Sitting of 29 January 1908

Preamble
The House met at Two of the Clock.

MESSAGE TO ATTEND HIS MAJESTY.
The House went; and having returned,
Mr. SPEAKERinformed the House, That he had issued, during the Recess, Warrants for New Writs, for Liverpool (Kirkdale Division), in the room of David MacIvor, esquire, deceased; Kingston-upon-Hull, the hon. Charles Henry Wellesley Wilson, called to the House of Peers; Devonshire (Ashburton Division), Harry Trelawney Eve, esquire, K.C., who hath accepted the Office of Judge of the High Court of Justice; Herefordshire

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(Southern or Ross Division), Lieutenant-Colonel Alan Coulstoun Gardner, deceased; County Carlow, John Hammond, esquire, deceased.

NEW WRIT.
New Writ for the County of Cornwall (Mid or St. Austell Division), in the room of William Alexander McArthur, esq., (Chiltern Hundreds).—(Mr. Whiteley.)
NEW MEMBERS SWORN.
Arthur Hill, esquire, commonly called Lord Arthur Hill, for County of Down (West Down Division); Charles McArthur esquire, Parliamentary Borough of Liverpool (Kirkdale Division); Guy Greville Wilson, esquire, commonly called the hon. Guy Greville Wilson, Parliamentary Borough of Kingston-upon-Hull (West Division); John Phillips, esquire, County of Longford (South Longford Division); Captain Earnest Fitzroy Morrison-Bell, County of Devon (Mid or Ashburton Division.)

IMPRISONMENT OF A MEMBER (MR. LAURENCE GINNELL).
Mr. SPEAKERacquainted the House that he had received the following Letter from Mr. Justice Ross, relating to the Imprisonment of Mr. Laurence Ginnell, a Member of this House:—
Land Judge's Court,
Four Courts,
Dublin,
2nd January, 1908.
SIR,
I beg to inform you that, by order of this Court dated 20th day of December, 1907, it was declared that Lawrence Ginnell, esq., Member of Parliament, was guilty of contempt of court, and was ordered to be imprisoned in Kilmainham Prison, for the term of six calendar months from the date of his arrest or until further order.
In pursuance of the said order the hon. Member was arrested on the 23rd of December, 1907.
I have the honour to be, Sir,
Your obedient servant,
JOHN ROSS,
Judge of the High Court of Justice,
Chancery Division.
To the Right Hon. The Speaker of the House of Commons.
MR. JOHN REDMONDsaid he paused for a moment expecting the Chancellor of the Exchequer to make some Motion upon the communication which had just been made to the House. Those hon. Members who had taken the trouble to make themselves acquainted with the precedents and history of the House must be aware that there was no instance in which a letter of this kind had been received without a Motion being made to appoint a Committee to enquire into the matter, and report to the House whether there were any circumstances connected with it which required the further attention of the House. He would not delay the House by reading precedents, because it was only a short time since a similar case arose, and then the precedents were gone into fully. In that case the late Government was in office, and the then Prime Minister took the course which the Chancellor of the Exchequer was now taking—he left it to a private Member to make the Motion. The right hon. Gentleman then explained that he had not himself moved the Motion because the offence was not one of simple contempt, but was complicated by the magistrates taking action under the Statute of Edward III. But for that the right hon. Gentleman said he would have made the Motion according to precedent. But the present was not a complicated case; it was a simple case of contempt of court, and should be dealt with in accordance with precedents. But when the Motion was made, and it was pointed out what the clear and unvarying precedent had been, the then Prime Minister accepted the Motion he (Mr. Redmond) made. When in a former case he endeavoured to raise the question of privilege, he was told that privilege did not arise until the arrest had actually taken place. No such objection could be raised now, and he submitted that there was no instance in the whole history of, Parliament where a Member had been imprisoned for contempt of court, where a Committee had not been appointed. He was sorry it had been left to him to move in this matter. He thought it would have been better if the Chancellor of the Exchequer had followed former precedents and moved the Motion himself. However, he was the best judge of what was his duty towards the House and towards questions

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of privilege arising in the House, and he had no right to blame him. He would, however, do what he did in 1902, in the case of the hon. Member who sat for North Sligo. He would move a Motion in the exact terms as that which was then adopted by the House, viz.—
"That the letter of 2nd January, 1908, from Mr. Justice Ross to Mr. Speaker, informing the House of the attachment of Mr. Laurence Ginnell for contempt of court, be referred to a Select Committee for the purpose of considering whether any of the matters referred to therein demand the attention of this House."
MR. SPEAKER: By this Motion my functions are really brought into operation. I have to consider, when a Motion of this kind is made, whether prima facie the question of privilege is raised. I have been refreshing my memory as to the precedents, and I find there are a number of cases in which committees have been appointed to consider matters similar to the one now brought before the House. Five out of the last six cases dealt with were referred to committees, and the committees invariably came to the same conclusion—namely, that the privileges of Parliament do not extend to cases of Criminal contempt, and the hon. Member for Waterford has asked the House once more to reopen a question which I cannot help thinking the House has decided over and over again. I base myself on what occurred in 1903, when a similar case arose on the arrest of the hon. Member who then sat for North Sligo, and my predecessor declined to allow such a motion as the hon. Member now proposes to be made on the ground that in a case of criminal contempt there was no privilege. I find myself unable to get away from the precedent my predecessor laid down on that occasion. It is for me to say whether there are prima facie grounds for supposing that there has been any breach of privilege in the committal of this hon. Member, and in the absence of any distinction having been drawn, I am bound to say I do not think there is any prima facie case of breach of privilege.
MR. JOHN REDMONDasked who was to decide whether this was a case of civil or criminal contempt. He respectfully called attention to the fact that in the document the Speaker had read there
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was no intimation from the Judge as to the nature of the contempt. He further contended that the decisions of committees did not bind the House unless the House specifically adopted them, and the report of the committee in 1902 was never discussed or adopted by the House.
MR. SPEAKER: In answer to the two points taken by the hon. Member, I would like to say that the reports of the Select Committees which have been referred to, always recommended that the House should take no further action, and the very fact that the House took no further action is to my mind proof that the House approved the decisions of those committees and assented to their findings. The second point put, is how do I know this hon. Member was committed in respect of criminal contempt? If there were any suggestion that the hon. Member had only been guilty of a civil contempt the matter might be different, and there might be a matter to be inquired into; but I have never heard it alleged that there is any question of civil contempt. Civil contempt I understand to be a refusal to pay a debt adjudged to be due. I have no official intimation of what occurred. I can only use the same means as the hon. Member of informing myself, and, subject to its being shown that the contempt of which the hon. Member was guilty was a civil and not a criminal one, I do not see how it can be dealt with as a matter of privilege.
MR. T. M. HEALYpointed out that the decisions in previous cases were decisions of magistrates at petty sessions or of a common law Judge, and seeing that Mr. Justice Ross was a Judge of the Chancery Division, it seemed to him the point was well worth inquiring into before a committee.
MR. SPEAKER: I think I am right in saying that Mr. Justice Ross was the Judge in the 1902 case, and committed the hon. Member for North Sligo.
Mr. T. M. HEALYsaid that was a committal by the magistrates in the exercise of criminal jurisdiction.
MR. SPEAKER: I may be wrong about the 1902 case; but, at any rate, in the 1903 case Mr. Justice Ross was the Judge, and he then clearly had a criminal jurisdiction.
MR. JOHN REDMONDasked how it was to be proved that a Member had been guilty of only a civil contempt. So long as there was doubt as to that it was better that the House should follow the old precedents even at the risk of erring in being too lenient. He hoped he would be allowed to move his Motion.
MR. SPEAKER: I should be very glad to allow the Motion to be moved if I thought it compatible with my duty. I can assure the hon. Member that it is very disagreeable to me to have to decide these matters. I would much rather the House should decide them. At the same time the duty is cast on me to decide whether a prima facie case is made out, and I am bound to say I do not think it has been made out or even suggested that this case is one of civil and not of criminal contempt.

ELECTIONS.
Ordered, That all Members who are returned for two or more places in any part of the United Kingdom do make their Election for which of the places they will serve, within one week after it shall appear that there is no question upon the Return for that place; and if any thing shall come in question touching the Return or Election of any Member, he is to withdraw during the time the matter is in debate; and that all Members returned upon double Returns do withdraw till their Returns are determined.
Resolved, That no Peer of the Realm, except such Peers of Ireland as shall for the time being be actually elected, and shall not have declined to serve, for any county, city, or borough of Great Britain, hath any right to give his vote in the Election of any Member to serve in Parliament.
Resolved, That it is a high infringement of the liberties and privileges of the Commons of the United Kingdom
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for any Lord of Parliament, or other Peer or Prelate, not being a Peer of Ireland at the time elected, and not having declined to serve for any county, city, or borough of Great Britain, to" concern himself in the election of Members to serve for the Commons in Parliament, except only any Peer of Ireland, at such Elections in Great Britain respectively where such Peer shall appear as a candidate, or by himself, or any others, be proposed to be elected; or for any Lord-Lieutenant or Governor of any county to avail himself of any authority derived from his Commission, to influence the Election of any Member to serve for the Commons in Parliament.
Resolved, That if it shall appear that any person hath been elected or returned a Member of this House, or endeavoured so to be, by Bribery, or any other corrupt practices, this House will proceed with the utmost severity against all such persons as shall have been wilfully concerned in such Bribery or other corrupt practices.

WITNESSES.
Resolved, That if it shall appear that any person hath been tampering with any Witness, in respect of his evidence to be given to this House, or any Committee thereof, or directly or indirectly hath endeavoured to deter or hinder any person from appearing or giving evidence, the same is declared to be a high crime or misdemeanor; and this House will proceed with the utmost severity against such offender.
Resolved, That if it shall appear that any person hath given false evidence in any case before this House, or any Committee thereof, this House will proceed with the utmost severity against such offender.

METROPOLITAN POLICE.
Ordered, That the Commissioners of the Police of the Metropolis do take care that, during the Session of Parliament, the passages through the streets leading to this House be kept free and open, and that no obstruction be permitted to hinder the passage of Members

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to and from this House, and that no disorder be allowed in Westminster Hall, or in the passages leading to this House during the Sitting of Parliament, and that there be no annoyance therein or thereabouts; and that the Serjeant at terms attending this' House do communicate this Order to the Commissioners aforesaid.

VOTES AND PROCEEDINGS.
Ordered, That the Votes and Proceedings of this House be printed being first perused by Mr. Speaker; and that he do appoint the printing thereof; and that no person but such as he shall appoint do presume to print the same.

PRIVILEGES.
On the Question, That a Committee of Privileges be appointed—
MR. T. M. HEALYasked what were the privileges in question.
MR. SPEAKER: I am afraid it would take me a very long time to go into the matter.
MR. T. M. HEALY: I beg to move as an addition "including the question of the arrest of Mr. L. Ginnell."
MR. SPEAKER: I have just ruled that that is not a matter of privilege.
Ordered, That a Committee of Privileges be appointed.

OUTLAWRIES BILL.
"For the more effectual preventing Clandestine Outlawries," read the first time; to be read a second time.

JOURNAL.
Ordered, That the Journal of this House, from the end of the last Session to the end of the present Session, with an Index thereto, be printed.
Ordered, That the said Journal and Index be printed by the appointment and under the direction of Sir Courtenay Peregrine Ilbert, K.C.S.I., C.I.E., the Clerk of this House.
Ordered, That the said Journal and Index be printed by such person as shall be licensed by Mr. Speaker, and that no other person do presume to print the same.

PARLIAMENTARY PAPERS (RECESS)
The following Papers, presented by His Majesty's Command during the Recess, were delivered to the Librarian of the House of Commons during the Recess, pursuant to the Standing Order of the 14th August, 1896:—

1. Trade Reports (Annual Series).—Copies of Diplomatic and Consular Reports, Annual Series, Nos. 3917 to 3955.

2. Trade Reports (Miscellaneous Series).—Copies of Diplomatic and Consular Reports, Miscellaneous Series, Nos. 664 to 666.

3. Treaty Series (No. 27, 1907).—Copy of International Sanitary Convention. Signed at Paris, 3rd December, 1903. Ratifications deposited at Paris, 6th April, 1907.

4. Treaty Series (No. 28, 1907).—Copy of Declaration between the United Kingdom and Portugal respecting Boundaries in Central Africa (Barotseland.) Signed at London, 12th August, 1903.

5. Treaty Series (No. 29, 1907).—Copy of Accession of Ecuador to the Convention signed at Geneva, 22nd August, 1864, for the Amelioration of the Condition of the Wounded in Armies in the Field, 3rd August, 1907.

6. Treaty Series (No. 30, 1907).—Copy of Accession of Venezuela to the Convention signed at Geneva, 6th July, 1906, for the Amelioration of the Condition of the Wounded and Sick in Armies in the Field. 8th July, 1907.

7. Treaty Series (No. 31, 1907).—Copy of Agreement between the United Kingdom and Italy respecting the Importation of Drugs and Medical Preparations. 9th July, 1907.

8. Treaty Series (No. 32, 1907).—Copy of Accession of the United Kingdom to the Declarations signed at the Hague, 29th July, 1899, respecting (1) Expanding Bullets; (2) Asphyxiating Gases. 30th August, 1907.

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9. Treaty Series (No. 33, 1907).—Copy of Agreement between the United Kingdom and the United States of America respecting Protection of Patents in Morocco. 24th June, 1907.

10. Treaty Series (No. 34, 1907).—Copy of Convention between the United Kingdom and Russia relating to Persia, Afghanistan, and Thibet. Signed at St. Petersburg, 31st August, 1907. Ratifications exchanged at St. Petersburg, 23rd September, 1907.

11. Treaty Series (No. 35, 1907).—Copy of Exchange of Notes establishing a Modus Vivendi between the United Kingdom and the United States of America with regard to the Newfoundland Fisheries. 4th and 6th September, 1907.

12. Treaty Series (No. 36, 1907).—Copy of Convention between the United Kingdom and Belgium for the Exchange of Money Orders. Signed at London, 17th September, 1907. Ratifications exchanged at London, 5th October, 1907.

13. Treaty Series (No. 37, 1907).—Copy of Agreement between the United Kingdom and Sweden respecting the Estates of Deceased Seamen. 5th October, 1907.

14. Treaty Series (No. 38, 1907).—Copy of Accession of Turkey to the Convention signed at Geneva, 6th July, 1906, for the Amelioration of the Condition of the Wounded and Sick in Armies in the Field. 24th August, 1907.

15. Treaty Series (No. 39, 1907).—Copy of Accessions, etc., of Foreign States to various International Treaty Engagements.

16. Treaty Series (No. 40, 1907).—Copy of Accession of Nicaragua to the Declarations signed at the Hague, 29th July, 1899, respecting (1) Expanding Bullets; (2) Asphyxiating Gases. 11th October, 1907.

17. Treaty Series (No. 41, 1907).—Copy of Agreement between the United Kingdom and France, supplementary to Money Order Convention of 21st September, 1887. Signed at Paris, 30th June, 1906. Ratifications exchanged at Paris, 23rd October, 1907.

18. Treaty Series (No. 42, 1907).—Copy of Convention between the United
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Kingdom and France for the Exchange of Money Orders between the United Kingdom and various French Colonies. Signed at Paris, 30th June, 1906. Ratifications exchanged at Paris, 23rd October,. 1907.

19. Treaty Series (No. 43, 1907).—Copy of Accession of British Colonies, etc., to the Treaty of Friendship, Commerce, and Navigation between the United Kingdom and Nicaragua. Signed at Nicaragua, 28th July, 1905.

20. Treaty Series (No. 44, 1907).—Copy of Agreement between the United Kingdom and the United States of America, respecting (1) Commercial Travellers' Samples entering the United Kingdom; (2) Import Duties on British Works of Art entering the United States. Signed at London, 19th November,. 1907.

21. Treaty Series (No. 45, 1907).—Copy of Agreement between the United Kingdom and France, respecting Commercial Travellers' Samples. Signed at Paris, 23rd October, 1907.

22. Treaty Series (No. 46, 1907).—Copy of International Convention, respecting the Liquor Traffic in Africa. Signed at Brussels, 3rd November, 1906.

23. Treaty Series (No. 1, 1908).—Copy of Commercial Convention, Protocol and Declaration, between the United Kingdom and Bulgaria. Signed at Sofia, 9th December, 1905. Ratifications exchanged at Sofia, 26th November, 1907.

24. Treaty Series (No. 2, 1908).—Copy of Agreement, additional to the Commercial Convention between the United Kingdom and Egypt of 29th October, 1889. Signed at Cairo, 16th December, 1907.

25. International Conference on Sleeping Sickness (Miscellaneous No. 4, 1907).—Copy of Proceedings of the First International Conference on the Sleeping Sickness, held at London in June, 1907.

