouse or partridge flying across the road, and it was held that the sole right of this man, as one of the public, was to pass along the highway. He had no further right at all, and the soil of the highway in that case belonged to the Duke of Rutland, who owned both sides of the road. Now my noble friend is going to come down and plant trees on somebody else's land. My noble friend says that the planting of trees costs very little. I beg to differ from him. I, unfortunately, have planted trees, and I
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find it very expensive. Trees very often do not grow. They die, and you have to replant them. I do not exactly know what the cost of a fair-sized tree is, but the Duke of Buccleuch says it is £2.
THE DUKE OF BUCCLEUCH: No, that is with the guard.
LORD BANBURY OF SOUTHAM: Very well, with the guard, but there will have to be a guard. My noble friend says it does not come to very much, but what I want to inculcate in this House and the people generally is that we must begin economising in little ways. It is like a spendthrift who went to a club and bought a bottle of champagne for which he paid 7s. 6d., and said he was saving 10 s., because the price in the market was 17 s. 6d. We must impress on the country that in every matter, however small, we must begin by denying ourselves some such luxury as is proposed in this Bill. And this is not the whole Bill by any manner of means. There are other important sections of the Bill affecting, for instance, the cutting-down of hedges or walls which interfere with the proper vision along the highway.
EARL RUSSELL: The greater part of what the noble Lord has said is founded on a misapprehension. He says this clause gives power to plant trees on other people's property, but the whole clause is governed by subsection (3) and it is that to which I called the noble Viscount's attention. Subsection (3) limits it to highways which are vested in the Minister of Transport or the local authority. If the noble Viscount is not prepared to deal fully with that matter now perhaps he will deal with it at another stage, but I suggest that "vested" undoubtedly means that they have full ownership, and that therefore these powers are limited to a very small number of highways in this country. Under this Bill you could not, for instance, plant trees on the grass margins of the Bath Road, to take a concrete example.
LORD MONTAGU OF BEAULIEU: This power was especially put into the Bill in regard to the new arterial roads which are banked on each side. It is intended mainly for that purpose.
VISCOUNT PEEL: I think the point is a simple one and that the noble Earl has stated it generally correctly. The powers

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are given under subsection (2) and the limitation is contained in subsection (3). It is clear there that it can only be done on "a highway vested in him or them respectively." It is clear, therefore, that if the highways are not vested in him, but are vested in adjacent landowners, it could not be done.
LORD BANBURY OF SOUTHAM: I think the noble Earl is right and that I have made a mistake, for which I apologise. But why put into subsection (1) of Clause 1 powers which are taken away by subsection (3)? What would he the position of any magistrate who reads Clause 1 and, thinking, as magistrates always do, that Parliament knew what it was doing, sees that he has to do certain things and finds a little lower, down that he may not do them? Why not amend subsection (1) on the Report Stage and cut out subsection (3) altogether?
VISCOUNT PEEL: I think it may fairly be assumed that the magistrates would read all the subsections of the clause.
LORD BANBURY OF SOUTHAM: But it seems to me that they are contradictory.
On Question, Amendment negatived.
Clause 1, as amended, agreed to.
Clause 2:
Amendment of s. 8 of 9 Edw. 7. c. 47.
2. For the purposes of Part II of the Development and Road Improvement Funds Act, 1909, the expression "improvement of roads" shall, in addition to the matters specified in subsection (5) of Section eight of that Act, include the planting, laying out, maintenance and protection of trees, shrubs and grass margins in and beside roads, the placing on or near roads of notices, milestones and sign posts, and the freeing of roads from tolls.
LORD STRACHIE LORD STRACHIE moved to add to the clause "and the prescription of building lines along roads in anticipation of the widening thereof." The noble Lord said: This Amendment and an Amendment which appears later in the Paper and is consequential upon this, were put down at the request of the County Councils Association. For some considerable time county councils have endeavoured to secure the right to prescribe the building line and twenty-six county councils have now passed strong resolutions asking the
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Government to deal with this matter. Governments of the day have never objected to granting this power on its merits, but have always said that the matter was under consideration and would be dealt with on some future occasion. Possibly that is the reply that I shall receive to-day. As I understand it, His Majesty's Government are not going to say that there are no merits in this request, or that the county councils have no grievance in being unable to prescribe building lines with reference to the future widening of roads, but that it is not. necessary at the moment and that really the matter is not one for the Ministry of Transport at all.
Much the same attitude was taken in the House of Commons where the Government was able, by a technicality, to say that the Amendment, moved by one of their own supporters on behalf of the county councils, was out of order and was not within the ambit of the Bill. It is doubtful whether that ruling was correct as it was given by the Chairman of the Standing Committee on, I understand, the advice of the Government draftsman. Such a ruling would not apply to your Lordships' House because your Lordships have power always to alter or amend the title of a Bill if it be necessary.
The county councils are asking that this power should be conferred upon them as they are likely to be put to very heavy expenditure in regard to the future widening of roads, on account of the fast-moving and heavy traffic which passes over them. The same may be said in reference to the cutting off of corners. We all know that if a corner has to be cut off so that vehicles coming in different directions shall have a proper view of each other, the amenities of a house are sometimes affected and the whole house has to be removed. That is a very expensive matter. It is possible that my noble friend in charge of the Bill will remind your Lordships that a. Ministry of Health Bill is coming forward tomorrow which deals with the widening of streets. That Bill has nothing to do with the widening of roads and the county councils are asking for power to prescribe the building line even when there is no idea of widening particular roads, in order to safeguard themselves when a road has to be widened twenty or

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thirty years hence. As your Lordships are aware, it is no uncommon thing for buildings to be built by the side of the great main roads leading out of our great towns and cities. Unless there is power to prescribe the building line, when those roads have to be widened some time in the future some of those buildings have to be pulled down and heavy compensation has to be paid.
I should like to remind your Lordships that in 1921 this House agreed to the Middlesex County Council (General Powers) Bill which gave a power similar to that for which the county councils are asking to-day. In the present Session your Lordships agreed that similar power should be given to the Surrey County Council, whose Bill is awaiting a Third Reading in another place. That shows that, so far as the principle is concerned, the Government can have no objection whatever; otherwise they would have objected to the Private Bills promoted by those great county councils. The object of the County Council of Surrey was to prevent speculative builders from putting in foundations at the sides of roads which they thought would be widened in the future and in regard to which compensation could be claimed from the county council. If there is much delay in dealing with this question it seems possible that builders in other parts of the country will do the same thing. I cannot see why your Lordships should not safeguard the county councils against expenditure in connection with such matters.
If my Amendment is agreed to, there is, in the subsequent clause which I have placed on the Paper, admirable protection for landowners, tenants and lessees, and everyone interested in land, that they shall receive adequate and proper compensation for land taken when the building line is prescribed. I hope, therefore, that your Lordships will accept my Amendment, which is really necessary if the local rates are to be kept down. I beg to move.
Amendment moved—
Page 2, line 20, at end insert ("and the prescription of building lines along roads in anticipation of the widening thereof").—(Lord Strachie.)
LORD RITCHIE OF DUNDEE: I do not know whether it would be in order for me to address your Lordships at the present
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moment upon the Amendment which stands in my name. It is an Amendment to the Amendment to be proposed by Lord Strachie. We have not yet come to the particular clause to which that Amendment is to be moved, and I should like to be guided by the Lord Chairman.
LORD STRACHIE: I am quite ready when my Amendment comes before the House to accept the Amendments to it that the noble Lord proposes to move.
VISCOUNT PEEL: These words moved by the noble Lord really involve the whole of his Amendment. Your Lordships must look at pages 4, 5, 6, 7 and 8 of the Marshalled List of Amendments in order to judge of the effect of this rather voluminous Amendment. I congratulate the noble Lord on moving so vast an Amendment in comparatively few words. The general effect of the Amendment is, as he says, to enable county councils to lay down building lines so that in the future there is no danger of strips of land along the sides of roads having their price unduly enhanced when it is necessary to purchase them for road widening. I admit that there is a great deal to be said on the merits of this suggestion and the only objection that I have to put forward may be considered by your Lordships as rather of a technical nature. This is not a Bill to deal with building lines, and I understand that the Minister of Health intends to bring forward a Bill which deals generally with the question of building lines and not merely with the comparatively small points covered by this Amendment.
I do not intend, as the noble Lord seems to think, to argue this upon the basis of a Bill in charge of his colleague Lord Emmott, which is before your Lordships' House. The point here is rather a different one referring to the limitation of roads than to houses. I leave that part of his argument out of account because I do not think it is strictly relevant. The other point I wish to make is this. The Minister of Transport is very anxious that this Bill should pass before our sittings are adjourned to the autumn. One of the objects of this Bill is the planting of trees, and your Lordships know how important it is that the Department should have the benefit of the planting season and should begin their operations as soon as possible.

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That argument will not appeal to my noble friend behind me (Lord Banbury of Southam) but will appeal to most of your Lordships who are anxious that this Bill should pass. If an Amendment of this kind, dealing with a matter that possibly is not strictly within the scope of the Bill, or not strictly one of the purposes for which the Bill was framed, is introduced now, it might have the effect of delaying the passage of the Bill in another House where, as your Lordships know, they are even more pressed for time than we are in this Assembly.
Those objections your Lordships may possibly consider to be rather of a technical nature. I understand that this Amendment commends itself to a considerable number of your Lordships' House and to the County Councils Association, and if the noble Lord really presses it, and thinks it not unwise in view of the considerations that I have mentioned, and that it will not endanger the life of the Bill, I would not myself, on behalf of the Government, offer any objection to the Amendment at this stage. I will only guard myself by saying that if your Lordships think fit to introduce the Amendment there are certain modifications which I think it may be necessary to insert at some stage or other of the Bill.
EARL RUSSELL: It may be necessary to modify the Amendment later, but I hope your Lordships will insert it now. It is idle to promise us a Bill which is to deal at some future time particularly with roads. We have heard a good deal about Bills coming forward at future times and they do not always come. Taking the objections which the noble Viscount has raised—
VISCOUNT PEEL: I wished to shorten the time, and I suggested that if your Lordships were anxious to put in this Amendment I would not offer any objection.
EARL RUSSELL: Very well, I will not say another word.
On Question, Amendment agreed to.
LORD BANBURY OF SOUTHAM LORD BANBURY OF SOUTHAM had an Amendment on the Paper to leave out Clause 2. The noble Lord said: I merely put down this Amendment in order to ask for an explanation of this clause. I do
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not thoroughly understand it. I do not know whether it is limited to finance, whether the only effect of it is to give power to local authorities to take money out of the Roads Improvement Fund for the purpose of laying and planting trees, or Whether it is limited to land vested in a highway.
LORD HARRIS: Before the noble Viscount replies I should like to say a word upon this clause. If the noble Viscount fails to meet me, I shall be almost inclined to support my noble friend if he moves that the clause be omitted. I should not support him on the ground of his objections, although I have every respect for them, but because I think this clause is the most striking example I have come across of the pernicious system of legislation by reference. This clause does not refer to this Bill at all, but refers to another Act altogether. It refers to the Roads Improvement Fund Act, 1909, and what is there in that Act to show that in some subsequent Act an Amendment has been introduced into the first Act? How is it to be done? Why should not the Bond Improvement Act, have been brought up and this Amendment put into it, instead of having legislation in this Bill upon a matter which has nothing to do with the subject of the Bill?
VISCOUNT PEEL: In answer to my noble friend Lord Banbury of Southam, all I have to say is that this clause does what it proposed to do—namely, enlarge the purposes for which grants may be made under the Act of 1909 from the Road Improvement Fund. I do not know whether I ought to reply at length to the objection of my noble friend Lord Harris, regarding legislation by reference. To tell the truth I thought that was such a long established evil that even the most powerful critics were hardly able to move it from the Statute Book, but on another occasion I shall be able to discuss it with my noble friend.
Clause 2, as amended, agreed to.
Clause 3 agreed to.
Clause 4:
Restrictions as to fences at dangerous corners.
4.—(1) Where the Minister or ally county council or other highway authority is of opinion that it is necessary for the pre-

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vention of danger arising from obstruction to the view of persons using the highway to impose restrictions with respect to any land at or near any corner or bend in a highway maintainable by him or them, respectively, the Minister, county council, or other highway authority may serve upon the owner and upon the occupier of the land a notice—
(a) directing the owner or occupier of the land to alter the height or character of any wall (not being part of a permanent building), fence, or hedge thereon so as to cause it to conform with any requirements specified in the notice; or
(3) If any person upon whom a notice has been served under this section objects to comply with any requirement of the notice, or objects to restriction imposed thereby, he may, within seven days after receipt or the notice, send his objection in writing, stating the grounds thereof, to the authority by whom the notice was served and thereupon the matter shall be determined by arbitration, and upon any such arbitration the award may direct that the notice shall have effect with or without any modifications, or that it shall be withdrawn.
(7) Any person upon whom a notice is served under this section shall be entitled to recover from the Minister, county council, or other highway authority by whom the notice was served any expenses reasonably incurred by him in carrying out any directions contained in the notice; and any person sustaining loss in direct consequence of any requirement of a notice served under this section, or any person who proves that the value of his interest in any land has been reduced by restrictions relating to the land imposed by any such notice shall, if he makes a claim within six months after the service of the notice be entitled to recover from the Minister, county council, or other highway authority by whom the notice was served compensation for the injury sustained, and the amount of such compensation shall, in default of agreement, be determined by arbitration.
(10) Subject as hereinafter provided, every notice which may be served under this section may be served either by delivering it or leaving it at the usual or last-known place of abode of the person on whom it is to be served, or by sending it by post as a registered letter addressed to him at his usual or last-known place of abode, or if that cannot be found, by fixing it on some conspicuous part of the land; and any such notice or document may be addressed to the "owner" and the "occupier" of the land (describing it) without further name or description:
Provided that a notice requiring the owner and occupier of land to alter the height or character of any wall, fence, or hedge thereon shall be served upon him
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personally, and where any such notice is served upon the occupier a copy thereof shall be served upon the owner of the land.
(11) In section the expression "wall" includes any partition of whatsoever material constructed, and any bank, the expression "fence" includes hoarding or paling, and the expression "hedge" includes any tree or shrub.
(12) Any matter which is under this section to be determined by arbitration shall be determined by a single arbitrator agreed on by the parties or, in default of such agreement, by the judge of the county court of the district in which the land in question is situated according to the procedure prescribed by rules of court.
(13) Nothing in this section shall apply with respect to any wall belonging to a railway company or to the owners, trustees, or conservators acting under powers conferred by Parliament of any canal, inland navigation, dock, or harbour where the wall forms part of or is necessary for the maintenance of their railway, canal, inland navigation, dock, or harbour.
(14) Nothing in this section shall apply to any wall belonging to a railway company and forming part of or necessary for the maintenance of their railway.
LORD MONTAGU OF BEAULIEU LORD MONTAGU OF BEAULIEU moved, in subsection (1) (a), after "fence," to insert "tree." The noble Lord said: I merely rise to ask the noble Viscount in charge of the Bill if he does not think it would be wise to insert the word "tree" in addition to the words already in the Bill. Every one knows that corners are often made much more dangerous by the growing of an evergreen tree, such as a holly, and as the Bill stands it reads "fence, or hedge thereon so as to cause it to conform with any requirements specified in the notice." Would it not be wise to put in the word "tree"
Amendment moved—
Page 3, line 5, after ("fence") insert ("tree").—(Lord Montagu of Beaulieu.)
VISCOUNT PEEL: I am much obliged to my noble friend for calling my attention to this point. I thought it was pretty clear from the definition that "hedge" included "tree," but my suspicions were aroused that a tree which grew apart from the hedge, and yet caused some obstruction of the roadway, might not be included. I went into that, and I would suggest to my noble friend that it would be simpler to introduce an Amendment into the definition subsection, to add after the words "tree" or "shrub," "whether forming part of a hedge or not."