26. Second or Upper Chambers in Foreign States (Miscellaneous, No. 5, 1907.—Copy of Reports from His Majesty's Representatives Abroad respecting the Composition and Functions of the Second or Upper Chamber in Foreign States.

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27. International Conference on Sleeping Sickness (Miscellaneous, No. 6, 1907).—Copy of Further Paper respecting the Proccedings of the First International Conference on the Sleeping Sickness, hold at London in June, 1907.

28. Peace Conference at The Hague (Miscellaneous, No. 1, 1908).—Copy of Correspondence respecting the Second Peace Conference, held at The Hague in 1907.

29. Sugar Convention (Commercial, No. 10, 1907).—Copy of Correspondence respecting the Additional Act to the Brussels Sugar Convention of 5th March, 1902. Signed at Brussels, 28th August, 1907.

30. Commercial Convention between Canada and France (Commercial, No. 11, 1907).—Copy of Despatch from His Majesty's Chargé. d'Affaires at Paris, transmitting a Copy of the Convention respecting the Commercial Relations between Canada and France. Signed at Paris, 19th September, 1907.

31. Russia (No. 1, 1907).—Copy of Convention, signed on 31st August, 1907, between Great Britain and Russia, containing arrangements on the subject of Persia, Afghanistan, and Thibet.

32. United States (No. 1, 1907).—Copy of Notes exchanged with the American Ambassador on the subject of the Newfoundland Fisheries.

33. Colonial Reports (Annual).—Copies of Reports, Nos. 536 (Gambia, Annual Report for 1906), 537 (British Central Africa Protectorate, Report for 1906–7), 538 (Bechuanaland Protectorate, Report for 1906–7), 539 (Leeward Islands, Report for 1906–7), 540 (Straits Settlements, Annual Report for 1906), 541 (Turks and Caicos Islands, Annual Report for 1906), 542 (Somaliland Protectorate, Report for 1906–7), 543 (Bahamas, Report for 1906–7), 544 (Barbados, Report for 1906–7), 545 (Trinidad and Tobago, Report for 1906–7), 546 (Grenada, Report for 1906–7), 547 (Mauritius, Annual Report for 1906), 548 (Fiji, Annual Report for 1906), 549 (Jamaica. Report for 1906–7), 550 (British Guiana, Report for 1906–7), 551 (Northern Nigeria, Report for 1906–7), 552 (British Honduras, Annual Report for 1906), 553 (St. Lucia, Report for 1906–7).

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34. Colonial Reports (Miscellaneous).—Copies of Reports, Nos. 42 (Ceylon, Report on the Results of the Mineral Survey in 1905–6 by Professor W. R. Dunstan, M.A., LL.D., F.R.S., Director of the Imperial Institute), 43 (Caicos Islands, Report upon the Caicos Islands, with special reference to the further development of the Sisal Industry), 44 (East Africa Protectorate, Report on the Survey Department by Major E. H. Hills, C.M.G., R.E., dated 21st February, 1907), 45 (East Africa Protectorate, Report relating to the Geology of the East Africa Protectorate, by H. Brante-wood Muff, esquire, B.A., of the Geological Survey of Great Britain).

35. Newfoundland.—Copy of Further Correspondence relating to the Newfoundland Fishery Question.

36. Australia.—Copy of Despatch from the Governor General enclosing the Navigation Bill, 1907, of the Government of the Commonwealth of Australia.

37. Jamaica.—Copy of Despatch from the Governor relative to the Earthquake at Kingtson, Jamaica, on 14th January, 1907, and the reply thereto.

38. Canada.—Copy of Papers relative to the Working of Taxation of the Unimproved Value of Land in Canada.

39. Fiji.—Copy of Correspondence respecting the Tenure of Land in Fiji.

40. New South Wales.—Copy of Papers relative to the Working of Taxation of the Unimproved Value of Land in New South Wales.

41. Straits Settlements.—Copies of Reports on the Federated Malay States for 1906.

42. West Indies.—Copy of a List of the Laws dealing with the Emigration of Labourers from the British West Indian Colonies to Foreign Countries.

43. Tristan da Cunha.—Copy of Further Correspondence relating to the Island of Tristan da Cunha.

44. Natal.—Copy of Report of the Native Affairs Commission, 1906–7.

45. Natal.—Copy of Further Correspondence relating to Native Affairs in Natal.

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46. Transvaal.—Further Correspondence relating to Legislation affecting Asiatics in the Transvaal.

47. Cyprus.—Copy of Annual Report for 1906–7.

48. Colonial Office (Reorganisation).—Copy of Despatch to the Governors of the Self-Governing Colonies relative to the Reorganisation of the Colonial Office.

49. Aliens Act, 1905.—Copy of Return of Alien Passengers brought to the United Kingdom from Ports in Europe or within the Mediterranean Sea during the six months ending 31st December, 1907, together with the number of Expulsion Orders made during that period requiring Aliens to leave the United Kingdom.

50. Congestion in Ireland (Royal Commission).—Copies of Sixth Report of the Royal Commission on Congestion in Ireland, with Appendix (Minutes of Evidence taken in County Sligo and County Leitrim 17th to 27th April, 1907, and Documents relating thereto), of Seventh Report of the Commissioners, with First Appendix (Minutes of Evidence taken in Ireland 16th May to 11th June, 1907, and Documents relating thereto) and Second Appendix (Statistics relating to Holdings), of Eighth Report of the Commissioners, with Appendix (Minutes of Evidence taken in Kerry and Cork 3rd to 19th July, 1907) and Documents relating thereto, of Ninth Report of the Commissioners, with Appendix (Minutes of Evidence taken in County Mayo 21st August to 3rd September, 1907) and Documents relating thereto.

51. Historical Manuscripts (Royal Commission).—Copy of Seventeenth Report of the Royal Commission on Historical Manuscripts.

52. Historical Manuscripts (Royal Commission).—Copy of Calendar of the Manuscripts of the Marquis of Bath, preserved at Longleat, Wiltshire. Volume III. (Prior Papers).

53. Mines and Quarries.—Copy of General Report and Statistics for the year 1906. Part II., Labour; General Report and Statistics relating to Persons employed and Accidents at Mines and Quarries in the United Kingdom, and
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to the enforcement of the Mines and Quarries Acts.

54. Mines and Quarries.—Copy of General Report and Statistics for the year 1906. Part III., Output; General Report and Statistics relating to the output and value of the Minerals raised in the United Kingdom, the amount and vaule of the Metals produced, and the exports and imports of Minerals.

55. Reformatory and Industrial Schools (Great Britain).—Copy of Fiftieth Report of His Majesty's Inspector of Reformatory and Industrial Schools for 1906. Part II., General Report and Appendices III. to XI.

56. Prisons (England and Wales).—Copy of Report of the Commissioners of Prisons and the Directors of Convict Prisons, with Appendices, for the year ended 31st March, 1907.

57. Police (Metropolis).—Copy of Report of the Commissioner of Police of the Metropolis for the year 1906.

58. Tuberculosis (Human and Bovine) (Royal Commission).—Copy of Second Interim Report of the Commissioners appointed to inquire into the relations of Human and Animal Tuberculosis. Part II., Appendix. Vol. III.

59. Vivisection (Royal Commission).—Copy of Third Report of the Royal Commission on Vivisection, with Appendix (Minutes of Evidence, April to July, 1907).

60. Factory and Workshop (Tinning of Metals).—Copy of Special Report by Miss A. M. Anderson, Principal Lady Inspector of Factories, and T. M. Legge, esquire, M.D., Medical Inspector of Factories, on Dangerous Processes in the Coating of Metal with Lead; together with a Report by G. E. Duckering, esquire, Inspector of Factories, on an Experimental Investigation into the Conditions of Work in Tinning Workshops.

61. Building Accidents (Departmental Committee).—Copy of Report of the Departmental Committee upon the Dangers attendant on Building Operations, with draft Regulations, Minutes of Evidence, and Appendices.

62. Checkweighing in the Iron and Steel Trades (Departmental Committee).
63.
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—Copy of Report of the Departmental Committee on Checkweighing in the Iron and Steel Trades (with Evidence, etc.).

63. Women and Children in Public Houses.—Copy of Information obtained from certain Police Forces as to the frequenting of Public Houses by Women and Children.

64. Explosions (Fishguard Railway Construction Works).—Copy of Report to the Secretary of State for the Home Department on the circumstances attending an Explosion which occurred during the operation of thawing gelignite in connection with the construction of the new Great Western Railway line from Clarbeston Road to Fishguard, Pembrokeshire, on 26th February, 1906.

65. Mines (Royal Commission).—Copy of Minutes of Evidence taken before the Royal Commission on Mines, with Index and Appendices, Vol. II.

66. Board of Agriculture and Fisheries.—Copy of Agricultural Statistics, 1906, Vol. XLI., Part IV., Colonial and Foreign Statistics, with Index to Vol. XLI.

67. Board of Agriculture and Fisheries.—Copy of Agricultural Statistics, 1907, Vol. XLII., Part I., Acreage and Live Stock Returns of Great Britain, with Summaries for the United Kingdom.

68. Board of Agriculture and Fisheries.—Copy of Annual Report of Proceedings under the Sale of Food and Drugs Acts, 1875 to 1899, the Merchandise Marks Acts, 1887 to 1894, and other Acts, for the year 1906.

69. East India (Excise Committee).—Copy of Orders of the Government of India on Chapters XI., XII., and XIII. of the Report of the Excise Committee, 1905–6.

70. Army (Medical Department).—Copy of Report of the Army Medical Department for the year 1906.

71. Railway Servants (Hours of Labour).—Copy of Return, in pursuance of Section 4 of The Regulation of Railways Act, 1889, of Railway Servants of certain classes who were on one or more occasions during the months of July and October, 1907, on duty on the Railways of the United Kingdom for more than twelve hours at a time; or who, after being
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on duty more than twelve hours, were allowed to resume work with less than nine hours' rest.

72. Railway Servants (Hours of Labour).—Copy of Return, in pursuance of Section 4 of The Regulation of Railways-Act, 1889, of Railway Servants of certain, classes who were on one or more occasions during the three months ended 30th September, 1907, on duty on the Railways of the United Kingdom for more than twelve hours at a time; or who, after being on duty more than twelve hours, were allowed to resume work with less than nine hours' rest. Part I., Returns of Accidents.

73. Railway Accidents.—Copy of Returns of Accidents and Casualties as reported to the Board of Trade by the several Railway Companies in the United Kingdom during the six months ended 30th June, 1907, together with Reports of the Inspecting Officers of the Railway Department to the Board of Trade upon certain Accidents which were inquired into.

74. Statistical Abstract (British Empire).—Copy of Statistical Abstract for the British Empire in each year from 1892 to 1906. Fourth Number.

75. International Exhibitions Committee.—Copy of Report of the Committee appointed by the Board of Trade to make inquiries with reference to the Participation of Great Britain in Great International Exhibitions, with Minutes of Evidence, Appendices, and Index.

76. Conciliation and Arbitration Boards.—Copy of Report of the Labour Department of the Board of Trade on Rules of Voluntary Conciliation and Arbitration Boards and Joint Committees.

77. Options and Futures (Legislation respecting).—Copy of Report from His Majesty's Ambassador to the United States of America on Legislation respecting Gambling in Options and Futures.

78. Foreign Import Duties, 1907.—Copy of Statement of the Rates of Import Duties levied in European Countries, Egypt, the United States, Mexico, Japan, China, and Persia upon the Produce and Manufactures of the United Kingdom.

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79. Cost of Living of the Working Classes.—Copy of Report of an Inquiry by the Board of Trade into Working Class Rents, Housing, and Retail Prices, together with the Standard Rates of Wages prevailing in certain occupations in the principal Industrial Towns of the United Kingdom, with an Introductory Memorandum.

80. Mercantile Marine (Seamen Employed).—Copy of Return of the Number, Ages, Ratings, and Nationalities of the Seamen employed on the 4th April, 1906, on Vessels registered under Part I. of the Merchant Shipping Act, 1894, in the British Islands.

81. Trade with New Zealand.—Copy of Report upon the Conditions and Prospects of British Trade in New Zealand by the Advisory Committee on Commercial Intelligence by the Board of Trade, based on information collected by their Commissioner, Mr. R. J. Jeffray.

82. Trade with Canada.—Copy of Report upon the Conditions and Prospects of British Trade in Canada, by Mr. Richard Grigg, Special Commissioner of the Advisory Committee to the Board of Trade on Commercial Intelligence.

83. Servia (New Customs Tariff).—Copy of Translation of the New Customs Tariff of Servia, as modified by Commercial Treaties with the United Kingdom, Germany, France, Switzerland, Italy, Belgium, and Turkey; together with the Tariff of Servian Duties known as "Trosharina."

84. Light Railways Act, 1896.—Copy of Order made by the Light Railway Commissioners, and confirmed by the Board of Trade, amending The Holmfield and Southowram Light Railway Orders of 1902 and of 1905 (Holmfield and Southowram Light Railway (Extension of Time) Order, 1907).

85. Light Railways Act, 1896.—Copy of. Order made by the Light Railway Commissioners, and confirmed by the Board of Trade, amending the Headcorn and Maidstone Junction Light Railway Order, 1906 (Headcorn and Maidstone Junction Light Railway (Amendment) Order, 1907).

86. Light Railways Act, 1896.—Copy of Order made by the Light Railway Commissioners, and modified and con-
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firmed by the Board of Trade, authorising the construction of Light Railways in the urban district of Colwyn Bay and Colwyn, in the county of Denbigh, in extension of the light railways authorised by the Llandudno and Colwyn Bay Light Railway Order, 1898, and amending the said Order, and the Llandudno and Colwyn Bay Light Railway (Deviation and Amendment) Order, 1903 (Llandudno and Colwyn Bay Light Railway (Extension and Amendment) Order, 1907).

87. Light Railways Act, 1896.—Copy of Order made by the Light Railway Commissioners, and modified and confirmed by the Board of Trade, amending the borrowing powers of the Southwold Railway Company, and for other purposes (Southwold Light Railway (Borrowing Powers, etc.) Order, 1907).

88. Light Railways Act, 1896.—Copy of Order made by the Light Railway Commissioners, and confirmed by the Board of Trade, extending the borrowing powers of the Kent and East Sussex Light Railway Company (Kent and East Sussex Light Railway (Further Borrowing Powers) Order, 1907).

89. Light Railways Act, 1896.—Copy of Order made by the Light Railway Commissioners, and modified and confirmed by the Board of Trade, authorising the transfer to the Great Western Railway Company of the powers conferred on the Callington Light Railway Company by The Callington Light Railway Order, 1900, as amended by The Callington Light Railway (Extension of Time) Order, 1903, and reviving the powers granted and extending the period limited by the said Orders for the compulsory purchase of lands, and extending the period limited by the said Orders for the completion of the Railway and Works thereby authorised (Callington Light Railway (Amendment and Transfer) Order, 1907).

90. Light Railways Act 1896.—Copy of Order made by the Light Railway Commissioners, and modified and confirmed by the Board of Trade, transferring to a Company the powers conferred upon the Rural District Councils of Escrick and of Riccall by The Derwent Valley Light Railway Order, 1902, and amending that Order (Derwent Valley

99
Light Railway (Transfer, etc.) Order, 1907.

91. Light Railways Act, 1896.—Copy of Order made by the Light Railway Commissioners, and confirmed by the Board of Trade, amending The Dartford District Light Railways Order, 1903 (Dartford District Light Railways (Amendment and Extension of Time) Order, 1907).

92. Light Railways Act, 1896.—Copy of Order made by the Light Railway Commissioners, and modified and confirmed by the Board of Trade, authorising the East and West Yorkshire Union Railways Company to exercise further borrowing powers (East and West Yorkshire Union Light Railway (Borrowing Powers) Order, 1907).

93. Light Railways Act, 1896.—Copy of Order made by the Light Railway Commissioners, and modified and confirmed by the Board of Trade, authorising the construction of additional Light Railways in the borough of Maidstone (Maidstone Corporation Light Railways (Extensions) (No. 2) Order, 1907).

94. Light Railways Act, 1896.—Copy of Order made by the Light Railway Commissioners, and modified and confirmed by the Board of Trade, reviving the powers granted and extending the period limited by The Cromarty and Dingwall Light Railway Order, 1902, for the compulsory purchase of Lands, and extending the period limited by that Order for the completion of the Railway and Works by that Order authorised, and authorising a deviation of part of the said Railway, and the compulsory purchase of certain Lands for the purposes of the said Railway, and Works (Cromarty and Dingwall Light Railway (Extension of Time, Deviation, and Amendment) Order, 1907).