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I think that would make it perfectly clear that the obstructive tree might be removed.
LORD MONTAGU OF BEAULIEU: I accept the suggestion. I only moved this Amendment for reasons of public safety.
EARL RUSSELL: The noble Viscount will recollect that I called his attention to this point on the Second Reading. I like the form of his Amendment in the definition clause and I shall be glad to accept it.
Amendment, by leave, withdrawn.
VISCOUNT PEEL VISCOUNT PEEL moved to leave out subsection (3) and insert as a new subsection:—
"(3) If any person upon whom a notice has been served under this section objects to comply with any requirement of the notice, or objects to any restriction imposed thereby, he may, within fourteen days after receipt of the notice, send his objection in writing, stating the grounds thereof, to the authority by whom the notice was served, and thereupon the question whether the notice shall be withdrawn as respects any requirement or restriction objected to shall be determined in the manner provided by this Act."
The noble Viscount said: This is really a drafting Amendment in order to group together at a later stage the arrangements about serving notices and so on.
Amendment moved—
Page 4, lines 3 to 12, leave out subsection (3) and insert the said new subsection.—(Viscount Peel.)
On Question, Amendment agreed to.
VISCOUNT PEEL: The Amendment to leave out the last fifteen words of subsection (7) is purely drafting.
Amendment moved—
Page 5, leave out lines 10 and 11—(Viscount Peel.)
On Question, Amendment agreed to.
VISCOUNT PEEL VISCOUNT PEEL moved to leave out all words of subsection (10) after "addressed," where that word secondly occurs and to insert
"as the case may require, to the 'owner' or 'occupier' of the land (describing it) without further name or description:
"Provided that a notice requiring the owner or occupier of land to alter the height or character of any wall, fence or hedge thereon shall be served personally upon him or his agent, or upon some
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person having charge of his affairs, and if the notice is served upon the occupier a copy thereof shall be served upon the owner, or if it is served upon the owner a copy thereof shall be served upon the occupier of the land."
The noble Viscount said: This is also a drafting Amendment.
Amendment moved—
Page 5, line 36, leave out from ("addressed") to the end of the subsection and insert the said words.—(Viscount Peel.)
On Question, Amendment agreed to.
VISCOUNT PEEL VISCOUNT PEEL moved, at the end of subsection (11), to insert the words "whether forming part of a hedge or not." The noble Viscount said: This will meet the point that has been raised by the noble Lord.
Amendment moved—
Page 6, line 5, insert ("whether forming part of a hedge or not").—(Viscount Peel.)
On Question, Amendment agreed to.
VISCOUNT PEEL: My Amendment to leave out subsection (12) is The same point that we have been dealing with.
Amendment moved—
Page 6, lines 6 to 11, leave out subsection (12).—(Viscount Peel.)
On Question, Amendment agreed to.
LORD MONTAGU OF BEAULIEU LORD MONTAGU OF BEAULIEU moved, in subsection (13), after "Nothing in this section shall," to insert
"(a) authorise the service of a notice under this section with respect to any wall forming part of an ancient monument or other object of archæological interest, except with the consent in writing of the Commissioners of Works; or
(b)"
The noble Lord said: In the original Bill no provision was made for a wall which may be dangerous, but which is a wall of great antiquarian value. In my own county there are walls which obstruct the highway, but which are of very ancient origin. It is for this reason that I asked the noble Viscount to give some consideration to the Amendment. I understand he will accept it.
Amendment moved—
Page line 12, after ("shall") insert the said words.'—(Lord Montagu of Beaulieu.)
VISCOUNT PEEL: I accept the Amendment.
On Question, Amendment agreed to.
VISCOUNT PEEL: My Amendment to leave out subsection (14) is consequential.
Amendment moved—
Page 6, lines 19 to 21, leave out subsection (14).—(Viscount Peel.)
On Question, Amendment agreed to.
Clause 4, as amended, agreed to.
LORD STRACHIE LORD STRACHIE moved, after Clause 4, to insert the following new clause:—
Power to prescribe building line.
"
—(1) A county council or other highway authority (hereinafter in this section referred to, where the context so admits, as 'the authority') may by order prescribe, in respect of any road (being a public highway) which is for the time being maintainable by them, a building line along each or either side of the whole or any part of such road, and, subject to the provisions of paragraph (a) of subsection (10) of this section, it shall not thenceforth be lawful, without the written consent of the authority (which consent, if given, may be subject to such conditions as the authority shall think fit), to erect, or permit to be erected, any structure whatsoever in front of such building line, or to alter, or permit to be altered, any structure existing at the date of the order in such manner that any part thereof projects in front of such building line, or to make, or permit to be made, any permanent excavation in front of such building line:
Provided that the consent of the Minister shall be obtained before any such building line is prescribed as aforesaid in respect of any road, or part thereof, for the time being classified by the Minister for the purpose of advances from the Road Fund.
(2) One month at least before the date of the order the authority shall—

(a) cause to be prepared, signed by their surveyor, and deposited with their clerk, a plan of the proposed building line, which shall be open at all reasonable times to the inspection of the public without charge;

(b)give notice in writing of the deposit of the said plan to every owner or lessee interested whose name and address they can ascertain; and

(c) give public notice by advertisement in two newspapers circulating in the district in which the road affected is situate, that the said plan has been so deposited.

(3) Within one month after the date of the order the authority shall—

(a) cause to be prepared, signed by their surveyor and deposited with their clerk, a plan of the said building line, which shall be open at all reasonable times for the inspection of the public without charge; and

(b) give notice in writing to every owner or lessee interested whose name and address they can ascertain that a building line has been so prescribed and a plan thereof so deposited.

(4) If the road, in respect of which a building line is proposed to be prescribed in accordance with the provisions of this section, is either a main road maintained and repaired pursuant to subsection (2) of Section eleven of the Local Government Act, 1888, or a road, other than a main road, classified by the Minister as aforesaid, the authority shall, before prescribing a building line as aforesaid, send a notification of their proposals to the council of the county in which the road is situate, who shall submit their observations thereon, if any, to the authority within three months from the date of such notification, and the authority shall consider such observations, if any, before making any order under this section.
(5) If the road in respect of which a building line is proposed to be prescribed in accordance with the provisions of this section is a main road maintained and repaired by a county council, the authority shall, before prescribing a building line as aforesaid, send a notification of their proposals to the local authority of the district in which such road is situate, who shall submit their observations thereon, if any, to the authority within one month from the date of such notification, and the authority shall consider such observations, if any, before making any order under this section.
(6) The authority may, subject to the provisions of paragraph (b) of subsection (10) of this section, at any time after the date of the order and on giving three months' notice in writing to the owner or lessee of any structure which, or any part of which, was in front of the said building line at the date of the order, require that such structure shall be demolished or set back or altered in such manner that no part thereof shall project in front of the said building line.
(7) Any person upon whom a notice is served under subsection (3) of this section who proves that the value of his interest in any land has been reduced by the prescription of a building line, and any person upon whom a notice is served under subsection (6) of this section who proves that he has sustained loss or damage by the demolition, setting back or alteration of any structure, shall be entitled to recover from the authority compensation for such reduction in value or for such demolition, setting back or alteration, as the case may

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be, and the amount of such compensation shall, in default of agreement, be determined by arbitration under the provisions of the Arbitration Act, 1889:
Provided that—

(i)in estimating the amount of such compensation, there shall be taken into account as a set off the benefits accruing by reason of any road widening or improvement made or about to be made by the authority to the person to whom such compensation is payable;

(ii) no compensation whatsoever shall be payable in respect of any structure the erection or alteration of which in advance of the proposed building line was first commenced after the service at the notice specified in paragraph (b) of subsection (2) of this section; and

(iii) no compensation whatsoever shall be payable to any person in respect of a reduction in the value of his interest in any land as aforesaid, except in pursuance of a claim made to the authority within six months after the date of the order.

(8) Where by any scheme confirmed under the Town Planning Acts, 1909 to 1923, any building line is proscribed by the local authority making such scheme and such building line is nearer to the centre line of the road than a building line prescribed in accordance with the provisions of this section, the local authority shall pay to the authority (if not the local authority) such proportion of any compensation paid by the authority under subsection (7) of this section as may be agreed upon between the authority and the local authority or, in default of agreement, as shall be determined by arbitration under the Arbitration Act, 1889.
(9) Copies of any plan prepared, signed and deposited in accordance with the provisions of subsection (3) of this section shall, when certified by the clerk of the authority to be true, be received in all courts of justice and elsewhere as prima facie evidence of the contents of such plan so far as it relates to a building line prescribed in accordance with this section, and a copy (certified as aforesaid) of so much of any such plan as relates to the district of any local authority shall, on the application of that local authority or of the council of the county in which the road affected is situate, as the case may be, be delivered to such local authority or county council, and copies of or extracts from such plan shall also be delivered to the owner, lessee or occupier of any property in the district applying for the same, on payment of a reasonable fee to be determined by the authority, and all fees so received shall be carried to the credit of the fund out of which the highway expenditure of the authority is payable.
(10) Nothing in this section shall be deemed—

(a) to prevent the erection in front of a building line prescribed in accordance with this section of any boundary wall or fence or the alteration of any existing boundary wall or fence; or

(b) to require the demolition, setting back, or alteration of any boundary wall or fence existing in front of such building line at the date of the order.

(11) The provisions of this section shall not apply to any building (not being a dwelling-house) or lands now belonging to a railway company and held by them foe the purposes of any railway authorised by Act of Parliament or by an order having the force of an Act.
(12) Every notice for the purpose of this section may be served either by delivering it or leaving it at the usual or last known place of abode of the person on whom it is to be served, or by sending it by post as a registered letter addressed to that person at his usual or last known place of abode, or by delivering it to some person on the premises, or, if there is no person on the premises, by affixing it on some conspicuous part of the premises, and any such notice or document may be addressed by the description of the 'owner' or the 'occupier' of the premises (naming them) without further name or description.
(13) Any person offending against any of the provisions of this section shall be liable on summary conviction to a penalty not exceeding ten pounds, and a further penalty not exceeding five pounds for every day during which the offence continues.
(14) Nothing in this section shall derogate from the powers of the London County Council under the London Building Acts, 1894 to 1923, and in the administrative county of London the London County Council shall be the authority for the purposes of this section."
The noble Lord said: I beg to more this Amendment formally. It is really consequential, but if the noble Viscount desires to raise any point of detail I shall be very glad to meet him. I accept the Amendments of which Lord Ritchie of Dundee has given Notice.
Amendment moved—
After Clause 4, insert the said new clause.—(Lord Strachie.)
LORD JESSEL: May I draw the noble Lord's attention to subsection (14) of the proposed new clause? It says that nothing in this section shall derogate from the powers of the London County Council under the London Building Acts, and in the administrative County of London the London County Council shall be the authority for the purposes

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of this section. The London County Council is not the highway authority in London. It is the borough councils, and I do not know how the noble Lord proposes to meet that point.
LORD STRACHIE: I shall be perfectly ready to meet that point on Report stage if the noble Lord puts down an Amendment.
THE DUKE OF BUCCLEUCH: I hope we shall have some assurance from the Government that they have looked through the wording of this clause. I agree with it in principle, but I think we should have some assurance that a huge Amendment like this has been thoroughly considered.
VISCOUNT PEEL: I am much obliged to the noble Duke, but earlier in the discussion I stated that, of course, I reserve the right of looking thoroughly at the wording of this new clause and probably moving Amendments on Report stage.
LORD DYNEVOR: May I draw the noble Lord's attention to the words "to make or permit to be made any permanent excavation in front of such building line"? A main road might go through a cutting, or the side of a hill with a steep bank, and that hill or bank might be of stone or marble, or some other mineral. I understand that the owner would not be allowed to cut through the embankment in order to get at the mineral because it would be an excavation. Therefore he would be permanently cut off from his minerals in the side of the hill. I do not think the noble Lord meant that, but if that is the meaning of the word "excavation" then the owner of the property would be debarred from cutting through the embankment.
LORD STRACHIE: I am quite ready to meet any objection of that sort. There may be some difficulty on that point, and I would suggest that the noble Lord should put down an Amendment for the Report stage. The reason why the clause is so long is that it was necessary to protect all owners, lessees and tenants. I have already said that I am prepared to move the Amendment with the alterations suggested by the noble Lord, Lord Ritchie of Dundee—namely, to omit the word "now" from subsection (11) and to add to that subsection the words:
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"or belonging to the owners, trustees or conservators acting under powers conferred upon them by Parliament of any canal, inland navigation, dock or harbour, and held by them for the purposes of the canal, inland navigation, dock or harbour."
On Question, Amendment, as amended, agreed to.
Clause 5:
Power to conduct experiments.
5.—(1) The Minister may, either by himself or through any authority or other organisation approved by him, conduct experiments or trials for the improvement of the construction of roads, or for testing the effect of various classes of vehicles on various types of roads, and may construct such roads and works, erect such plant, provide such accommodation, and, subject to the approval of the Treasury, incur such expenditure as may be necessary for the purpose.
(2) An experiment or trial under this section shall not be conducted on any highway except with the consent of the authority or person responsible for the maintenance of the highway, and, where the highway is a main road maintained by an urban authority pursuant to subsection (2) of Section eleven of the Local Government Act, 1888, the consent of the county council also.
VISCOUNT PEEL VISCOUNT PEEL moved to add the following new subsection:
"(3) If damage is caused to the property of any person by anything done in exercise of the powers conferred by this section, that person shall, unless the damage was caused or contributed to by his negligence, be entitled to recover compensation therefor from the Minister."
The noble Viscount said: This strengthens the provision for compensation, where it is shown to be due to the action of the Minister.
Amendment moved—
Page 6, line 38, at end insert the said new subsection.—(Viscount Peel.)
LORD DANESFORT: How does the noble Viscount suggest that compensation is to be recovered from the Minister? Is it by arbitration or otherwise?
VISCOUNT PEEL: That point is met in an Amendment I am to move later.
On Question, Amendment agreed to.
Clause 5, as amended, agreed to.
Clause 6 agreed to.
VISCOUNT PEEL VISCOUNT PEEL moved, after Clause 6, to insert the following new clause:
Determination of questions.
" .—(1) If any question arises under this Act—