95. Irish Land Commission (Proceedings).—Copy of Return of Proceedings of the Irish Land Commission under the Land Law Acts, the Labourers (Ireland) Acts, 1883 to 1891, and the Land Purchase Acts, during the months of July, August, September, October, and November, 1907.

96. Irish Land Commission.—Copy of Return of Advances made under The
100
Irish Land Act, 1903, during the month of January, 1907.

97. Land Law (Ireland) Act, 1887 (Eviction Notices).—Copy of Return under Section 7 of the Land Law (Ireland) Act, 1887, of the number of Eviction Notices filed in the High Court of Justice and County Courts in Ireland during the quarter ended on the 30th September, 1907.

98. Banking, Railway, and Shipping Statistics (Ireland).—Copy of Report on the Banking, Railway, and Shipping Statistics of Ireland for the half-year ended 30th June, 1907.

99. Evictions (Ireland),—Copy of Return of Evictions in Ireland for the quarter ended 30th September, 1907.

100. National Education (Ireland).—Copy of Appendix to the Seventy-third Report of the Commissioners of National Education in Ireland, being for the year 1906–7. Section II.

101. National Education (Ireland).—Copy of Appendix to the Seventy-third Report of the Commissioners of National Education in Ireland, being for the year 1906–7. Section III.

102. Agricultural Statistics (Ireland).—Copy of Abstracts showing the acreage under Crops and the number of Live Stock in each county and province of Ireland, for the year 1906–7.

103. Agricultural Statistics (Ireland).—Copy of Agricultural Statistics of Ireland, with detailed Report for the year 1906.

104. Agricultural Statistics (Ireland).—Copy of Return of Prices of Crops, Live Stock, and other Irish Agricultural Products for the year 1906.

105. Irish Railways (Viceregal Commission).—Copy of Second Report of the Viceregal Commissioners on Irish Railways, and Appendix.

106. Congested Districts Board (Ireland).—Copy of Sixteenth Report of the Congested Districts Board (Ireland), being for the year ending 31st March, 1907.

107. Inebriates Acts (Ireland).—Copy of Third Report, with Appendices, of the Inspector for Ireland under the Inebriates Acts, 1879 to 1900, being for the year 1906.

101

108. National Education (Ireland).—Copy of Section I. of the Appendix to the Seventy-third Report of the Commissioners of National Education in Ireland, for the year 1906–7.

109. Lunacy (Ireland).—Copy of Fifty-sixth Report, with Appendices, of Inspectors of Lunatics (Ireland), for the year 1906.

110. Births, Deaths, and Marriages.—Copy of Sixty-ninth Annual Report of the Registrar-General of Births, Deaths, and Marriages in England and Wales, 1906.

111. Peterhead Harbour.—Copy of Reports respecting Peterhead Harbour Works.

112. North Sea Fisheries Investigation Committee.—Copy of Second Report (Southern Area) on Fishery and Hydro-graphical Investigations in the North Sea and adjacent waters, 1904–5. Part I.

113. Board of Education (Special Reports).—Copies of Special Reports on Educational Subjects. Vol.18. The Education and Training of the French Primary School Teacher. Vol.19. School Training for the Home Duties of Women. Vol. 21. School Excursions and Vacation Schools.

114. Board of Education.—Copies of Reports from Universities and University Colleges in Great Britain participating in the Parliamentary Grant, 1907.

115. Board of Education.—Copy of Report on Charitable Endowments appropriated to elementary education in the administrative county of Kent.

116. Board of Education.—Copy of Official Correspondence relating to the payment of Teachers' Salaries in Merionethshire.

117. Board of Education.—Copy of General Report on the Instruction and Training of Pupil Teachers in Wales (Including Monmouthshire).

118. Board of Education.—Copy of Statistics of Public Education in England and Wales, 1905–6–7.

119. Board of Education.—Copy of Regulations providing for Special Grants in aid of certain Local Education Authorities in England and Wales, 1907–8.

102

120. Board of Education.—Copy of Report of the Board of Education for the year 1906–7.

121. Board of Education.—Copy of Building Regulations for Secondary Schools and Pupil Teacher Centres, being principles to be observed in designing and fitting up new buildings, rules as to construction, etc., and certain requirements as to Plans Specifications, and Estimates.

122. Education (Scotland).—Copy of Memorandum on the Study of History in Scottish Schools.

123. Secondary Education (Scotland).—Copy of Report on Secondary Education in Scotland for the year 1907, by J. Struthers, esquire, C.B., LL.D.

124. Fishery Board (Scotland).—Copy of Twenty-fifth Annual Report of the Fishery Board for Scotland, being for the year 1906. Part III. Scientific Investigations.

125. Inebriates Acts (Inspector's Report) (Scotland).—Copy of Report of the Inspector for Scotland under the Inebriates Acts for the year 1906.

126. Unemployed Workmen Act, 1905.—Copy of Report of the Local Government Board for Scotland as to the proceedings of Distress Committees in Scotland for the year ended 15th May, 1907.

127. Judicial Statistics (Scotland).—Copy of Report on the Judicial Statistics of Scotland for the year 1906.

128. House-letting (Scotland) (Departmental Committee).—Copy of Report to the Secretary for Scotland of the Departmental Committee on House-letting in Scotland. Vol. II. Minutes of Evidence, Appendices, and Index.

Ordered, That the said Papers do lie upon the Table.

RETURNS, REPORTS, ETC.
  UNIVERSITIES OF OXFORD AND CAMBRIDGE ACT, 1877 (CAMBRIDGE).
  Copy presented, of Statute made by the Governing Body of Peterhouse or St. Peter's College, Cambridge, on the 4th May, 1907, altering and amending Statute XXI. of the Statutes of the College [by Act]; to lie upon the Table, and to be printed. [No. 1.]
  UNIVERSITIES OF OXFORD AND CAMBRIDGE ACT, 1877 (OXFORD).
  Copy presented, of Statute made by the Governing Body of Trinity College, Oxford, on the 27th May, 1907, altering and amending Statute I. of the Statutes of the College [by Act]; to lie upon the Table, and to be printed. [No. 2.]
  UNIVERSITIES OF OXFORD AND CAMBRIDGE ACT, 1877 (OXFORD).
  Copy presented, of Statute made by the Governing Body of Queen's College, Oxford, on the 19th June, 1907, altering and amending Stat. Tit. II., Clauses 1, 2, 7, 8, 9, and 15, and Stat. Tit. XXIII., Clause 8, of the Statutes of the College [by Act]; to lie upon the Table, and to be printed. [No. 3.]
  FOREIGN JURISDICTION ACT.
  Copies presented, of Order in Council, dated 9th September, 1907, entitled The Nigeria Coinage Order in Council, 1907; Orders in Council, dated 2nd November, 1907, (1) providing for the exercise of His Majesty's Jurisdiction in the Islands of the Pacific Ocean known as the New Hebrides, in accordance with the terms of the Anglo-French Convention; (2) entitled The East Africa Order in Council, 1907; (3) entitled The North Eastern Rhodesia Order in Council, 1907; (4) entitled The Swaziland Crown Lands Order in Council, 1907—Order in Council, dated 21st December, 1907, entitled The Nyassaland Order in Council, 1907 (No. 2) [by Act]; to lie upon the Table.
  MERCHANT SHIPPING ACT, 1894.
  Copies presented, of Orders in Council, dated 2nd November, 1907:—(1) relating to seamen's lodging houses in the district of the county borough of Swansea; (2) confirming bye-laws made by the Trinity House of Kingston-upon-Hull, fixing the rates of pilotage between Hull and Goole; (3) applying Section 238 of the Act to seamen who desert from Roumanian merchant ships; (4) revoking Orders in Council of 3rd February, 1863, and 7th January, 1864, made under The Passengers Act, 1855, respecting the carriage of emigrants on board ship [by Act]; to lie upon the Table.
  WEIGHTS AND MEASURES ACT, 1878.
  Copies presented, of Orders in Council, dated 21st December, 1907:—(1) defining the amount of error to be tolerated in local standards when verified or re-verified by the Board of Trade; (2) fixing the fees to be paid in respect of the verification and stamping of Weights and Measures [by Act]; to He upon the Table.
  NAVAL DISCIPLINE ACT, 1866
  Copy presented, of Order in Council, dated 2nd November, 1907, approving certain Revised General Orders for regulating the Procedure and Practice of Naval Courts-martial, to come into force on 1st April, 1908 [by Act]; to lie upon the Table.
  NAVAL AND MARINE PAY AND PENSIONS ACT, 1865.
  Copies presented, of Sixteen Orders in Council made under The Naval and Marine Pay and Pensions Act, 1865 [by Act]; to lie upon the Table.
  COLONIAL PRISONERS' REMOVAL ACT, 1884.
  Copy presented, of Order in Council entitled the Colonial Prisoners' Removal Order in Council, 1907, dated 9th September, 1907 [by Act]; to lie upon the Table.
  GOVERNMENT OF INDIA ACT, 1858.
  Copy presented, of Order in Council, dated 21st December, 1907, approving a Statement of new and revised appointments and alterations of salaries in the establishment of the Secretary of State for India in Council [by Act]; to lie upon the Table.
  DISEASES OF ANIMALS ACTS, 1894 TO 1903.
  Copy presented, of an Order, dated 23rd August, 1907, entitled the Glanders or Farcy Order of 1907 [by Act]; to lie upon the Table.
  DISEASES OF ANIMALS ACTS, 1894 TO 1903.
  Copy presented, of an Order, dated 26th August, 1907, defining a Foreign Animals Quarantine Station at the Port of Liverpool [by Act]; to he upon the Table.
  DISEASES OF ANIMALS ACTS, 1894 TO 1903.
  Copy presented, of an Order, dated 13th September, 1907, defining a Foreign Animals Quarantine Station at the Royal Albert Docks, in the Port of London [by Act]; to lie upon the Table.
  DISEASES OF ANIMALS ACTS. 1894 TO 1903.
  Copy presented, of an Order, dated 19th September, 1907, revoking Order No. 7324 of 26th August, 1907, defining a Foreign Animals Quarantine Station at the Port of Liverpool [by Act]; to lie upon the Table.
  DISEASES OF ANIMALS ACTS, 1894 TO 1903.
  Copy presented, of an Order, dated 23rd October, 1907, revoking Order No. 7335 of 13th September, 1907, defining a Foreign Animals Quarantine Station in the Borough of East Ham [by Act]; to lie upon the Table.
  DISEASES OF ANIMALS ACTS, 1894 TO 1903.
  Copy presented, of an Order, dated 28th November, 1907, revoking Order No. 6682 of 15th May, 1903, defining a Foreign Animals Wharf at the Port of Southampton [by Act]; to lie upon the Table.
  SHOP HOURS ACT, 1904.
  Copies presented, of Orders made by the Councils of the Boroughs of Macclesfield, Widnes, Haslingden, Burslem, Cheltenham, Rawtenstall, Thornaby-on-Tees, Shoreditch, Stepney, the County Boroughs of Halifax and Preston, the Urban Districts of Tunstall and Llanelly, the Counties of East Suffolk, Surrey (2), Lancaster (2), West Suffolk, Chester, and the West Riding of Yorkshire, and confirmed by the Secretary of State for the Home Department, fixing the Hours of Closing for certain classes of Shops [by Act]; to lie upon the Table.
  PENAL SERVITUDE ACTS (CONDITIONAL LICENCE).
  Copy presented, of Licence to be at large granted to John Williams or Taylor, to which are annexed conditions other than those contained in Schedule A of The Penal Servitude Act, 1864 [by Act]; to lie upon the Table.
  FACTORY AND WORKSHOP ACTS (DANGEROUS AND UNHEALTHY INDUSTRIES).
  Copy presented, of Regulations, dated 28th August, 1907, made by the Secretary of State for the Home Department, in pursuance of Section 79 of The Factory and Workshop Act, 1901, for the processes of Spinning and Weaving Hemp or Jute or Hemp or Jute Tow, and processes incidental thereto [by Act]; to lie upon the Table.
  FACTORY AND WORKSHOP ACTS (DANGEROUS AND UNHEALTHY INDUSTRIES).
  Copy presented, of Regulations, dated 13th December, 1907, made by the Secretary of State for the Home Department, in pursuance of Section 79 of The Factory and Workshop Act, 1901, for the manufacture of nitro and amido-derivatives of Benzine, and the manufacture of explosives with use of Dinitrobenzol or Dinitroluol [by Act]; to lie upon the Table.
  FACTORY AND WORKSHOP ACTS (DANGEROUS AND UNHEALTHY INDUSTRIES).
  Copy presented, of Regulations, dated 20th December, 1907, made by the Secretary of State for the Home Department, in pursuance of Section 79 of The Factory and Workshop Act, 1901, in respect of processes involving the use of Horsehair from China, Siberia, and Russia [by Act]; to lie upon the Table.
  POLLING DISTRICTS (CITY OF BATH).
  Copy presented, of Order made by the Council of the City of Bath, altering certain Polling Districts in Lincombe and Widcombe and Walcot Wards in the city [by Act]; to lie upon the Table.
  WAGES AND EFFECTS OF DECEASED SEAMEN.
  Account presented, of the Sums received and paid in respect of the Wages and Effects of Deceased Seamen in the year ended 31st March, 1907 [by Command]; to lie upon the Table, and to be printed. [No. 4.]

  ELECTRIC LIGHTING ACTS, 1882 AND 1888 (LONDON ELECTRICITY SUPPLY)
  Return presented, relative thereto [ordered 22nd August, 1907; Mr.

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  Lloyd-George]; to lie upon the Table, and to be printed. [No. 5.]

  RAMSGATE HARBOUR.
  Copy presented, of Statement of the Receipts and Payments for the year ended 31st March, 1907, together with an Account of the Receipt and Issue of Stores [by Act]; to lie upon the Table, and to be printed. [No. 6.]
  SEAMEN'S SAVINGS BANKS (MONEY ORDERS AND TRANSMISSION OF WAGES).
  Accounts presented, of all Deposits received and repaid during the year ended 20th November, 1906, and Statement as to Money Orders issued and paid from 1855 to 31st March, 1907, and of Receipts and Payments in connection with the Transmission of Seamen's Wages from 1878 to 31st March, 1907 [by Act]; to lie upon the Table, and to be printed. [No. 7.]
  GENERAL LIGHTHOUSE FUND.
  Account presented, of the General Lighthouse Fund, showing the Income and Expenditure for the year ended 31st March, 1907 [by Act]; to lie upon the Table, and to be printed. [No. 8.]
  WEST HIGHLAND RAILWAY (EXTENSION FROM BANAVIE TO MALLAIG).
  Copy presented, of Sixth Annual Report of the Board of Trade as to the condition and working of the Banavie and Mallaig Railway, the rates and charges for traffic, and the receipts and expenditure of any Company in working the Railway, for the year ended 1906–7 [by Act]; to lie upon the Table, and to be printed. [No. 9.]
  PATENTS AND DESIGNS ACT, 1907.
  Copy presented, of Rules made by the Board of Trade under The Patents and Designs Act, 1907 [by Act]; to lie upon the Table.
  IRISH LAND COMMISSION.
  Copy presented, of Rules of the Estates Commissioners, dated 4th November, 1907 [by Command]; to lie upon the Table.

  NAVY (GUNNERY).
  Copy presented, of Result of Test of Gun-layers with Heavy Guns in His
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  Majesty's Fleet, 1907 [by Command]; to lie upon the Table.