(a) whether compensation is payable under the provisions of this Act or as to the amount of any compensation so payable; or

(b) whether a notice served under this Act shall be withdrawn as respects any requirement or restriction objected to in manner provided by this Act; or

(c) whether any expenses were reasonably incurred by any person in carrying out directions contained in a notice served under this Act;

the question shall be decided, if the parties so agree, by a single arbitrator appointed by them, or in default of such agreement SLS aforesaid, by the county court.
(2) A county court shall have jurisdiction to deal with any such question as afore-said, notwithstanding that, by reason, of the amount of claim or otherwise, the case would not, but for this provision, be within the jurisdiction of a county court.
(3) In determining any question whether a notice served under this Act shall be withdrawn as respects a requirement or restriction objected to, the arbitrator or court shall have power to order that the requirement or restriction shall have effect subject to such modifications, if any, as the arbitrator or court may direct.
(4) Except in so far as they may be applied by county court rules, the provisions of the Arbitration Act, 1889, shall not apply to any proceedings in a county court under this Act."
The noble Viscount said: This rather long Amendment is really consequential upon the introduction of the new subsections regarding compensation, and, as the result of provisions as to arbitration being taken out of Clause 4 and being inserted here, it will apply to disputes arising under any of the three sections. There, I think, my noble friend Lord Danesfort will see an answer to his question.
Amendment moved—
Page 7, line 5, at end insert the said new clause.—(Viscount Peel.)
EARL RUSSELL: I am not sure that it is an answer to the question, because a Minister of the Crown is to be one of the parties to the proceedings. Are you to be able to proceed against him in the ordinary way, or will he set up the privilege of the Crown? That makes a very considerable difference to the rights of the subject.
VISCOUNT PEEL: I think the noble Earl is referring to some rather ancient procedure. Under this procedure the county court deals with the matter.
LORD DANESFORT: But there is some difficulty in suing a Minister of the Crown, either in the county court or in any other court. As a rule you have to proceed against him in the form of a Petition of Right, which is an extremely cumbrous and expensive matter. Perhaps the noble Viscount will consider the matter between now and Report.
EARL RUSSELL: I am bound to say that I, too, should be glad if the noble Viscount would consider the matter. The mere fact that you give the county court jurisdiction to decide does not mean that you can proceed by the ordinary procedure of issuing a county court summons and serving it upon the Minister. Perhaps the noble Viscount will consider that point.
VISCOUNT PEEL: I will consider it before the Report stage.
On Question, Amendment agreed to.
Clause 7:
Interpretation, short title and extent.
7.—(1) In this Act the expression "roads" includes bridges, viaducts, subways, road-ferries and footways, and the expressions "common," "open space," and "allotment" have the meanings respectively assigned to them by the Development and Road Improvement Funds Act, 1909
(2) In the application of this Act to Scotland—
(b) the expression "judge of the county court" shall mean sheriff;
VISCOUNT PEEL VISCOUNT PEEL moved to leave out paragraph (b) of subsection (2), and to insert: "(b) the expression county court' shall mean 'sheriff's court.'" The noble Viscount said: This is a formal, drafting Amendment.
Amendment moved—
Page 7, lines 18 and 19, leave out paragraph (b), and insert:
("(b) the expression 'county court' shall mean sheriff's court'").—(Viscount Peel.)
On Question, Amendment agreed to.
Clause 7, as amended, agreed to.
Title:
An Act to make further provision for the improvement of roads and for purposes connected therewith.
THE LORD CHAIRMAN: Does the noble Lord, Lord Strachie, move his Amendment to the Title?
LORD STRACHIE: Yes.
Amendment moved—
After ("roads") insert ("including the prescription of building lines").—(Lord Strachie.)
On Question, Amendment agreed to.
Title, as amended, agreed to.

ALLOTMENTS BILL.
Order of the Day for the House to be put into Committee read.
Moved, That the House do now resolve itself into Committee.—(Lord Bledisloe.)
On Question, Motion agreed to.
House in Committee accordingly:
[The EARL Of DONOUGHMORE in the Chair.]
Clause 1 agreed to.
Clause 2:
Loans by Commissioners to allotment societies.
(3) Lands purchased by an approved society, and in respect of which a loan is made by the Commissioners, shall thereafter be let to members of such society or others and used as allotments, provided that it shall be competent for the society to dispose of the land or any part thereof if so authorised by a resolution passed by two-thirds at least of the members present at a meeting of the society convened for this purpose by a notice stating the proposal for sale and if the consent of the Minister is obtained:
Provided also that if at the time of such sale any part of a loan made under this section remains unpaid the sale shall also be subject to the consent of the Commissioners.
Nothing in this subsection shall affect or apply to the use or disposal of any such land by the Commissioners or any persons deriving title under them in such manner as they may think fit.
THE PARLIAMENTARY SECRETARY OF THE MINISTRY OF AGRICULTURE AND FISHERIES (LORD BLEDISLOE)THE PARLIAMENTARY SECRETARY OF THE MINISTRY OF AGRICULTURE AND FISHERIES (LORD BLEDISLOE) moved, in subsection (3), after
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"thereafter," to insert "while owned by such society." The noble Lord said: This Amendment is not a purely drafting Amendment. This clause authorises an allotment society to sell allotment land. It is obviously not intended to compel the land to be used for allotments after sale, and this Amendment is intended to secure that this shall not be done.
Amendment moved—
Page 2, line 8, after ("thereafter") insert ("while owned by such society").—(Lord Bledisloe.)
On Question, Amendment agreed to.
LORD BLEDISLOE: The next four Amendments which stand on the Paper in my name are drafting Amendments.
Amendments moved—
Page 2, line 15, after ("Minister") insert ("of Agriculture and Fisheries").
Page 3, line 5, leave out ("Act, 1893") and insert ("Acts, 1893 to 1923")
Page 3, line 5, line 6, leave out ("and 1908") and insert ("to 1924")
Page 3, line 5, line 12, after ("Acts") insert ("1908 to 1918").—(Lord Bledisloe.)
On Question, Amendments agreed to.
Clause 2, as amended, agreed to.
Clause 3 agreed to.
Clause 4:
Limit of expenditure on provision of allotments.
4. Notwithstanding the provisions of Section sixteen of the Act of 1922 the council of any borough or urban district may take proceedings under the provisions of the Allotments Acts relating to allotments if, in the opinion of the council, the expenses referred to in such section may reasonably be expected, after the proceedings are taken, to exceed the receipts of the council under those provisions by no greater amount than would he produced by a rate of one penny in the pound.
LORD BANBURY OF SOUTHAM LORD BANBURY OF SOUTHAM moved to leave out Clause 4. The noble Lord said: This is an Amendment of which I have given Notice, and I am sorry that it does not appear upon the Paper. Clause 4 provides that any borough or urban district council may take allotments if—
"the expenses referred to in such section may reasonably be expected … to exceed the receipts of the council under those provisions by no greater amount than would be produced by a rate of one penny in the pound."

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It also alters subsection (1) of Clause 16 of the Act of 1922 to that effect. That really means that a council can take land for the purpose of allotments and then let it at an uneconomic rent. They may then impose a rate of not more than ld. in the £ upon the ratepayer to enable the holders of the land to have it at an uneconomic rent.
The subsection of Clause 16 of the Act of 1922 which this clause seeks to amend runs as follows:
"A council shall not take any proceedings under the provisions of the Allotments Acts relating to allotments, unless in the opinion of the council the expenses of the council incurred under those provisions (other than such expenses as are hereinafter specified) may reasonably be expected, after the proceedings are taken, to be defrayed out of the receipts of the council under those provisions."
That is to say, only three years ago, with a very extravagant Government in power, presided over by Mr. Lloyd George, it was enacted that a council should not let land for allotments unless they were reasonably of opinion that they could let it without a loss. Now we have a Conservative Government coming forward and saying: "Never mind this; it was three years ago. We will pit in a provision which will enable the county council or urban council to take allotments knowing that there will be a loss, and to make up the loss by a penny rate." That, again, is an instance of the way in which we are every day presented with Bills to increase expenditure, and we are told, as my noble friend Lord Peel told me a few moments ago, that it is only a small amount. But all these little amounts total up, and I sincerely hope that my noble friend Lord Bledisloe will consent to delete this provision. I beg to move.
Amendment moved—
Leave out Clause 4.—(Lord Banbury of Southam.)
LORD CLINTON: This Amendment is to delete that part of the Bill which, in itself, repeals Section 16 of the Act of 1922. Under that clause councils were not entitled to promote allotment schemes unless in their opinion the receipts would be equal to the expenditure. That was laid down in the Act, but I, like the noble Lord, am well aware that, while a council might endeavour
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quite properly to provide a scheme which would come within that clause, they, like many other people, were frequently disappointed, and the result was a loss which did, as a matter of fact, fall upon the rates. Upon the whole, I think that I would rather see a definite limitation of the burden upon the rates to 1d. in the £ than the haphazard proceeding of the Act of three years ago. The noble Lord said that the object of the Bill was to enable a council to let at an uneconomic rent. This was not the object of the clause—at least, I imagine that it was not—although I admit that under certain circumstances—
LORD BANBURY OF SOUTHAM: I think I said that it might be the possible effect.
LORD CLINTON: As I have said, this clause is necessary if the other clauses of the Bill are to be properly put into effect. Clause 3 of the Bill provides that in town-planning schemes arrangements have to be made for the provision of allotments. Under Clause 5 of the Bill the council may acquire land for allotments even if they cannot be immediately let. To carry out those ideas it would be impossible for the council to proceed unless they had some latitude in the way of expenditure. It seems to me that for the purpose of the Small Holdings movement, which is now of great social importance, it is necessary for a council to look forward. In the early stages of town development land can be bought, no doubt, cheaply, but as building increases the value of the other land also increases within the borough boundary. It seems to me unfair to the allotment movement to lay down definitely that a council cannot obtain land for allotments until the price has gone up in consequence of the land having reached a higher value, and unless you give the council some power to look a little forward in the matter I think it is quite certain that they will have to let allotments at a rent which it will be difficult indeed for the allotment holders to pay. I suggest to the noble Lord that it would be a good thing if the clause were allowed to remain in the Bill.
EARL BEAUCHAMP: May I make an appeal to the noble Lord? We have had no Notice of this Amendment. It does not appear on the Paper and it does not

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seem at all clear, and therefore I suggest that we might discuss the matter on the Report Stage. It is quite clear that it is an intricate point, and I myself have an objection to Amendments which do not appear on the Notice Paper. There is always the Report Stage, on which it is easy to discuss such an Amendment, and I hope that the noble Lord will give us an opportunity, by now withdrawing his Amendment, of considering the matter, because not understanding much from the explanation given I shall certainly vote against it to-day.
LORD BANBURY OF SOUTHAM: I do not think it is my fault that Notice was not given, because I handed the Amendment in at the Table, but by some error, probably mine, it does not appear on the Amendment Paper.
TUE LORD CHAIRMAN: I am informed that it was not handed in at the Table.
LORD BANBURY OF SOUTHAM: I said some error, probably mine. I thought I handed it in, but apparently I did not do so. I am quite willing to fall in with the suggestion of the noble Earl opposite, but I would like to say, in answer to Lord Clinton, that Clause 5 will be effective even if Clause 4 is taken out, and that Clause 4 does not limit the expenses to a 1d. rate, but only says that the council may take proceedings if the expenses may reasonably be expected not to exceed a 1d. rate. Therefore if, by any chance, it were found that the expenses do exceed a 1d. rate, I think the same thing would happen. I am, however, willing to withdraw my Amendment for the present.
Amendment, by leave, withdrawn.
Clause 4 agreed to.
Clauses 5 and 6 agreed to.
Clause 7:
Amendment of section ten (4) of Act of 1922.
7. The right of a tenant to claim compensation under subsection (4) of Section ten of the Act of 1922 shall be exercisable notwithstanding that it is otherwise agreed in the contract of tenancy in any case where the rent payable by the tenant under his contract of tenancy for the land exceeds threepence per pole unless, in the case of a tenancy existing at the passing of this Act, the council within three months
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after the passing of this Act gives notice in writing to the tenant that the rent of the land is as from the last preceding date for payment of rent reduced to a rent et threepence per pole or less.
LORD STRACHIE LORD STRACHIE moved to omit all words after "the right of a tenant to claim compensation" and to insert "in cases where notice to quit is given under Section 1 or 10 of the Act of 1922, the occupier shall be entitled to compensation for growing crops and unexhausted manures, and such parts of these sections as provide otherwise are hereby repealed." The noble Lord said: I move this Amendment on behalf of a very large Small Holdings and Allotment Federation, who have written to me to this effect:—
"This Federation of registered land-renting allotment societies, representing 16,000 allotment holders in Bristol and district, profoundly regret that on the Motion of Mr. Wood, Minister of Agriculture, the House of Commons agreed to the deletion of Clause 8 of Captain Bourne's Allotments Bill. And this Federation respectfully asks Lord Strachie to move the re-insertion of this Clause 8 when the Bill reaches the House of Lords."
My Amendment merely puts back the Bill into the state in which it was originally introduced by Captain Bourne in another place.
It went through the Standing Committee, but, of course, not without protest, because I noticed that a Conservative Member moved to omit it on the ground that he did not want to commit the Ministry to the principle of limiting the compensation to between April 6 and September 29. I think the Parliamentary Secretary will remember perfectly well that when the Act of 1922 was being discussed in this House a great deal of objection was taken to that particular question, because many of us argued that it was not right that the allotment holder should not have compensation for the winter months, because there would be unexhausted manurial value. Very naturally the allotment holders objected to the limit to the compensation and thought that if they paid rent there also should be compensation. That is the reason why I move to put in what was originally in this Bill as introduced by Captain Bourne, and which was approved of by allotment holders generally.
When the Bill came back to the House of Commons Mr. Wood said that there