  SECOND BALLOT IN FOREIGN COUNTRIES (MISCELLANEOUS, No. 2, 1908).
  Copy presented, of Reports from His Majesty's Representatives Abroad showing the Regulations and Methods which guide the application of the Second Ballot at Elections in Foreign Countries [by Command]; to lie upon the Table.
  CHILDREN UNDER THE POOR LAW.
  Copy presented of Report to the President of the Local Government Board on Children under the Poor Law, by Dr. Macnamara, M.P., Parliamentary Secretary to the Board [by Command]; to lie upon the Table.
  ROYAL IRISH CONSTABULARY (PENSIONS).
  Copy presented, of Return showing the names of all Constabulary Officers now in receipt of Pensions, of all Head Constables, Sergeants, and Constables, and of all Widows and Children, to whom Pensions have been granted since the Constabulary Estimate for 1907–8 was prepared, with the amount and date of Pension in each case [by Command]; to lie upon the Table.
  SUPERANNUATION ACT, 1887.
  Copies presented, of Treasury Minutes granting a retired allowance to each of the following, viz.: Charles Barwick, Rural Postman, Scarborough Post Office; Mr. T. O. Hewitt, Engineer, First Class, Engineer-in-Chief's Department, Post Office; Mr. T. S. Williams, Counter Clerk and Telegraphist, London Postal District, Post Office; Mr. W. L. Mowll, Overseer, Post Office, Brighton; Mr. F. Westington, Overseer, Post Office. Brighton; Mr. H. E. Köhler, Overseer, Post Office, Brighton; Mr. T. F. Hart, Assistant Superintendent, Post Office, Brighton; Mr. Owen Cook, Second Class, Surveyor of Taxes, Inland Revenue; Mr. F. T. Freeman, Staff Clerk, War Office; Mr. W. R, Barton, a Clerk of the Higher Grade of the Second Division, War Office; Mr. John Guillon, Foreman of the Yard, Chatham, Admiralty; Walter Charles Bass, Established Butler, Haslar Hospital, Admiralty [by Act]; to lie upon the Table.
  SUPERANNUATION ACT, 1884.
  Copy presented, of Treasury Minute, dated 5th September, 1907, declaring that Henry Harris, Labourer, Royal Laboratory, War Department, was appointed without a Civil Service Certificate through inadvertence on the part of the Head of his Department [by Act]; to lie upon the Table.
  SUPERANNUATIONS.
  Copy presented, of Treasury Minute, dated 21st November, 1907, declaring that for the due and efficient discharge of the duties of the office of Small Holdings Commissioner, professional or other peculiar qualifications not ordinarily to be acquired in the Public Service are required [by Act]; to lie upon the Table.
  SUPERANNUATION.
  Copy presented, of Treasury Minute, dated 28th October, 1907, granting a special pension to Sir H. W. Primrose, K.C.B., C.S.I., I.S.O., late Chairman of the Board of Inland Revenue [by Act]; to lie upon the Table.
  TREASURY CHEST.
  Account presented, for the year 1906–7, together with the Report of the Comptroller and Auditor General thereon [by Act]; to lie upon the Table, and to be printed. [No. 10.]
  BANK OF ENGLAND.
  Copy presented, of Return of the amount of Notes issued more than forty years which have not been presented for payment, and which have been written off on the 13th November, 1907, from the total amount of Notes issued from the Issue Department of the Bank of England [by Act]; to lie upon the Table.
  PUBLIC WORKS (IRELAND).
  Copy presented, of Treasury Minute, dated 11th December, 1907, authorising the renewal of the lease of two small plots of land near the Royal Marine Hotel, Kingstown [by Act]; to lie upon the Table.

  INLAND REVENUE.
  Copy presented, of Treasury Warrants, dated 5th December, 1907, appointing Mr. George Frederick Howe and Mr.
  110
  Albert Grasemann to be Special Commissioners of Income Tax [by Act]; to lie upon the Table.

  PUBLIC ACCOUNTS AND CHARGES ACT, 1891.
  Copy presented, of Treasury Minute, dated 16th December, 1907, directing that, as from the 1st April. 1908, the receipts under Section 28 (9) of The Merchant Shipping Act, 1906, shall be applied as appropriations in aid of the moneys to be granted by Parliament for Mercantile Marine Services [by Act];to lie upon the Table.
  LABOURERS (IRELAND) ACT, 190G.
  Copy presented, of Treasury Minute, dated 6th January, 1908, directing that the Labourers' Cottages Fund Account be examined and audited by the Comptroller and Auditor General [by Act]: to lie upon the Table.
  COUNTY COURTS (ENGLAND) (FEES).
  Copy presented, of Treasury Order, dated 22nd October, 1907, regulating Fees in County Courts [by Act]; to lie upon the Table.
  ELEMENTARY SCHOOL TEACHERS' DEFERRED ANNUITY FUND.
  Copy presented, of First Septennial Actuarial Report on the Assets and Liabilities of the Elementary School Teachers' Deferred Annuity Fund [by Act]; to lie upon the 'Table, and to be printed. [No. 11].
  MOTOR CAR ACTS.
  Copies presented, of Orders by the Secretary for Scotland prohibiting Motor Car traffic on certain Highways in the Counties of Perth and Wigtown [by Act]; to lie upon the Table.
  LUNACY (SCOTLAND).
  Copy presented, of General Rules for the Management of the Kingseat Asylum at Newmachar, Aberdeen [by Act]; to lie upon the Table.
  LUNACY (SCOTLAND).
  Copy presented, of General Rules for the Government of the Asylum, Riccartsbar, Paisley [by Act]; to lie upon the Table.
  SHOP HOURS ACT, 1904.
  Copies presented, of Orders made by the Secretary for Scotland providing for the early closing of certain shops in the burghs of Dundee and Perth, and in the Shettlestone and Tollcross Special Lighting District, in the county of Lanark [by Act]; to lie upon the Table.
  UNIVERSITIES (SCOTLAND) ACT, 1889 (ORDINANCE).
  Copy presented, of University Court Ordinance No. XXII. (Edinburgh, No. 11) (Regulations for Degrees in Arts) [by Act]; to lie upon the Table, and to be printed. [No. 12.]
  UNIVERSITIES (SCOTLAND) ACT, 1889 (ORDINANCE).
  Copy presented, of University Court Ordinance, No. XXIII. (Glasgow, No. 6) (Regulations for Degrees in Arts) [by Act]; to lie upon the Table, and to be printed. [No. 13.]
  UNIVERSITY OF GLASGOW.
  Copy presented, of Annual Statistical Report by the University Court of the University of Glasgow for 1906–7 [by Act]; to lie upon the Table, and to be printed. [No. 14.]
  EAST INDIA (LOANS RAISED IN ENGLAND).
  Copy presented, of Return of all Loans raised in England, chargeable on the Revenues of India, outstanding at the commencement of the half-year ending on the 30th September, 1907, etc. [by Act]; to lie upon the Table, and to be printed. [No. 15.]
  EAST INDIA (LOANS RAISED IN INDIA).
  Copy presented, of Return of all Loans raised in India, chargeable on the Revenues of India, outstanding at the commencement of the half-year ending on the 30th September, 1907, etc. [by Act]; to lie upon the Table, and to be printed. [No. 16.]
  MERCHANT SHIPPING.
  Copy presented, of Correspondence relating to the proposed legislation of Australia and New Zealand on the subject of Merchant Shipping [by Command]; to lie upon the Table.
  QUEENSLAND.
  Copy presented, of Papers relative to the Working of Taxation on the Unimproved Value of Land in Queensland [by Command]; to lie upon the Table.
  COMPULSORY NATIVE LABOUR (COLONIES).
  Return presented, relative thereto [Address 27th March, 1907; Mr. Molteno]; to lie upon the Table.
  TRINIDAD.
  Copy presented, of Rules for the Government of District Prisons, and Amended Rules providing for punishment of Officials for Breaches of Discipline, in Trinidad [by Act]; to lie upon the Table.
  BOARD OF EDUCATION.
  Copy presented, of List of Public Elementary Schools and Certified Efficient Schools in England (excluding Monmouthshire) on 1st August, 1907 [by Command]; to lie upon the Table.
  BOARD OF EDUCATION.
  Copy presented, of Amending Order No. 3, amending Final Order No. 42, made under Section 11 (8) of The Education Act, 1902 [by Act]; to lie upon the Table, and to be printed. [No. 17.]
  POSTAL AGREEMENT (JAPAN).
  Copy presented, of Postal Agreement for the exchange of Postal Parcels between the Post Office of the United Kingdom of Great Britain and Ireland and the Post Office of the Empire of Japan, dated 31st January, 1907 [by Command]; to lie upon the Table.
  POSTAL AGREEMENT (SALVADOR.)
  Copy presented, of Postal Agreement for an exchange of Money Orders between the Post Office of the United Kingdom of Great Britain and Ireland and the Post Office of the Republic of Salvador, dated 27th June and 27th August. 1907 [by Command]; to lie upon the Table.

  POSTAL AGREEMENT (CURACAO).
  Copy presented, of Agreement between the Post Office of the United Kingdom of Great Britain and Ireland and the Post Office of the Dutch Colony of Curacao for the Exchange of Money

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  Orders, dated 25th April and 15th June, 1907 [by Command]; to lie upon the Table.

  POSTAL AGREEMENT (SURINAM).
  Copy presented, of Additional Articles to the Postal Agreement for an Exchange of Money Orders between the Post Office of Great Britain and Ireland and the Post Office of the Dutch Colony of Surinam, dated the 28th October and 2nd December, 1907 [by Command]; to lie upon the Table.
  POST OFFICE (FOREIGN AND COLONIAL PARCEL POST).
  Copy presented, of the Foreign and Colonial Parcel Post Amendment (No. 10) Warrant, 1907, dated 12th September, 1907 [by Act]; to lie upon the Table.
  POST OFFICE (FOREIGN AND COLONIAL PARCEL POST).
  Copy presented, of the Foreign and Colonial Parcel Post Amendment (No.11) Warrant, 1907, dated 16th September, 1907 [by Act]; to lie upon the Table.
  POST OFFICE (FOREIGN AND COLONIAL PARCEL POST).
  Copy presented, of the Foreign and Colonial Parcel Post Amendment (No. 12) Warrant, 1907, dated 18th September, 1907 [by Act]; to lie upon the Table.
  POST OFFICE (FOREIGN AND COLONIAL PARCEL POST).
  Copy presented, of the Foreign and Colonial Parcel Post Amendment (No. 12) Warrant, 1907, dated 10th January 19C8 [by Act]; to lie upon the Table.
  POST OFFICE (FOREIGN AND COLONIAL POST EXCEPT PARCELS).
  Copy presented, of Treasury Warrant, dated 30th September 1907, as to the Foreign and Colonial Post except Parcels [by Act]; to lie upon the Table
  POST OFFICE TELEGRAPHS, INCLUDING TELEPHONES.
  Account presented, showing the gross amount received and expended on account of the Telegraph Service during the year ended 31st March, 1907, etc. [by Act]; to lie upon the Table, and to be printed. [No. 18.]

  PAPERS LAID UPON THE TABLE BY THE CLERK OF THE HOUSE.
  1. Lunacy.—Copy of Report to the Lord Chancellor of the number of Visits made, the number of Patients seen, and the number of Miles travelled by the Visitors of Lunatics between 1st April and 30th September, 1907 [by Act].
  2. Lunacy.—Copy of Return of all sums received by the Visitors of Lunatics for travelling expenses, or upon any other account, from 1st January to 31st December, 1907 [by Act].
  3. Public Trustee (Rules).—Copy of the Public Trustee Rules, 1997, dated 29th November, 1907 [by Act].
  4. Shipping Casualties (Rules).—Copy of General Rules for formal investigations into Shipping Casualties and appeals and re-hearings, dated 22nd November. 1907 [by Act].
  5. Mersey Docks and Harbour Board.—Copy of Accounts of the Mersey Docks and Harbour Board for the year ending 1st July, 1907 [by Act].
  6. Public Records (High Court of Justice).—Copy of Second Schedule containing a List and Particulars of Classes of Documents belonging to the late Courts of King's Bench, Common Pleas, and Exchequer, and the succeeding King's Bench, Common Pleas, and Exchequer Divisions of the High Court of Justice, which are not considered of sufficient public value to justify their preservation in the Public Record Office [by Act].
  7. Public Records (War Department). Copy of Seventh Schedule containing a List and Particulars of Classes of Documents pertaining to the Department of His Majesty's Principal Secretary of State for War, which are not considered of sufficient public value to justify their preservation in the Public Record Office [by Act].

  NOTICES OF MOTION.
  MR. JOHN REDMONDgave notice that on the earliest possible opportunity he would move the following Resolution:—" That the present system of Government in Ireland is in opposition to the will of the Irish people, and gives them no voice in the management of their own affairs; that the system is

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  consequently inefficient and extravagantly costly; that it does not enjoy the confidence of any section of the population: that it is productive of universal discontent and unrest and is incapable of satisfactorily promoting the material and intellectual progress of the people; that the reform of Irish Government is a matter vital to the interests of Ireland and calculated greatly to promote the well-being of the people of Great Britain; and that in the opinion of this House the solution of this problem can only be attained by giving to the Irish people legislative and executive control of all purely Irish affairs." He further gave notice that on Monday he would ask the Prime Minister whether he would afford adequate facilities for the discussion of this Motion.
  The following notices of Motion were given for an early day:—
  THE CHANCELLOR OF THE EXCHEQUER (Mr. ASQUITH,): To move for leave to bring in a Bill to amend the Licensing Acts.
  THE PRESIDENT OF THE BOARD OF EDUCATION (Mr. MCKENNA,): To move for leave to introduce a Bill to regulate the conditions on which public money may be applied in aid of elementary education in England and Wales, and for other purposes incidental thereto.
  THE SECRETARY OF STATE for the HOME DEPARTMENT (Mr. GLADSTONE,): To ask leave to bring in a Bill to amend the Coal Mines Regulation Acts for the purpose of limiting the hours of workmen below ground.
  THE CHIEF SECRETARY TO THE LORD-LIEUTENANT OF IRELAND (Mr. BIREELL,.): To ask leave to introduce a Bill to amend and extend higher education in Ireland; also a Bill to amend the Land Purchase (Ireland) Act, 1903, in certain particulars, and especially with reference to the compulsory acquisition of untenanted land.
  The PRESIDENT OF THE LOCAL GOVERNMENT BOARD (Mr. JOHN BURNS,): To ask leave to introduce a Bill to amend the law relating to the housing of the working classes, and to provide for the making of schemes for laying out land needed for urban development.
  The PRESIDENT OF THE BOARD OF TRADE (Mr. LLOYD-GEORGE, Carnarvon): To ask leave to introduce a Bill for the improvement and better administration of the Port of London.
  THE SECRETARY TO THE ADMIRALTY (Mr. EDMUND ROBERTSON,): To ask leave to bring in a Bill to extend the Military Land Acts to naval and marine Volunteers.

  KING'S SPEECH.
  Mr. SPEAKERreported His Majesty's Speech, and read it to the House.

  KING'S SPEECH (MOTION FOR AN ADDRESS IN REPLY).
  MR. LEHMANN: It is with an unaffected sense of the difficulty and responsible character of my task that I rise to move that a humble address of thanks be presented to His Majesty for his gracious Speech from the Throne, but I am sustained by the certain knowledge that in discharging this duty to the best of my ability I may count upon the generous indulgence of the House. I think if I might permit myself to characterise any portion of His Majesty's gracious Speech I should say that the distinctive note of the first part is one of peace and good will upon earth. It is a matter of the most profound and lively gratitude to us that His Majesty should be enabled to say that his relations with all Foreign Powers continue to be friendly. In that phrase we have the assurance that this nation, undisturbed by the fear of war, may continue to devote its energies and its resources to the task of peaceful consolidation and civic progress. We have all followed with keen sympathy and appreciation His Majesty's unwearying efforts on behalf of the great cause of international friendship and good will, and we realise how deeply we are indebted to

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  him. In this connection it is a matter of special gratification to us to know that the recent visit of the German Emperor and Empress to this country, while it was mainly of a private and unofficial character, has through the friendly warmth displayed on both sides produced results so eminently satisfactory to ourselves and to the German people. It must be the earnest hope of all patriotic men, both here and in Germany, that the friendly relations thus confirmed may never be weakened by mistrust or embittered by an animosity for which there is no warrant in the past history or present situation of the two countries. The announcement of the steps taken for the protection of Norway are specially agreeable to all who see in the peaceful and progressive development of the smaller nationalities one of the brightest hopes for the future of mankind. We rejoiced over the peaceful entry of Norway into the family of European nations, and we rejoice no less over the assurance thus given to her position and her prospects. I most heartily wish it were possible to speak in terms of warmer enthusiasm of the actual results achieved by the second Peace Conference at the Hague. Some of us cherished ardent hopes that it might be found possible by some form of agreement to limit armaments and thus to diminish the tremendous burden which weighs upon the peoples of the world. We have been forced to realise with deep regret that this has not been possible, but at the same time we must, I think, admit that the failure in this respect was in no way due to any lack of energy or initiative either on the part of His Majesty's Government or of the distinguished representatives of His Majesty at the Conference. No nation accepts these burdens joyfully; each submits to them with reluctance and from a sense of overpowering necessity, the pressure of which can only be removed by some kind of international agreement. At the same time I think we may congratulate ourselves that the principle at least of an International Court of Appeal in Prize Cases has been established. Such a Court, with the authority which it must necessarily command, will at any rate remove one of the chief causes that tend to drag nations into quarrels with which they have primarily no concern. If, as
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  I hope, the Conference in London, of which His Majesty has spoken, takes place, we may look to it to set up on a firm basis the code of international law by which the Court itself will be guided in its deliberations. At the same time I may be permitted to express the hope that the occasion for such deliberations may not soon arise. There is one dark cloud over the outlook in Europe, and that arises from unhappy Macedonia. Even if we wished it, we in this country cannot avoid our share—our heavy share—of the responsibility for what is taking place in Macedonia. It is in no small measure due to the course of action taken by this country nearly thirty years ago that Macedonia owes her present condition, given up to anarchy, and having, it appears, little to hope for from the unassisted action of the Power that controls her destinies. Here again, I realise that it is only by agreement between the great Powers concerned that any amelioration can be brought about, but I venture to urge, too, that this amelioration is long overdue. We shall look forward with lively interest to the disclosure of the further proposals made by His Majesty's Government, both to the Sultan and to the other Great Powers concerned. With regard to India I can only say I have heard with profound concern and distress His Majesty's words about that country. At the same time I am perfectly confident that everything that can be done here will be done to assist those whose duty it will be to grapple with the famine on the spot and to bring relief to the sufferers.
  Before I pass to the consideration, for a few brief moments, of the legislative programme unfolded to us in His Majesty's gracious Speech I should like to say a few words with regard to the loss which this House has sustained since we were, last here. I refer to the death of the Attorney-General, Sir John Lawson Walton. Sir John was an old friend of my own. We had known one another from our early days at the Bar, and since then I have followed his career with admiration—admiration for his firm grasp of principle, his extraordinary mastery over detail and his wonderful power of lucid exposition. But there was something more

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  than that; there was something in the genial and friendly character of the man that endeared him to the hearts of all with whom he was brought into contact in this House. It must be some consolation, I think, to those more intimately connected with him who mourn his loss to reflect how highly he was appreciated here and how affectionately we cherish his memory.
  I especially welcome in the legislative programme which has been unfolded to us the words in which it is stated that proposals will be brought forward for making better provision for old age. In principle I take it there is no difference between the various sections of this House as to the desirability of some measure of old age pensions. A considerable number of years have passed since the right hon. Gentleman the Member for West Birmingham, whose continued absence from our debates we all deplore, brought this proposal into a region closely adjoining that of practical politics. Since then it has been discussed throughout the country. It is most ardently desired by the great mass of our population, and we are glad to know that His Majesty's Government propose to embody it in a practical form so that men who have played their part in building up the State by their toil, often under hard and barely tolerable conditions, may hope when old age and weakness have sapped their energies that the State will at last make some acknowledgment of their efforts. With regard to licensing, I hope it will be possible, indeed, I believe it will be possible without injustice to anyone, to frame and to pass a scheme by which the nation will receive its due share of a monopoly value and by which something will be done to further the cause of temperance. With regard to education, two principles will, at any rate; we may be certain, be embodied in any Bill that may be brought forward, and these are that where a school is sup ported by public money there must be full public control and secondly, that in that school there must be no religious test for teachers of any grade. I should have lilted to refer to the measure which is to be brought in extending and reforming University education in Ireland and to have said something about the housing
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  proposals which are the necessary complement of the land legislation passed last session, but I am warned that I have trespassed long enough on the attention and indulgence of the House. Before I resume my seat, however, I should like to thank the House very earnestly for the kindness and consideration it has shown me in the task I have performed. I beg to move.
  MR. W. H. DAVIEsaid he esteemed it a high honour to be asked to second the Motion both to the city he, represented and to the municipal life in which he had been so lung engaged. He was sure the House welcomed the return of the Prime Minister to health, though his brother's affliction kept him away from attendance. They could not feel any surprise at the reference in His Majesty's Speech to the condition of affairs existing on the Congo, for the humane feelings of this country had been deeply stirred by the atrocities that were reported to have taken place there. If the experience of every Member of the House had been similar to his, there must have been thousands of resolutions passed in this country, urging the Government to intervene for the protection of the native population, and he could but sincerely hope that the Government, would watch the proposals for the change of Government, now being made, to ensure the intentions of the Berlin Act were carried into effect. He wished to say one word with respect to one of our very old Colonies, the Colony of Newfoundland, in regard to which there had been many diplomatic questions which successive Governments had had to face. He hoped that the Government might succeed in getting the United States to agree to the proposals they had made, and that the remaining fishery disputes might be referred to the International Court of Arbitration at the Hague. He was quite satisfied that any settlement which might be arrived at by such means would afford far more satisfaction to the Colony than any endeavour to settle international relations by the direct intervention of the Imperial authorities in London. They were reminded in the Speech from the Throne of the failure of rain and the likelihood of famine in one of the

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  great centres of the Empire; he referred to India. That was a matter which all must regret. It was remarkable how little the people of this country heard of the devastating famines which occurred from time to time in this portion of our great Empire. Anything of a sensational character was telegraphed to London from India at considerable length; for example, an indiscreet utterance of a Labour leader provoked long telegrams and much comment in our public Fress; but of this famine tragedy affecting millions of our Indian fellow-subjects who were perishing for want of food, little was heard. It was, however, satisfactory to know that our countrymen in India were attacking plague and famine with determination and courage, and that Britons were doing their duty under depressing conditions, and were, indeed, shewing themselves the heroes of peace, deserving to have their services recognised as they had been in the gracious Speech from the Throne. If it were possible the House would be only too glad to send a message of sympathy to our stricken fellow-subjects in India, expressing the hope that their time of tribulation might not be unduly prolonged. The House must be impressed with the variety and importance of the domestic proposals of the Government. They touched the life of the nation at almost every point—youth, middle-age and old age. It was not a subject of surprise that the Government were again returning to the subject of education, because they knew that nearly every Liberal Member at the last election had pledged himself to vote for such an amendment of the Act of 1902 as would bring it more in harmony with the consciences of all classes. Also there were many Members sitting on the Opposition side of the House who had pledged themselves to put forward some Amendments for this purpose. The failure to settle the question in 1906 was not dishonourable to the Government. They had made a brave attempt, but this session they were returning to it in full knowledge that it was a question which bristled with difficulties. He was sure that everyone must desire to see an early and permanent settlement arrived at, as it was
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  embittering associations within the Christian Church which should be friendly and cordial, and by long unsettlement the question tended towards the exclusion of the Bible from the day schools of the country. On these grounds he appealed to the House to show a spirit of charity towards the proposals of the Government and to help this long-delayed question to reach the stage of permanent settlement. No Government need apologise for taking up the question of licensing reform, and he thought that any scheme of licensing reform proposed which tended to lessen the drinking temptations of the people would be heartily welcomed and cordially supported. They were all glad that the President of the Local Government Board was proposing to deal with the housing difficulty, both in regard to clearing slum areas in our cities, where bad housing encouraged the drinking habit, and also in rural areas as a complement to the Small Holdings and the Allotments Act of last year. Many of our large cities possessed congested districts which were festering sores in their midst and a disgrace to our civilisation, and anybody who would tackle this question firmly and boldly would win the esteem of his countrymen, while if he could alter the complexion of our cities by doing away with these congested areas altogether he would do more for the country than by adding to the bounds of Empire. He welcomed also the prospect of seeing old-age pensions established. For a long time past responsible politicians had dangled the pension scheme before the old people of the country. These old people had been waiting long and patiently for the fulfilment of the promise; and now the House was glad to learn from the Chancellor of the Exchequer that the foundations of this scheme were to be Lid this session and it was to be on a non-contributory basis. The House must realise that many of the old people who had qualified by length of years for such a pension had not worked for what was now recognised as adequate wages, but had given the best of their lives for a very inadequate return indeed. These people had helped to

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  build up the wealth of the Empire and they fully deserved any little pension they might receive. Before concluding he would like to say one or two words about the Bill to be brought in by the President of the Board of Trade dealing with the Port and Waterway of London. Before alluding to that, however, he might be permitted to say how cordially and thankfully the House had welcomed his right hon. friend's intervention in the cause of industrial peace. His right hon. friend would have a difficult task in grappling with the problem of the. Port of London, but he was a man of great courage and tact and the House was confident that he would deal with it in a way which would result in great benefit to the interests concerned. The Port of London was not at the present time so fully or so well equipped as many of the ports in the north-west of Europe. A great deal of our trade had been filched from us by reason of inadequate facilities in the Port of London for cheap and quick handling of goods in transit. If the President of the Board of Trade was able to reconcile the varied interests of the Port of London and secure one governing body for this great port he would undoubtedly confer a great benefit on the commerce of the country. He had now only to thank the House for the courteous attention which it had accorded him and to con-elude by seconding the Motion.
  Motion made, and Question proposed, "That an humble Address be presented to His Majesty, as followeth:—
  "Most Gracious Sovereign,
  "We, Your Majesty's most dutiful and loyal subjects, the Commons of the United Kingdom of Great Britain and Ireland, in Parliament assembled, beg leave to offer our humble thanks to Your Majesty for the Gracious Speech which Your Majesty has addressed to both Houses of Parliament."—(Mr. Lehmann.)
  MR. A. J. BALFOUR: I am sure that I only express the general sentiment of the House, certainly for hon. Gentlemen on this side, when I offer to the two hon. Members who have
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  moved and seconded the Address in answer to the Speech from the Throne our congratulations on the manner in which they have performed the task—in my opinion, by no means the easiest task that falls to hon. Members in this House. They have carried out their task with great tact and discretion, and they have most scrupulously maintained that ancient and excellent rule which lays it down that the mover and seconder of the Address while fairly holding by their Party feelings should, as far as this occasion is concerned, refrain from a display of the controversial methods which are customary at other times in the debates among us. Both hon. Members have fulfilled their task in a manner which, to us at least, shows that they bore the ancient rule carefully in mind, and they have fully acted up to it. I associate myself with some remarks that fell from the mover of the Address with reference to the late Attorney-General. His tribute to the memory of that distinguished man was graceful and eloquent; and I am sure that it will find an echo, not merely among those who were politically associated with him, but among those who for many years sat opposite to him, and who had in that position, perhaps, as good an opportunity as any who sat near him of appreciating his unfailing courtesy, his fairness to his opponents, and his ability in debate. I am sorry I shall not be able to-day to address myself to the Prime Minister. We all rejoice to hear how much better he is in health, and we look forward to seeing him at no distant date take part in our proceedings. We, however, quite recognise that in all probability he may not be able to take that full share of the conduct of the work of this House which he would naturally desire to take, and if that should unhappily be the case—I hope it will not—he may be assured that so far as we on this side of the House are concerned, we fully understand the situation, and shall do nothing to make the position—which in any case must be difficult—more difficult than it is. I understand that his absence to-day, however, is not due to any failure of health or strength on his part, but to anxieties having a domestic source, in connection with a very old Member of this House, a man who has many friends in

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  this House, many who would feel his loss, although he is no longer among us, very greatly and very deeply, and who recognise his long career of public service both at Westminster and in Scotland. I can especially speak for my Scottish fellow countrymen, who associate themselves with the general feeling of all Scotland, that, in the late Member for Glasgow University, Scotland still possesses one who has done very great service.
  If I turn now to the substantive Motion which is before us, I ought perhaps to begin with one or two comments on that part of the Speech which deals with foreign affairs, and the first point on which I should like to say a word is the Anglo-Russian Agreement. I greatly hope that the Government will give this House some opportunity other than that which is afforded by the debate on the Address for discussing this Agreement. There was a day given for the discussion of the Anglo-French Agreement, and I am particularly desirous of abstaining from supporting an Amendment to the Address in this connection, because that at once gives a hostile and a party character to subjects which certainly I do not feel inclined to discuss in a hostile or party sense. I am well aware of the inherent difficulties of framing any Agreement between two great countries as to which there shall not be critics found in both countries who shall say "We have given everything, and we have got nothing." That is the inevitable danger which attaches to all these international arrangements, and it is one against which I wish particularly to guard myself, as I entertain the strongest opinion as to the value which such international Agreements may have in the cause of good relationship, of the easy working of international affairs, and even, in the last resort, in the cause of peace. But I think the Chancellor of the Exchequer, when I put certain difficulties to him with regard to this Agreement, will feel that we, perhaps, have some right to hear from the Secretary for Foreign Affairs a fuller account of his objects and of the way in which these objects may be attained, than is contained in the despatches laid before Parliament, and that we should also have an opportunity of developing difficult-
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  ties and criticisms which I shall now briefly indicate, without, I hope, unduly pressing him. It is not very easy to see what it is that has been exchanged between Russia and Great Britain. It is clear that we have given up or abandoned certain positions which we occupied, but it is not clear that the Russians, so far as I am aware, have abandoned any position that they have ever occupied. That may or may not be a serious matter, but there are aspects of it which suggest serious consideration. For example, Persia has been divided by the Agreement into three zones: one that may be described as the Russian zone; one that may be described as the British zone; and an intermediate space which may be described as the neutral zone. We have, quite apart from the military and defensive interests which we have in Afghanistan and India, great trading interests in Persia, and, to those of my friends who have looked into this matter, is appears as if the terminations of all the great trade trade routes in which our trade is interested have been by this arrangement placed within the Russian sphere, and to be placed within the Russian sphere means, and is intended to mean, that under certain circumstances they shall be placed under the dominating control of Russia. If anybody will study the map, he will see that I have not overstated the case. I have certainly no desire to over-state the case, but I suggest that it gives considerable anxiety from the trading point of view. I would specially notice that there is nothing in the whole arrangement between us and Russia which suggests that the interests of open markets have been carefully kept in view by the Government in relation to the great outlet for Indian and British goods which Persia supplies. There is an arrangement that Russia and Britain are to be on equal terms with regard to any trade or commercial interests in Afghanistan, but I see nothing in this Convention which preserves the interests of British trade in Persia, while I sea that the interests of that trade are apparently and on the face of it threatened by the fast that within the limits of the Russian sphere of influence are all the great terminations of these great trade routes, which are now occupied by British and by

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  Indian enterprise and commerce. I am frankly puzzled by the arrangements about Tibet. My own view about Tibet is that the less we or Russia have to do with it the better. While, of course, we could tolerate no European power in Tibet, still the last thing I personally should advise any Government to do unless absolutely driven to it, is to interfere in the internal affairs of Tibet. It is a fact that Tibet is on our frontier, and it is not always easy to avoid having relations with a nation on our frontier, but Tibet is 2,000 miles from the nearest part of Russia, and it is a little puzzling to see why no distinction should be drawn in this Convention between the position of Russia as regards Tibet, and the position of this country. There is one other point on which I hope something will be said by the Government, not necessarily to-day, and that is connected with the Persian Gulf. Everybody knows—nobody better than the Secretary for India and the Secretary for Foreign Affairs—the position which successive British Governments have taken up with regard to the Persian Gulf. There is nothing said in the body of the agreement with Russia about the Persian Gulf at all. There is mention made of the Persian Gulf in the covering letter of the Secretary for Foreign Affairs, in which he informs us that he has repeated to Russia what has often been said to that great country before, that we take the keenest interest in all affairs of the Gulf, and Russia appears to have given a verbal kind of negative assurance that it does not dissent: I have not got the exact words, but it is a very negative kind of agreement or assent to the statement of the Secretary of State. The whole purpose of this Agreement with Russia is to place formally upon record an international instrument or treaty on certain matters which might conceivably cause a division of opinion or friction between the two Empires. Is it not unfortunate that we should have excluded from this formal treaty, and left in the relatively obscure position of a mere verbal statement, something which has always been regarded as so vitally affecting the Imperial interests of this country? We have had plenty of verbal statements from Russia with regard to her relations with Afghan-
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  istan and Persia, and they have not been considered sufficient by the right hon. Gentleman, not because he wishes to throw doubt upon the trustworthiness of Russian statements, but because I believe, in the view of Russian diplomatists themselves, there is a great distinction to be drawn between a formal treaty and a mere diplomatic and verbal assurance. Then why is a diplomatic and verbal assurance the only thing given us with regard to the Persian gulf? Why has the Persian Gulf been excluded from the formal treaty, and left in the admittedly unsatisfactory position from which this Agreement was intended to rescue it? These are difficulties which I venture very respectfully to put to the right hon. Gentleman and to the Secretary for Foreign Affairs. There is one other point in connection with foreign affairs on which I must speak, and that is the Conference at The Hague. I think it was the hon. Gentleman who moved the address who frankly stated how far short of his expectations and the expectations of many of his friends the actual results of that Conference had fallen. We must all recognise that those who anticipated some international arrangement which would relieve us of our great burdens of defence must indeed be bitterly disappointed. I confess I never was one of the number. I attach the greatest value to what was done in past times at The Hague. I am an optimist in regard to international relations in the future. I believe the great work, dating back for many years, and which the late Government had the good fortune greatly to develop, of international arbitration, has already prevented, and will in the future prevent more and more, wars which do not spring out of it tolerable wrong or causes which a nation feels cannot be dealt with by any third party or any arbitrator, however well intended. These wars are few and they are diminishing; but others arising out of smaller matters of friction which may defeat the best-intentioned Government will be more and more dealt with in the future by those principles which have been embodied in the growing number of cases which I rejoice to think have been made the subject of international arrangement.