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was great difficulty in dealing with the matter and in moving what is now Clause 7, he said:—
"I need only add that I have had an opportunity of ascertaining the views of those who represent the allotment holders, and, although I should misrepresent them if I said that they were totally satisfied with this clause, I can with truth say that they appreciate the immense difficulty of upsetting the 1922 bargain, and that on the whole they are prepared to think that this is not an unreasonable compromise."
That is all very well, but a very strong supporter of the Conservative Government, Mr. Hurd, who is a Member for one of the Wiltshire Divisions, and whom I am sure the Parliamentary Secretary knows very well, said:
"It is very difficult to understand this clause, and I should be much obliged if the right hon. gentleman would tell us between whom it is a compromise. What parties have been discussing this matter and how has this decision been reached?"
Mr. Wood only repeated exactly what he had said before—namely, that the matter had been discussed by the representative of the allotment holders in the light of the full discussions and known difficulties that revealed themselves in the course of the Departmental Committee's deliberations.
I cannot help thinking that he cannot have consulted any very large body of allotment, holders and that it must have been a hole-and-corner compromise. I may, of course, be wrong. He will no doubt tell us who they were, and, of course, they may represent more allotment holders even that the federation on behalf of whom I am speaking. I cannot see the advantage which is to be gained by saying that no compensation is to be paid when any rent is beyond £2 per acre. That is referred to in another part of the OFFICIAL REPORT of the debate in the House of Commons on the Allotments Bill, when Mr. Wood formally moved his consequential Amendment, and Colonel Wedgwood explained what was meant by that when he said:—
"I think, on the whole, we might be prepared to accept this compromise. I am moved toward accepting it by the fact that it will, to a certain extent, stabilise the idea that 3d. per pole is a legitimate rate to ask allotment holders. Threepence a pole is the equivalent of £2 per acre. That is a good enough rent for any land. It is with that in view that I think it would be wise to accept this Amendment.
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I hope the development of allotments under this clause will be of considerable benefit to the community."
It is quite evident that Mr. Wood wanted to get the Bill through easily, and was able to do so by making a deal with the Labour Party; by putting upon record that no land was worth more than £2 per acre. I cannot see why a man who pays 50 s. per acre should be excluded from any benefit at all. I am exactly in the position of Mr. Hurd, who is a much greater authority than I am—I am perfectly at sea as to what is really meant by this clause. No doubt the noble Lord will be able to explain.
Amendment moved—
Page 5, line 6, leave out from ("compensation") to end of clause and insert ("cases where notice to quit is given under section one or ten of the Act of 1922, the occupier shall be entitled to compensation for growing crops and unexhausted manures, and such parts of these sections as provide otherwise are hereby repealed").—(Lord strachie.)
LORD BLEDISLOE: My Lords, the noble Lord suggests that he desires to reinsert in the Bill the original Clause 8, as introduced in the House of Commons. That clause was quite meaningless, as was ultimately admitted by all parties who took part in its discussion. I am sure the noble Lord will not take any offence if I suggest that his proposed Amendment renders this clause equally meaningless. If these words are inserted the clause will read as follows:—
"The right of a tenant to claim compensation in cases where notice to quit is given under Section one or ten of the Act of 1922, the occupier shall be entitled to compensation for growing crops and unexhausted manures, and such parts of these sections as provide otherwise are hereby repealed."
Although this Amendment would render the clause meaningless, I think I fully understand what the noble Lord desires, and, so far as his general purpose is concerned, I personally have a considerable measure of sympathy with him. But this is a case in which there is a conflict of equities, and we are bound in fairness to consider the equities of the other side.
The noble Lord has confused two entirely different types of allotment holders, as provided for in this and the previous Bill of 1922. These two types are as follows. There is the first type who is the ordinary tenant of an allotment gar-

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den, who is generally referred to as Section I type, referring, of course, to Section I of the Act of 1922. The other type, to which this particular Clause refers, is a Section 10 type of allotment holder, who always has been, and always will continue to be, a person in a somewhat precarious position. He is the person who occupies what was previously unoccupied land, and only became subject to cultivation during the period of the War, very often on what was previously a rubbish heap in the middle of a town, in order to produce food during that critical period. One effect of the 1922 Act, so far as he is concerned, was to stabilise his position, otherwise when the Defence of the Realm Act ceased to operate his tenancy would similarly have ceased.
I hope the noble Lord realises this, because he is now submitting an Amendment as though it related to both types of allotment holders, when, in fact, this clause relates to one only, and that a class of person who is admittedly and necessarily in a precarious position. What is his position? He is informed that he is not going to be entitled to any compensation for unexhausted manures if he is charged no more than a nominal rent—a nominal rent which was fixed by the House of Commons at 3d. per perch. If his rent is more than 3d. per perch he will be at once transferred to the category of persons who will be entitled to receive compensation, and who have a particular measure of stability of tenure provided for them under Section I of the 1922 Act.
Now, what about this first group of allotment holders? Their reasonable claims have repeatedly come before the Allotments Committee of the Ministry of Agriculture, over whom I have the honour to preside, and who are composed of the various interests—local authorities, owners and allotment holders—who are concerned in this allotment movement. The allotment holders, through their representatives, have repeatedly told us—and the same has been given utterance to in the House of Commons—that what they want is rather stability or security of tenure than compensation. In effect, this security of tenure is given to them, and was given after a great deal of discussion and negotiation, by Section 1 of the Act of 1922. The owners there were subjected to all sorts of obstacles which
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would stand in the way of their vexatiously or unreasonably disturbing these people in their allotments unless they were wanted for purposes of superior importance from a national standpoint; and the arrangement then made, as amended by this Bill, is that six months' notice, which will expire outside the cropping period, shall be given to these men to enable them to harvest their crops. But where land is wanted at short notice for a purpose of superior importance this Bill itself provides that they shall be given compensation not merely for their crops, but for the manures, exhausted and unexhausted, which have been applied to those crops.
In fact, in this case, unlike the case of the agricultural tenant, the allotment holder obtains a larger measure of compensation than is provided by the Agricultural Holdings Act, because Section 2 (3) of the 1922 Act sets out that he is able to obtain, when dispossessed at short notice, the value of his crop and the value of the manures applied to it, although part of the value of that manure has passed into the crop. In other words, he gets the whole value of the manures, and not the unexhausted value only. However sympathetic we may be with the claims of the allotment holders, we have to bear in mind that this land at present occupied by them may be required for municipal purposes of greater importance, and one effect of attempting to charge any large amount by way of compensation upon these allotments, when the tenants are dispossessed, is almost necessarily to force up the price of the land, and to make it more expensive for the purpose of cottage building, or for other purposes of municipal importance. I hope, in these circumstances, that the noble Lord will see his way not to press his Amendment, especially in view of the fact that this is an agreed amendment of the original Bill which has been the subject of a considerable amount of discussion and negotiation between all parties interested, and, as the matter left the House of Commons, it was deemed to be finally settled.
On Question, Whether the words proposed to be left out shall stand part of the Clause?
Their Lordships divided:—Contents, 23; Not-Contents, 11.