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  But, while I am a great believer in this international arrangement, I think we are still far removed from the ideal which the Government in their most sanguine moment cherished for The Hague Conference. What is the solitary result of that Conference? Or, at all events, what is the only result which the Government have thought it worth while to embody in the Speech from the Throne? It is the adoption of an instrument "establishing the great principle of an International Court of Appeal in prize cases." Has not The Hague Conference in this matter put the cart before the horse? They have established the principle, as they call it, of an international tribunal; but they have not established the law which that tribunal is to interpret. And that is absolutely of the greatest importance to this country, which, whether we look at it from the point of view of the neutral—a position which I hope we shall always occupy in war—or from the point of view of a possible belligerent, is more than any other nation concerned in the administration of the law of belligerent rights at sea. I am the last person to say that the existing laws do not require amending. They have become in many cases antiquated through the mere alteration of the conditions which govern sea commerce, through the growth in the size of ships, which makes the investigation as to their contents a matter of extreme difficulty, through the fact that the great lines of mail steamers have become the commercial arteries joining different parts of the world, through the fact that steam has taken the place of sails, through all those changes and the immense industrial revolution which have made the existing conditions of maritime commerce absolutely different from those which prevailed during the great war when the law was determined. I cannot say, therefore, that the existing system does not require to be amended. But you do not say that you will be able to settle a revised code. On a given occasion, as I understand it, the tribunal will set to work to do its best with the existing law, about which there is great difference and great doubt, and which, by a perverse tribunal, may be twisted in the most embarassing manner to injure our rights, whether as neutrals
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  or as belligerents. I hope his Majesty's Ministers will refuse their adhesion to this part of The Hague treaty unless they can get, before it comes into force, some code of maritime law settled, which, from no selfish point of view, and no isolated point of view, but in view of our general interests as the greatest; sea Power in the world, is absolutely necessary for our safety. I do not say that this international tribunal may not ultimately work extremely well, but a great deal has to be done before it does work well; and when I remember that The Hague Conference failed to deal with that which is the greatest of all the dangers now affecting neutrals in time of war—the danger of floating mines, which may affect thousands of innocent lives and hundreds of thousands of perfectly legitimate cargoes not one of which can be maintained to be contraband of war—when I remember that the Conference was impotent to settle this great issue, I confess I look with considerable alarm, or at all events with considerable doubt, to the issue of that conference of the great maritime Powers to which, in the language of official optimism, the Government allude in the course of this gracious Speech. There are some other points connected with external or Colonial affairs to which I should like to refer, but I do not wish to take up the time of the House. I will only say as regards South Africa and the question which has taken up so much public attention in connection with British Indians that I understand there is to be an Amendment moved, and we on this bench may, perhaps, reserve what we have to say upon that question until that Amendment is moved. I may just ask one question with regard to a matter which I brought before the House last year—the subject of the New Hebrides Convention with France on indentured labour. I do not on this occasion desire to deal with this at undue length. I made my points before; and I do not wish to rub them in unnecessarily. The House will remember the arrangements of the Convention respecting the labour of adults and young persons of both sexes involving repatriation at the end of the term of service. There remained, according to the Government, a great deal to be done

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  by way of subsidiary regulation in connection with that Convention. Now I want to know what has been done by regulation? Has anything been done by regulation to mitigate the dangers which are incident to a system under which you compel young boys and girls, as well as adults, not with their own consent, but by the consent of the head of the tribe, to come in under a system of indentured labour? We know of the protests of our Australian colonies regarding the absence of some regulations, and the evil character of some other regulations. Have the Government done anything to get rid of these evils? If there are new regulations have they been carried out in concert with the French, or in opposition to the French? Are there any regulations to modify the admitted evils—I put it mildly—of the treaty, and if there have been new regulations are they regulations which apply both to the French and to the English, or only to the English employers of indentured labour? If they apply to both French and English well and good; if only to the British I would then point out to the Government that they have thereby destroyed one of the great advantages which they proposed to themselves by framing this extraordinary treaty; because one of those objects was that there should be a uniform set of regulations to prevent injurious competition, and, if there are two sets of regulations, you will have that very competition which the Government gave as one of the most serious evils of the practice in force before they took the matter in hand in the spirit of philanthropic consistency with the view of bringing up the employer of indentured labour in that part of the world to the high standard of civilisation which they have set before themselves and the country.
  With regard to the proposed legislation for the session, the first observation I would make is that the list of measures which the Government have put before us is either not intended to be carried through in the course of the session, or, if intended to be carried through must be carried through under conditions which will make free debate in this House quite impossible. I remember
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  the Prime Minister, or it may have been; the Chancellor of the Exchequer, telling us last session how impossible it was for any Government, or for the permanent officials, to carry out their work, if the whole of the autumn was occupied by those controversies incidental to a Parliamentary autumn session. Is it possible to carry this programme through without an autumn session? Is it possible to carry it through with an autumn session unless you are going to continue a system which has grievously curtailed liberty of discussion. On this point I would make an appeal to Gentlemen who do not belong to the minority with whom I am connected. It is only this House which can safeguard its liberties. You can get no sympathy or support from outside these walls. You can, no doubt, evoke popular cheers for a Government which is credited with vigorous suppression of obstruction, and so you can by denouncing a Government for gross interference with debate, but the public do not understand our procedure, and it therefore rests with the House itself, and with the House only, to deal with these matters. The minority are helpless, of course; they, as is their duty, may express to the best of their ability the dangers of the situation, but they have no real power of exercising any control against a Government majority, nor do I for a moment expect or desire that a majority should show its Parliamentary power of showing disapproval by voting in the Lobby. It cannot be done in that way, I admit; but I do earnestly desire every man who has the future of the House at heart to urge the Government—who I do not believe in their hearts really require urging—to try to find some system which will enable the House to discuss and vote upon the main propositions in legislative proposals. We really have no such way now. Grand Committees may have many merits, but not that. It is only by a legal fiction that a Grand Committee is a microcosm of the House; it is not the House, and it cannot be made the House. I do really think when I look at the Government's programme, quite apart from my views upon it, that the Government, calling us together at the end of January, cannot hope to get through that programme without the use of violent methods, which

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  they themselves, I am sure, deplore, and I feel moved to appeal to the House not to allow the process of Parliamentary decay to go further than it has already gone. I do not in the least wish to treat this as a party matter; it is in no sense a party matter. I speak to those who have not had the long experience in the House that I have had, but who have as great a desire at least that this House should remain a great free theatre for open discussion, where the minority shall have an equal chance with the majority of making itself heard, as it has been in the past. Of course, I am not going through the Bills; I will wait until I see those products of Governmental ingenuity before I say more upon them, but I must just say one word about the Irish University Bill, not because I wish to make any comments upon its substance, but because I think the procedure adopted by the Government is really extraordinary. It will be remembered that the present holder of the office of Chief Secretary for Ireland took up his task just before we met last year. At that time, Mr. Bryce, a Cabinet Minister, sketched for the public his idea of a new University for Ireland, and, not content with that, he told the world that that was the plan the Government would adhere to and which must be taken or left, as he put it. Well, Mr. Bryce having nailed his colours to the mast, the right hon. Gentleman the present Chief Secretary came into office and proceeded to haul down those colours.
  THE CHIEF SECRETARY FOR IRELAND (Mr. BIRRELL,)indicated dissent.
  MR. A. J. BALFOUR: No, I am not quite right; he proceeded to get some one else to haul them down. The somebody else was the Provost of Trinity College. Is not that a very extraordinary proceeding? We first have the Government announcing a certain policy as irrevocable and unchangeable, and then we find them revoking and changing it, and, not content with this revolutionary procedure, and notwithstanding this, they abstain from announcing a change in their policy themselves; they put up somebody else—
  MR. BIRRELL: No, certainly not.
  MR. A. J. BALFOUR: Is that not so? I assure the right hon. Gentleman that the last thing I meant to do was to misinterpret the transaction. I thought that the Provost of Trinity College, speaking on behalf of the right hon. Gentleman—
  MR. BIRRELL: No, no; nothing of the kind.
  MR. A. J. BALFOUR: I entirely withdraw. I was completely misinformed as to what the Provost of Trinity College said, or else he was misinformed as to the mandate given by the right hon. Gentleman. I do not know which I should accept.
  MR. BIRRELL: The Provost intimated to me that he was going to Manchester to make a speech, and I am bound to say that I rather gathered from his letter that he would not have been averse to have been allowed to state what he knew through private conversations as to what were my conceptions. He distinctly understood that he had no such authority for a statement unfolding; the measure of the Government. I rather imagine that he put it entirely hypothetically, that if the measure proved to be of such a character he thought it should be accepted by Trinity College. I did not ask him to make any statement.
  MR. A. J. BALFOUR: I advise the right hon. Gentleman to look at the speech made by the Provost of Trinity, and he will see whether or not the action taken by that learned friend of mine conformed with his instructions or the want of instructions, or was formed on the pattern I indicated to the House just-now. But, at all events, I absolve the right hon. Gentleman of all complicity in this strange method of reading a Bill for the first time in public. If we turn now from the legislative proposals of the Government, on which I now say nothing more to the administration since we parted, I am obliged to make reference, and it shall not be a long one, to one or two points, and the first Minister upon whose administration I should like to say something is the right hon. Gentleman who presides over the Board of Education.

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  That right hon. Gentleman, I am quite sure, has the interests of education at heart, but I think his administration is really the most cynically partisan of any I have ever known. The first procedure to which I should like to call attention is the action of the Education Board in regard to the voluntary schools at Swansea. I do not think it is denied that the local authority in the first place refused to carry out their duty for the maintenance of those schools and by the payment of the salaries of teachers. The second point is that they had no legal title to refuse to make those payments, and the third point is that the Education Department knew that, and yet for several consecutive months, unless I am misinformed, the managers had to pay out of their private resources the salaries of teachers which ought to have been paid by the local authorities, which the Board of Education knew ought to have been paid by the local authorities and which they had power to make them pay. For three or four months or more the right hon. Gentleman sat quietly in his office allowing the law to be broken, because the victims were the managers of voluntary schools; and the whole procedure seems to show that he regarded it as an administrative duty to make the task of voluntary school managers as difficult as it could be made. Well, that is one question. Among others there is the notorious question of the £100,000 which the right hon. Gentleman, contrary to the accepted principle of the Treasury, contrary to the accepted doctrine laid down year after year by the Committee on Public Accounts, and contrary, as I believe, to law, got into the Appropriation Bill without any safeguard whatever. I am not going on the technical point but upon the substantial point, going back to the matter I raised just now in relation to the privileges of the House, and a principle which has ever been regarded as of the greatest importance, viz., that money shall be voted for specific purposes and applied to those purposes. I am not aware if any regulations have been laid down to prevent the right hon. Gentleman from spending the whole of the money in his own constituency or in any other constituency he might desire
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  to favour; or to prevent him from distributing it among those with whom he might happen to agree theologically or politically, in this county or that county, this parish or that parish, at his own sweet will, without any principle of Parliament or control of the House, with an absolute freedom amounting to licence, and, as I say, repugnantly to the spirit and traditions governing the management of national finance. Then if I wanted a third point—it is one of which much will be heard during the session—I should find it in the extraordinary methods adopted for dealing with trusts in connection with training colleges. I am not going to argue now whether it is a good or a bad thing to give to those to whom is entrusted the education of youth in this country the chance, at all events, of receiving religious training in some training college in conformity with their own theological views. It is manifestly just and expedient, and, if necessary, I could quote the doctrine of the late head of the Education Office pointing in that direction. But I will not argue the merits of the question now; it will arise later in connection with education. But the right hon. Gentleman, having started his policy of starving out every training college which did not conform to his particular views with regard to religious teaching, was met by the legal difficulty involved in the trust deeds under which these colleges were built. What does the right hon. Gentleman do? He says, "Oh, it is quite true I am Minister for Education, and as Minister for Education I choose to lay down the principles on which this public money is to be given, and to penalize any college, whatever be the implications or the implied contracts under which it was built." If he is told that the trust deeds of the schools are inconsistent with his principles, he says, "Well, then, I am not only Minister of Education, but I have got judicial duties as the heir of the Charity Commission, which is itself the heir of the Court of Chancery, and in my quasi-judicial capacity I shall modify these trusts, not in accordance with law which the Court of Chancery or the Charity Commission has to administer, but according to my views, according to what I should like training colleges to be." It has

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  hitherto been found possible in this country to give these judicial functions to the head of an office and to be confident that they would be administered judicially. After these proceedings of the right hon. Gentleman, who can have that confidence in the future? I think he has done much more than to commit the gravest injustice upon the training colleges. He has shaken confidence in a system which, on the whole, has worked well, and which—I daresay he has the best intentions—by his extraordinary and arbitrary violence he has twisted to his own political ends.
  Well, the only other comments I have to make on the administration of the Government relate to law and order in Scotland and Ireland. Many of us have been rather surprised at the apparently very divergent and independent lines taken by different Ministers in the Government. Each appears to have had his own policy, which he has pursued with very little regard to the general policy of the whole Administration; but there is a happy conformity of ideas between the Scottish Secretary and the Irish Secretary with regard to certain questions of law and order. It is quite true the Scottish Secretary only deals with what he calls an elaborate experiment on a small scale in the Western Hebrides; but be has, in common with the Irish Secretary, succeeded in persuading the law-breakers in that part of the world that they have the sympathy of the Government behind them and that they are not doing anything very wrong, after all, in breaking the law and invading other people's property. The Chief Secretary, I admit, has made a full statement within the last few months as to the gravity of the outrages in connection with cattle-driving in Ireland; but he is also perfectly aware that some of the answers he save in this House and authorised to be given in another place were of a kind which might produce in the evildoers the idea that the Government favoured their proceedings, and which in fact did produce that idea. I think that is a most deplorable state of things. I am not now going into details with regard to the Government of Ireland or of the Western Hebrides, though I
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  hope on that latter subject we shall be allowed to have the printed correspondence between Lady Gordon Cathcart and the Lord Advocate and the Secretary for Scotland, especially in connection with the Scottish legislation the Government have expressed their intention of re-introducing. As regards Ireland, we propose to make that the subject of an Amendment to the Address, and I do not think I need proceed further now; but even the Chief Secretary will admit that the condition of Ireland at present is, from his point of view, deplorable. He told us last year in an often-quoted phrase that "minorities must suffer." Minorities, no doubt, must suffer, but there is some suffering from which it is the business of a good Administration to save them. I do not think minorities should be made to suffer by having their cattle driven. I do not think that they should be made to suffer by being shot in the legs. They should not be made to suffer by being so boycotted that they can neither live nor be buried. The right hon. Gentleman knows well enough that his refusal to use the powers he has at his disposal to see that the law is obeyed has ended, as everybody acquainted with Ireland must have known it would end, in giving such a licence to the powers of disorder as has made in large parts of Ireland the threat of outrage sufficient and outrage itself unnecessary. I think that is a most serious state of things. The right hon. Gentleman almost seemed in a speech he recently delivered to be desirous of founding on the failure of the British Government to maintain law and order a case for the Resolution in favour of Home Rule which I understand is to be proposed in the course of the next few weeks. The right hon. Gentleman represented himself as a solitary and pathetic figure in Ireland, as the one representative of British good will in that country. I do not doubt the right hon. Gentleman's good will to Ireland, but I do not think he is more solitary than other people, or more pathetic.
  Mr. BIRRELL: The expression I used was "isolated."
  MR. A. J. BALFOUR: I beg pardon. The right hon. Gentleman is right. He

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  said he was an isolated and solitary figure—not a pathetic figure. The right hon. Gentleman has got a task which everybody knows is a difficult task. It is a task which can only be accomplished by using all the means at his disposal. To accomplish it the right hon. Gentleman must set himself earnestly to work with no view to any ulterior arrangement of the British Constitution of which he may happen to be in favour. This idea that on the failure of the Government responsible to Parliament for the maintenance of order in Ireland you are going to found a case for Home Rule is utterly repulsive and repugnant to all that is best in the feelings of our countrymen. You may persuade them—I hope you never will—that the cause of justice requires separation; you may persuade them that by such a separation Irish prosperity and English and Scottish prosperity may be promoted, but you never will persuade them that merely because you are not strong enough to see that the minority is preserved from outrage, because you are not vigorous and courageous enough to see that the law of the land is carried out, and that it is the law of the land and not the law of the League that is feared and obeyed throughout Ireland—on that foundation you never will get the people of this country to acquiesce in the change you propose.
  MR. WILLIAM REDMOND: Is there no crime in England?
  MR. A. J. BALFOUR: I do not propose for the moment to discuss any further the question of crime in Ireland, because an opportunity will be given by our procedure to do so next week. It is sufficient now to indicate the gravity of the situation as I regard it, and to make this brief preface to a debate which is of vital importance, not in any interests of party, but as touching the bed-rock, of civilisation in one of the most important parts of the United Kingdom.
  THE CHANCELLOR OF THE EXCHEQUER (Mr. ASQUITH,)In the regretted absence of the Prime Minister, which, I am sure, will excite in all quarters of the House the sympathy
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  which the right hon. Gentleman opposite expressed at the opening of his speech, it falls to my lot to say a few words—and they will be very few—in reply to the interrogatories and criticisms of the Leader of the Opposition. Before I touch on controversial matters let me associate myself and all who sit on this side of the House with the well-merited tribute which the right hon. Gentleman has paid to the manner in which my two hon. friends have discharged the responsible task assigned to them. They are both of them well equipped for the purpose—my hon. friend the Member for Leicestershire by that training in literary art which in days gone by has contributed so much to the gaiety of the nation, I and which, I hope, he will continue to exercise in days to come: and my hon. friend the Member for Bristol, by long and close experience of commerce and municipal life. I am sure the House will agree with me that the general result of their efforts will certainly serve as a model for those who come after them. The right hon. Gentleman made one other personal allusion upon which I will venture to comment, although I have great difficulty in doing so. I mean the almost immeasurable loss which the country, and his friends in particular, have sustained by the removal of my very dear and distinguished friend Sir John Lawson Walton. I can speak with a great deal of intimate knowledge of his career to which few other persons are entitled to lay claim. He and I were born in the same year, called to the Bar in the same year, we for years went the same circuit, we took silk on the same day, and we were associated throughout both our professional and political lives by the closest sympathy and community of interest. I cannot adequately describe what a gap he leaves in the lives of those who had the privilege, as I so long had and to such an exceptional degree, of possessing his close friendship. I pass from these personal matters to deal first of all with the criticisms which the right hon. Gentleman has made, I am bound to say in a spirit of the greatest temperateness and moderation, of that part of; the King's Speech which deals with our foreign relations. The right hon. Gentleman devoted some part of his speech to the Anglo-Russian Agreement,

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  and he asked—and I think it was a perfectly fair question—that without the necessarily controversial machinery afforded by an Amendment to the Address some opportunity should be given for the discussion of the many points of interest which arise in connection with this Agreement. In the absence of my right hon. friend the Prime Minister I do not like at this moment to make an absolute and definite statement, but I will say that the request seems to me to be a perfectly reasonable one, and I hope an opportunity will be given—though I cannot give a strict pledge—and that at no distant date, for the discussion which the right hon. Gentleman invites. In the meantime let me deal very briefly with one or two criticisms he made. I am not disposed to scan the terms of the Agreement with that close and minute weighing of quid pro quo which would apply to a commercial bargain. The object of the Agreement was to remove a standing source of difficulty and danger to the peace of the world. If you once get the relations between ourselves and the great empire of Russia, so far as the continent of Asia is concerned, on a firm and friendly foundation, and arrive at a definite understanding, I cannot help thinking that many of the clouds which in days gone by have overshadowed the horizon, and sometimes brought us within measurable distance of conflict, will no longer appear. So important does it appear to the Government—without sacrificing any substantial or real British interest—to obtain a real definite agreement with Russia, that personally should not feel we had in any way betrayed the interests of our country or been false to our stewardship if it were pointed out that in this or that particular quarter Russia had gained slightly more than we had. That, I think the right hon. Gentleman will agree with me, is the general spirit (Mr. BALFOUR: "Hear, hear!") in which a great international Agreement of this kind ought to be regarded. The specific points of the right hon. Gentleman resolve themselves into two. The first is his apprehension that by the division of Persia into what he describes as three zones, in two of which Russia and Great Britain respectively have what are called spheres of influence, there may be some risks to
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  the future progress and development of British trade. I believe a close study of the agreement will show that we have taken ample safeguards for our commercial interests. Within the zone or sphere of influence which is to belong to the Russian Government all British concessions have been most carefully safeguarded. As regards the actual territorial delimitation of the sphere we have reserved for ourselves, no doubt it is mainly governed not so much by commercial as strategical considerations, but in the other not marked out as the special, exclusive, or dominant sphere of either of the two Great Powers we shall enjoy in common with Russia and the rest of the world absolutely equal privileges and opportunities. The right hon. Gentleman criticised the Agreement for not embodying special provisions safeguarding our interests in the Persian Gulf as they have been defined by successive Foreign Ministers—by no one with more clearness and precision than Lord Lansdowne in the time of the late Government. My answer is twofold. The Persian Gulf, notwithstanding its name, is not exclusively Persian, a considerable part of it is Turkish; so that other interests and Powers come into view when you deal with the Persian Gulf. In dealing with Persia, however, Russia and Great Britain are practically the only two Powers with substantial interests, and we should have been travelling outside the scope and ambit of our agreement with Russia with regard to Persia, if we had included in it the Persian Gulf. But, although our interests in the Gulf do not come within the scope of the agreement, in order to make it clear that it is not to be supposed that we have in any way abandoned the position taken up by our predecessors, a contemporaneous declaration was made by my right hon. friend the Foreign Secretary and by our Ambassador when the agreement was signed and assented to by M. Isvolsky, and it must be taken as part and parcel of the agreement come to. Although the Persian Gulf is not mentioned in the agreement, Russia has assented to the view we have hitherto taken, and shall continue to maintain, of our interests in he Gulf As regards Tibet, that is a matter which could be more conveniently discussed

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  when we come to deal with the Agreement specially as regards Tibet. We conceive we have embodied in a formal, definite, written shape the very assurance the right hon. Gentleman demands—which Lord Lansdowne in his communications with the Russian Ambassador considered to be adequate and appropriate to the case.
  I pass to what the right hon. Gentleman said about The Hague Conference. I regret to observe a disposition—an exaggerated disposition, I think—in many quarters, to belittle the work that was done there. A very great English writer—Burke—said that the main end and object of the British Constitution was to bring twelve honest men into a jury-box—though some people may think that rather an exaggerated view to take of the value of that institution which has been called the palladium of our liberties. But it is a great thing to bring the representatives of all Powers, great and little, round a table from time to time to discuss various questions of international law and policy, and to try to make some advance by discussion, even though at the time actual agreement in regard to some matters cannot be arrived at. I agree there are defects in the constitution of the Conference, and obviously there are still greater defects in some of its methods of procedure; but, nevertheless, in the view of the Government the time spent by our representatives at The Hague Conference was not thrown away. Although the results may not equal the anticipations the more sanguine among us formed, yet even when you come to judge the Conference by solid results, serious and substantial advance has been made in the direction which we all hope the world will gradually take. Notwithstanding the efforts which were made, no agreement was come to in regard to a point to which the Government attach the greatest importance—the compulsory reference to arbitration of such matters as matters of international law relating to the interpretation of treaties, which are pre-eminently adapted for that treatment. The Convention for the establishment of a Prize Court is really a very solid and fruitful achievement. Let me point out with regard to the
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  right hon. Gentleman's criticism that that particular Convention does not need to be ratified until June, 1909. The other Conventions must be ratified by June in the present year. The extra year was specially arranged for that Convention, because it was felt that this important preliminary question must first be determined before the Court can be called into useful being—What system of law is to be administered? As indicated in the gracious Speech from the Throne, the Government have arranged for a conference this year, at which we hope to arrive at something like a general agreement on the important general principles—the innumerable matters of subsidiary detail you can safely leave to a tribunal of this kind—of maritime and international law which in the altered conditions that now prevail ought to be generally accepted by civilized nations. In our view this is a condition precedent to the establishment and working of such a Court for any useful purpose. So much in regard to that, but then there are one or two other points which the right hon. Gentleman raised, referring to questions arising outside these islands. Let me say one word with regard to British Indians in the Transvaal, as to which I hear an Amendment is likely to be moved on the Address. I very much deprecate at this particular moment any discussion of that kind in this House. I do so for this reason. We have the best ground for hoping, as the result of negotiations now taking place between the different parties concerned, that an agreement will be come to between the Transvaal Government, on the one side, and the responsible representatives of the British-Indian community in the Transvaal on the other, by which the cause of grievance will be removed—by which, without the Transvaal sacrificing the policy upon which all the white races in that country are united, there will be removed what we have all felt in this country to be a serious source of disturbance and discontent among our Indian fellow-subjects. I am not in a position to say that these negotiations will necessarily be successful; but as long as there is a chance of such a result—and I believe there is a very good chance—I would anneal to the

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  House to abstain from discussion. As regards the New Hebrides, I think I can set at rest the disquiet of the right hon. Gentleman. Until the Convention which was the subject of so much acrimonious discussion last year, was made between France and ourselves, there were no arrangements of any sort with regard to the treatment of natives. The whole thing was a complete chaos, without form, law, or tribunals. Under the Convention England and France agree on certain general rules which were embodied in that instrument. We intimated in the course of our debates last year that we were not going to stop, and we have not stopped. Instructions have been issued—independent instructions—by each of the two Governments concerned to their respective Commissioners to guide those Commissioners in framing further regulations, the general spirit and object of which will be in accordance with the declarations so often made by my right hon. friend. These instructions shall be laid before the House without delay, I hope in the course of a very few days, so that the House may have an opportunity of scrutinising and, if need be, of criticising them, but the regulations themselves will not be framed until the Commissioners on the spot have had time to consider the best mode of carrying into effect the instructions.
  And now, coming to our domestic concerns, the right hon. Gentleman attacked two branches—his survey of the situation did not encourage him to carry the war any further—and two branches only, of the administrative work of the Government. The first was that for which my right hon. friend the Minister for Education is responsible. Well, my right hon. friend will have an opportunity in the course of a day or two of replying in detail to the criticisms of the Leader of the Opposition, and I shall certainly leave him to deal with the question of Swansea, with regard to which the details I have are not sufficient to enable me to deal with it, but meantime there are two points raising questions of great constitutional importance, as to which I should like to say a word. The first is as to the vote of £100,000 last year. The right hon. Gentleman
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  seemed to regard that as an innovation in constitutional practice, and he attacked it as in some way removing from the control of the House of Commons the expenditure of public money. No such charge can possibly be made. The intention with regard to that vote of £100,000 was clearly explained by my right hon. friend at the time, and it was sanctioned by the House when they sanctioned the Estimates. At any rate, no attempt was made to challenge it; and with reference to what the right hon. Gentleman has suggested that my right hon. friend might have spent the money as he pleased at his own will and pleasure within the limits of his own constituency alone, my right hon. friend has reminded me of the fact that Regulations were issued by him and his Department before the Appropriation Bill was introduced, in which the application of the money for certain specified purposes was laid down, and therefore there is no ground whatsoever for saying that the expenditure of the money was in any way withdrawn from the control of the House of Commons. And as regards the other part of the indictment—namely, the supposed arbitrary dealing by my right hon. friend with the trusts of the training colleges—is my right hon. friend the first person who has interfered with trusts? What about the Act of 1902? What about the Kenyon-Slaney clause? I remember very well, sitting then as we were on that side of the House, the right hon. Gentleman rising at this box and vindicating under the altered condition" of the time the right and even asserting the duty of Parliament to interfere with trusts which had become obsolete or inapplicable to present-day conditions. Therefore we are not the first to lay hands on the sacred ark. The right hon. Gentleman may say: "Oh! but that was done by Act of Parliament." I was speaking for the moment of the principle and not of the method, but if it is a sacrilegious thing to interfere with the intentions of the pious founder, the result is the same, whether it is committed by Act of Parliament or by a Minister of the Crown, acting as he must act—otherwise he could not keep his-place for twenty-four hours—with the assent of the representatives of the

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  people. But it is not true that the trusts were interfered with by my right hon. friend. What did my right hon. friend do? He proposed that in future that part of the taxation of the country which is appropriated for these colleges will be appropriated subject to certain conditions. If you do not choose to conform to those conditions, well and good; nobody will force you to do so; but the House of Commons can say we will not vote you the money. It was suggested the other day in the newspapers, and Aristotle was quoted to show, what a shocking state of things it was that the right hon. Gentleman should by administrative act set aside the settled statutory law of the land. There is no legislation of any sort or kind which deals with the conditions attaching to the subsidizing of the training colleges. It is a matter which has depended en, tirely, year by year for two generations-upon the will and act of this House, and if my right hon. friend, the House assenting, says that in future a training college shall not receive a grant except upon certain terms, we are not interfering with the provisions of any Act of Parliament. If they wish to continue to receive public money, they can on their own initiative put into operation the machinery of the Charitable Trusts Act, and then their trusts can be made more elastic so as to enable them to avail themselves of the aid of public money. But that does not compare in arbitrariness with the overriding by means of an Act of Parliament, in invitum, of the trusts of a training college. So much for the attack on education.
  Then the right hon. Gentleman carried the war into the Irish domain. I assume that we are going to have an Amendment on the question of Ireland, and therefore I shall leave this matter to my right hon. friend to deal with and touch upon it only very briefly. What is the charge against my right hon. friend the Chief Secretary? As far as I can make out, it is that he has deliberately neglected the enforcement of the law and the maintenance of order in Ireland in order to make out or to help out a case for Home Rule. Is that the charge? I do not hear a very ready assent. That is what I understood the
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  right hon. Gentleman to suggest. If the allegation does not come to that I do not see what it comes to at all. He drew a picture of the terrible condition to which Ireland has been reduced under the fainéant administration of my right hon. friend. I entirely demur to that description. I think it is a caricature. That there are in certain parts of Ireland features which, from the point of view of social order, are disquieting I quite agree. I do not in any way minimise or palliate them, but the language which one reads in the Press, and to which the right hon. Gentleman very nearly approached in his speech, is wholly inappropriate to anything that has taken place in Ireland. We are asked, Why do you not put in force the Crimes Act? Why are you content with the resources of the ordinary law? I will tell the House the reason. We do not put in force the Crimes Act for reasons which are obvious to any one acquainted with the Parliamentary history of the last twenty years. For twenty years we have protested against the Crimes Act. We protested against it, not so much because of its actual provisions, but because, being a permanent Act placed on the Statute-book, it empowers the Executive, at its own discretion, at any time, in any circumstances, in violation of the best traditions of our Constitution, to use powers outside those of the ordinary law without coming to Parliament to make out a case. That was the head and front of the case we made in 1887 against that legislation when it was passed, and that protest we have continued to make against the continuance of that Act on the Statute-book. But I will put the matter to the test, and the test I put is this—would any Chief Secretary, with the facts and figures which are in the possession of my right hon. friend at this moment, have ventured to come down to the House and ask for the passing of the Crimes Act? I undertake to say that, while we have had many Coercion Acts, until the Act of 1887 they were all temporary measures passed for a limited time and at any rate pretending to be based upon some exceptional case of special emergency. I will venture to say that not for fifty years has any such Act been obtained from the House of Commons upon materials so flimsy as

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  those which they attempted to produce. The truth is that with exceptions here and there, and apart from what is called cattle-driving, there is very little serious crime in Ireland. There have been certain cases, as to which, be it observed, no Crimes Act would be of the least use, for the simple reason that the difficulty is not in obtaining a conviction, but in obtaining the evidence, and without evidence not even a drum-head court-martial can convict. I repeat that with those exceptions apart from cattle-driving, there is very little serious crime in Ireland. I do not palliate, and none of my colleagues have ever palliated, cattle-driving. I think it is not only a criminal, but a stupid act, because, apart from all moral considerations, it seems to be calculated to strike a very serious blow at a flourishing and necessary Irish industry. How have the Government dealt with cattle-driving? First of all they have used all the resources that the ordinary law placed at their disposal. But we are not content with that. We believe—I do not know whether the right hon. Gentleman will think it mere sentimentalism on our part—that when you see manifestations of this kind going on over a considerable part of Ireland, undoubtedly it will be your first duty to enforce the law, to protect property, to maintain order; but you cannot brush such manifestations aside as if they were mere meaningless, motiveless horseplay—a kind of spontaneous outburst of original sin on the part of the Irish people. We believe you must try to discover something in the social and economic conditions of which they are the deplorable outcome, or to, at any rate, seek to explain the popular sympathy and want of popular condemnation with which they are received. When we look at these conditions we find something which appears to us—I do not say for a moment to palliate, but to lead us to understand—the illegal conduct, something which seems to call for an instant and effective remedy. There can be no doubt that the untenanted land, of which We are now speaking—I am now speaking of the grazing lands in Galway and Roscommon—did come and was intended to come within the scope of the right hon. Gentleman's Land Purchase Act of 1903.
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  This untenanted land could be purchased by the Estates Commissioners; it could be purchased by the Congested Districts Board. The process has been a slow one. The ardent hopes which were raised at the time when the Act was passed have been delayed or altogether disappointed; and in the opinion of the Government the time has come when this part of the Act should be strengthened by the application of compulsion in fit cases, and the untenanted land without injury or loss to anybody should be more freely available for the purpose of holdings. In the gracious Speech from the Throne there is an intimation of legislation for that purpose, and it will without undue delay be brought before the House. I do not deny for a moment that it is the first duty of the Executive to enforce the law, but second only to that, in our judgment, there exists the necessity of removing this legitimate grievance and of providing a better outlet for the hopes and the aspirations of the people of Ireland. Finally, as regards the observations I have to make on the right hon. Gentleman's speech, what is to be said of the charge as to the length of the programme? The right hon. Gentleman says that our measures are either intended not to be carried through in this session, or to be carried through without adequate discussion. With regard to that proposition, I need hardly say that I quite agree with him that it is a matter which interests all parties and all sections in the House that we should try by some common agreement to arrive at a better method of disposing of our time. The crude application of the guillotine year after year, by Government after Government, although it has become a Parliamentary necessity, is a necessity which, I believe, is nowhere regarded with more reluctance than among those who have reason to resort to its use. I hope that we may be able to come to something like a better agreement on the point. I am quite satisfied that, given a session of reason-able length, given a proper allocation of time—and by allocation I do not mean merely to fix the length of time to be given to particular stages, but the distributing of it in some proportion to the importance of the measures, and the