CONTENTS.

Cave, V. (L. Chancellor.)

Onslow, E.

Bledisloe, L.

Plymouth, E. [Teller.]

Clinton, L.

Salisbury, M. (L. Privy Seal.)

Stanhope, E.

Danesfort, L.

Deramore, L.

Bedford, D.

Cecil of Chelwood, V.

Desborough, L.

Hutchinson, V. (E. Donoughmore.)

Dynevor, L.

Clarendon, E.

Jessel, L.

Doncaster, E. (D. Buccleuch and Queensberry.)

Sempill, L.

Askwith, L.

Somers, L.

Lucan, E. [Teller.]

Banbury of Southam, L.

Templemore, L.

NOT-CONTENTS.

Lincolnshire, M. (L. Great Chamberlain.)

Russell, E.

Muir Mackenzie, L.

Rathcreedan, L.

Allendale, V. [Teller.]

Stanmore, L. [Teller.]

Beauchamp, E.

Strachie, L.

De La Warr, E.

Elgin, L. (E. Elgin and Kincardine.)

Thomson, L.

Resolved in the affirmative, and Amendment disagreed to accordingly.
Clause 7 agreed to.
LORD STRACHIE moved, after Clause 7, to insert the following new clause:—
"No land at present cultivated as allotments shall be taken for recreation unless it can be proved that the land was acquired for recreation before it was used for allotments."
The noble Lord said: This Amendment is really self-explanatory and 1 should think that the noble Lord would be ready to accept it. It seems only reasonable that men who are doing good work by cultivating land and producing food for the country should not be turned out merely to allow a cricket club or a football club to occupy it. It seems only right and natural, and I am very much surprised that the noble Lord has not himself suggested an Amendment of the kind. I beg to move.
Amendment moved—
Page 5, line 16, at end insert the said new clause.—(Lord Strachie.)
LORD BLEDISLOE: I find it difficult to believe that the noble Lord seriously means this Amendment and I hope he will consider for a moment what is likely to be its effect. According to him, having once earmarked land for allotment gardens, whatever may be the recreational requirements of a large town or city under an improvement scheme or otherwise, that land has always to be used for allotments and can never be devoted to the purposes of recreation. If I may be allowed to say so, it is so obviously absurd a contention that I hope your Lordships will not accept the Amendment.
LORD STRACHIE: After what the noble Lord has said I, of course, withdraw my Amendment at once. I do not think, however, that the 16,000 men who asked me to move the Amendment would think that it is absurd, but would really think that the noble Lord was absurd in saying so.
Amendment, by leave, withdrawn.
Clauses 8 and 9 agreed to.
Clause 10:
Rating of new allotments.
10. Where after the date of this Act coming into operation land which is not used for allotments commences to be so used the gross value, or the gross estimated rental at which the land is assessed immediately before such user, shall not be increased during the first three years of such user, and where the land so used was immediately before such user included with other land in one assessment, the gross value or gross estimated rental of the land included in that assessment shall for the purposes of this section be apportioned according to acreage as between the land used for allotments and the other land.
LORD BLEDISLOE: I beg to move the two drafting Amendments which stand in my name on the Paper.
Amendments moved—
Page 5, line 38, after ("rental") insert ("for the purposes of any enactment relating to rating")
Page 5, line 42, after ("assessment") insert ("in the valuation list in force").—(Lord Bledisloe.)
On Question, Amendments agreed to.
LOUD BLEDISLOE LOUD BLEDISLOE moved, at the end of the clause, to insert: "provided that if on the application of any person interested, or without any such application, it appears to the Assessment Committee that apportionment according to

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acreage would work an injustice, the gross value or gross estimated rental shall be apportioned in such manner as the Assessment Committee may determine." The noble Lord said: The object of this Amendment is to prevent any injustice being done by an attempt to apportion the assessment equally according to acreage. The point is a simple one. Assuming that this Chamber were divided up and that on half of it there stood a house and other buildings and that the other half was vacant, it would be obviously unfair to spread the assessment equally over the whole area when one part of it clearly had a higher value than the rest. I beg to move.
Amendment moved—
Page 6, line 3 at end insert the said proviso.—(Lord Bledisloe.)
On Question, Amendment agreed to.
Clause 10, as amended, agreed to.
Clause 11 agreed to.
Clause 12 (Allotment committees of urban authorities):
LORD BLEDISLOE LORD BLEDISLOE moved to add the following new subsection:"(3) This section shall not come into operation until the first day of November 1925." The noble Lord said: The object of this Amendment is to give sufficient time for the local authorities to adjust their committees in accordance with the provisions of this clause. I beg to move.
Amendment moved—
Page 6, line 25, at end insert the said new subsection.—(Lord Bledisloe.)
On Question, Amendment agreed to.
Clause 12, as amended, agreed to.
Clause 13:
Records of purchase price, rent, and rateable value of land required
13. Where land is purchased or leased by a local authority under the Allotments Acts, 1908 to 1922, or this Act, the local authority shall record the purchase price or rent agreed to be paid for the land, and the gross value, or gross estimated rental at which the land is assessed for rating purposes at the date of its acquisition, where it is separately so assessed, or an apportioned estimate when it is not so separately so assessed, and the particulars so recorded shall be included by each local authority in their annual report to the Minister of Agriculture and Fisheries under Section fifty-nine of the Small Holdings and Allotments Act, 1908.
LORD BLEDISLOE LORD BLEDISLOE moved to leave out "an apportioned estimate when," and insert "the apportioned part thereof as estimated by the local authority, where." The noble Lord said: This Amendment is consequential upon one that I moved previously and I think it speaks for itself. I beg to move.
Amendment moved
Page 6. lines 32 and 33, leave out ("an apportioned estimate when") and insert ("the apportioned part thereof as estimated by the local authority, where").—(Lord Bledisloe.)
On Question, Amendment agreed to.
Clause 13, as amended, agreed to.
Remaining clause agreed to.

IMPROVEMENT OF LAND ACT (1899) AMENDMENT BILL.
House in Committee (according to Order): Bill reported without amendment.

MINISTERS OF RELIGION (REMOVAL OF DISQUALIFICATIONS) BILL.
Order for the House to be put into Committee read.
LORD DANESFORT: My Lords, I beg to move that the House resolve itself into Committee on this Bill.
EARL BEAUCHAMP: My Lords, I desire to point out that this Bill received its Second Reading only on Monday last, and that is a very short period ago. Although I do not think the Bill is likely to meet with opposition I venture to suggest we should observe the general rule of allowing a full week to elapse between the Second Reading and Committee stages.
LORD DANESFORT: The Bill was accepted unanimously by your Lordships' House, but if the noble Earl presses me I shall not resist his appeal to adjourn the Committee stage of this Bill till a later stage.
Committee put off to Tuesday next.

COASTGUARD BILL. [H.L.]
Read 3a (according to Order): Privilege Amendments made: Bill passed, and sent to the Commons.
House adjourned at five minutes before eight o'clock.