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  necessity of considering each of their stages—I believe, given a proper allocation of time and some useful kind of devolution, not only in respect of non-controversial Bills, but also of the non-controversial parts of controversial measures which are sent upstairs—in the combined operation of these methods we may find ample opportunity to discuss what I agree to be the extensive programme foreshadowed in the Speech from the Throne. At any rate, we are going to make the attempt. While the Speech contains no surprises, it marks the progress we hope this year to make in redeeming our pledges and our assurances, and of translating the professions of the platforms and of the electoral contest into the pages and the chapters of the Statute-book of the realm. The right hon. Gentleman scoffs at our programme. It seems to him inflated beyond the legitimate dreams at any rate of Parliamentary ambition. I agree that, judged by the example which he himself set, it might be fairly described as open to the charge. But we believe that there is not an item in it which is not at the same time urgent and practicable. We appeal with confidence to the House of Commons, by efforts of sacrifice, zeal, patience, and resolute determination, to make this, as we hope and believe, a fruitful and beneficent session.
  MR. J. REDMOND: After what has been said in this debate, no one will be surprised that I am anxious to seize the earliest opportunity of discussing for a brief period the Speech from the Throne, and the programme set forth in that Speech, from the Irish point of view. The programme is an enormous one, and I do not propose at all to discuss it; for although my colleagues and I are most anxious to give any assistance in our power to the democracy in this country in obtaining reform, following thereby the traditions which have come down to us from the Nationalist representatives of Ireland ever since the days of O'Connell, at the same time we feel, everyone of us, that our real business here, I had almost said our only business, is not to promote measures of reform for Great Britain, but to obtain measures of reform for Ireland. It is inevitable that, from the
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  Irish point of view, this Speech from the Throne, as are all Speeches from the Throne, is disappointing and unsatisfactory. In this Speech there is no mention made whatever of the one great question which to our mind embraces all questions, all grievances in Ireland—I mean the question of Irish self-government. Some people may think that they are absolved from responsibility on that question by reason of the history of the Irish Council Bill of last year. I may remind hon. Members that the Council Bill was not proposed as a Home Rule measure; it was not proposed as a substitute for Home Rule, or an alternative to Home Rule: it was described to us as something of a quite different character, and whether it passed into law or whether it did not pass into law, in my humble judgment the responsibility remains the same upon all those public men who for the last twenty years have been publicly declaring their belief that the only solution of the Irish question is to be found in the concession of free and responsible government to the people of Ireland. I will not discuss the question of Ireland to-night at all, because; as the House knows I have given a notice of Motion on the subject, and I hope it will be possible on that Motion to have a full and adequate discussion. I trust, too, that the result of the Motion will be that an overwhelming majority of Members of this House will declare themselves in favour of the principle of Home Rule for Ireland. I shall make only one further remark on this question, and I am induced to do so by some-remarks of the Leader of the Opposition and by some remarks of the Chancellor of the Exchequer. I confess I agree with the right hon. Gentleman the Leader of the Opposition. I do not take the same sanguine view as the right hon. Gentleman the Chancellor of the Exchequer that it will be possible by arrangement so to apportion the time in accordance with the relative importance of the various Bills as to enable this House, in the course of one session, to deal with satisfactorily, to discuss satisfactorily, the whole of the measures—licensing, education, old age pensions and so on, I need not go through the whole of the list. The speech of the right hon. Gentleman the Leader of the

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  Opposition upon this point, I claim, is an unanswerable argument in favour of Home Rule. The only possibilities that I see in this matter are those apparently which he sees, either that there shall be inadequate discussion, the loss of freedom of debate, and thereby practically the destruction of the glory and the power of this assembly, or, on the other hand some arrangement whereby this House will be relieved from the anomaly, the absurdity of dealing, in one and the same assembly with the local affairs of the various portions of the Empire. That is the only argument I shall make about Home Rule at this stage. I say that if the whole of this coming session of Parliament were to be devoted to Irish affairs alone, every minute of it would be wisely expended in discussing Irish grievances with the view to redress them, and the same can be said of Scotland, of England, and of Wales, and until this House makes up its mind to deal with the congestion of business and the whole operation of the Parliamentary machine from that] point of view, it is hopeless to expect by any series of new methods or any arrangements between parties—which is an impossibility—to make the machine work satisfactorily or well. The Speech from the Throne deals with two great Irish questions—after Home Rule, the two greatest of Irish questions—the education question and the question of land. I heartily congratulate the Government and the Chief Secretary on their determination to introduce a University Bill. I must say I regret that the Leader of the Opposition, especially remembering his own record on this question, did not address some more serious observations to the House on this question. What did he do? He taunted the Government with the fact that Mr. Bryce introduced a scheme and then went away, and that his successor changed that scheme. I think, however, he has some foundation for it. I myself have in Ireland made the same criticism on the action of the Government. But the same trend of criticism has been levelled at every Government for the past twenty or thirty years. The right hon. Gentleman declared when he went to Partick that he was in favour of a settlement of the question,
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  if only three conditions would be accepted by the Catholics of Ireland. The Catholics of Ireland, lay and clerical, agreed to the three conditions. Then he threw the question on one side, and said it would not be dealt with until there was absolute unanimity in the three kingdoms. The Leader of the Opposition has over and over again in recent years made serious contributions to the discussion of this question and he has admitted its gravity.
  MR. A. J. BALFOUR: Hear, hear.
  MR. JOHN REDMOND: I regret that to-night when there is a chance of this question coming before the House under conditions which may lead to a settlement, when the Chief Secretary has before him every indication of a likelihood of support from various quarters, the Leader of the Opposition has not afforded to him some encouragement instead of taking refuge in the somewhat paltry recriminations which have taken place between the various parties upon this question. I hope the words of the Leader of the Opposition do not mean that he is going to throw obstacles in the way of a settlement of the question now. I sincerely hope that the fact that he made no serious allusion to the question is not to be taken, more especially in view of his own record, as an indication that he is going to interpose obstacles, but on the contrary that he will give assistance and encouragement in the effort which the Chief Secretary is going to make. The people of Ireland listened with the greatest pleasure and respect not long ago to the Chief Secretary when he made a speech in which he stated that his whole political career and position were staked on the settlement of this question. That statement appealed to the people of Ireland as an honest declaration, and the Chief Secretary may be quite sure that they will smooth his path as much as possible, and that those who have predilections on this question will be inclined to put them on one side. On behalf of the laity of Ireland, and on behalf of the hierarchy also, I venture to say that they will give him every assistance if he will enshrine in

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  his Bill the one principle of equality of treatment between Catholics and Protestants. I hope the right hon. Gentleman will introduce a satisfactory Bill. I would also urge him to introduce it at the earliest possible moment and not leave it over, because political life is very uncertain. [OPPOSITION cheers.] I was not thinking of the remote chance of the hon. Member for North Armagh coming into office in the near future when the Baileys of Ireland would be brought under his lash. I urge the right hon. Gentleman to introduce his Bill at once, and let us deal with this question. With regard to the promised Land Bill it is not easy to speak of it with any confidence, because unfortunately we have not seen the Report of Lord Dudley's Commission which has been for many years inquiring into this question. It is a great misfortune that that Report was not furnished a considerable time ago. I rejoice to see from the terms in which this matter is alluded to in the King's Speech that the intention of the Government is not merely to propose the acquisition of compulsory powers to deal with untenanted land in congested districts, but that they intend to deal with the problem of the ranches wherever congestion may be found throughout Ireland and not only in the West. I also rejoice to find that they do not propose to confine their Bill to that question at all, but to deal as well with the amendment of the Land Act of 1903 the necessity for which the experience of intervening years has made manifest to everyone who understands this question. Therefore this Land Bill must deal with the question of finance. The Government ought not to lose a single moment in getting hold of Lord Dudley's Report, or in framing their Bill and introducing it. It is no use blinking the fact that until some further legislation is passed the land war in Ireland in some of its most acute phases cannot be said to be at an end. The Leader of the Opposition managed in his references to the condition of Ireland to make the most sweeping charges with reference to the state of law and order and the state of crime in that country. I desire to say that in my opinion there is a deliberate
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  conspiracy on foot in this country to injure Ireland and to make party capital against the Government in order to damage the prospect of Home Rule by representing Ireland as at this moment in a state of lawlessness, anarchy, outrage, and crime. I say that that accusation is false. I admit that in some districts there is unrest and disturbance, and I will deal with that question in a moment. Let me first deal with this question of crime and outrage as compared with other periods of excitement in the history of Ireland in the last thirty years. It may be said to-day that Ireland is absolutely crimeless. I am now speaking within the hearing of men on both sides of the House who remember the state of Ireland in 1880 and 1881, and some whose minds go back and remember the state of Ireland in previous years. I say that no man who knows these things will contradict me when I say that by comparison with other periods of agrarian excitement in Ireland, Ireland at this moment is absolutely crimeless, and I thank God for it. I regard that as one of the greatest results of the great movement, set on foot by Charles Stewart Parnell, and I take credit to the National Party that they now can conduct great and powerful political and agrarian movements and at the same time repress crime, because the people have learned the lesson that crime and outrage tend to injure their cause rather than further it. Let me make another comparison. I say that judged by the official criminal statistics Ireland to-day is far freer from crime of all sorts than England, Scotland, or Wales. Take all forms of crime—of course, I mean in proportion to the population—take for instance murder, attempted murder, violence to the person, malicious injury to property, riots, injury to Catholics and intimidation—in fact you may go through the whole list in the Blue-book—and I defy contradiction of my statement that according to those figures crime in Ireland has been and is to-day at a far lower ebb than in either England or Scotland. We may be told that, although it is true Ireland is freer from serious crimes than this country, there is a class of crime in Ireland which you have not got in this

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  country, whose motive is agrarian and political. But are we to go into the question of the motives of crimes and offences? I remember being read a very serious lecture because I ventured to discuss the motive of an offence; I was told that it was improper and that no motive could be held to palliate a crime; but if we are to go into these motives, I ask if the agrarian or political motive is a worse or a baser motive than that which animates the ordinary criminal in his ordinary brutal offences! It may be said that these offences are preventable, and I admit it, but how? Are they preventible by repression? No; the whole history of your connection shows, the last thirty years especially, that John Bright was right when he said "force is no remedy," and that the only way to prevent these offences and crimes was to remove the cause and remove the grievance. You cannot get away from this fact, and all this loose talk by the Leader of the Opposition about anarchy and crime is of no avail whatever. You cannot get away from the fact that the amount of all sorts of crimes great and small is less in Ireland at this moment than it is in England or Wales. I have referred to conspiracy, and how does it work? I have recently been carefully watching it. Special correspondents have been sent over by some of the greatest papers in this country, and they have travelled all over Ireland, writing two or three long letters a week to their newspapers, all dealing with the state of anarchy and crime. They go down into a district which is admittedly in a state of unrest or disturbance, and they find some one offence has been committed there. They immediately write columns with great headlines about anarchy and crime. The illustrated papers take the matter up, and we have, as I exposed last session, faked photographs, by so-called respectable newspapers in this country depicting outrages in the very act of being perpetrated. In one case there was a picture of moonlighters with guns in their hands assaulting some women. When challenged about it this newspaper admitted that was not an actual photograph of such an occurrence, but that the moonlighters who had made an attack upon some house had obligingly assembled afterwards to have their
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  photographs taken and sent for publication to a so-called respectable weekly illustrated paper. Individual cases of crime and outrage, of course, there have been. I am not denying there is crime and outrage to be found in parts of Ireland—my point is that there is less proportionately than there is in this country, and if that be so it is an outrage and a crime to try and depict Ireland as seething with crime. There have been more cases of mutilation of dumb animals in the last twelve months in England than there were in Ireland, Recently, as the House remembers, there were some horrible cases here and there—cases of horses, cattle, and so forth mutilated and killed in England. What would have been said if, say, France had sent over newspaper correspondents to inquire into the state of things in England and having got hold of these isolated cases of maiming cattle they had flooded the papers all over Prance with sensational articles describing these offences, dressed up with all sorts of sensational details and under headings "The State of Crime and Outrage in England"? Why, you would have said that it was a dastardly and cowardly attempt to blacken the character of this country. Talk of intimidation! What would you have said if, in connection with a recent murder case in London, when a man of the name of Wood was under trial, and the witnesses who gave evidence had to escape for their lives, the streets were blocked day after day with thousands of people and scores of policemen who were endeavouring to get the witnesses away—the witnesses had to be smuggled out at a back door, and even then some of them did not escape violence—what would you have thought if the French papers had described that as a type of the kind of freedom there was in this country, and if they had published all over the country articles headed "Gross and Criminal Intimidation in England"? Again, I say, you would have said that they were engaged in a dastardly and criminal conspiracy to blacken the good name of this country. That is exactly what is being done in Ireland. I say it is being done from the basest of motives. It is being done for the purpose of bolstering up a political party, simply for the purpose of making

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  political capital against the present Government, simply for the purpose of endeavouring to hinder the Home Rule cause in future. It is said—it was said to-night by the Leader of the Opposition—that you have got cattle-driving in Ireland. There has been a great deal of most untruthful and ridiculous talk about this cattle-driving. People seem to think that it is a new and horrible invention. Well, it is as old as the hills. Anybody who is acquainted with the history of the movement in Canada before Lord Durham issued his famous Report will admit that it was a common practice in Canada for the so-called Nationalists to drive away the cattle of those opposed to them. For instance, John Wesley in his Journal said—
  "The gentry are continually driving away hundreds, yea, thousands, by throwing such quantities of arable land into pasture what leaves them neither business nor food. Thus it is that men depopulate many parts of Ireland."
  And Archbishop Boulter said—
  "Many persons have hired large tracts of land of 2,000, 3,000, and 4,000 acres, and have stocked them with cattle, and have no other inhabitants on their land than so many cottiers as are necessary to look after their sheep and black cattle, so that in some of the finest counties in many places there is neither home nor cornfield to be seen in ten or fifteen miles travelling."
  And Swift says—
  "These cruel landlords are every day un-peopling the kingdom by forbidding their miserable tenants to till the earth, against common reason and justice, and contrary to the practice and prudence of other nations, by which numberless families have been forced to leave the kingdom."
  But I do not want to go back to ancient history. The real cause of cattle-driving is to be read in what took place immediately before the famine. That fell visitation which resulted in the destruction of hundreds of thousands of lives from hunger and disease was followed by a compulsory system of clearances, not for non-payment of rent, but for the express purpose of driving all human beings off the land in order to turn them into cattle runs and sheep walks. In the thirty years from 1849 to 1882, according to Mulhall's Dictionary of Statistics, 452,000 families were driven out of the land, that is to say a couple of millions of human beings. I do not know whether I would be justified in
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  reading a few lines to the House from the famous declaration of an Irish Bishop of what he saw with his own eyes of clearances. He was Bishop of Meath, and Meath is one of the counties that is worst off in regard to the scarcity of population. The most Rev. Dr. Nulty says—
  "In the very first year of our ministry as a missionary priest in the diocese we were an eye-witness of a cruel and inhuman eviction which still makes our heart bleed as often as we allow ourselves to think of it. Seven hundred human beings were driven from their homes in one day, and sent adrift on the world, to gratify the caprice of one man, who before God and man probably deserved less consideration than the least of them. And we remember well that there was not a single shilling of rent due on the estate at the time except by one man, and the character and acts of that man made it perfectly clear that the agent and himself quite understood each other. The Crowbar Brigade employed on this occasion to extinguish the hearths and demolish the homes of honest and industrious people worked away with a will at their awful calling until evening. At length an incident occurred which varied the monotony. They had just learned that typhus fever had two in its grasp. The people supplicated the agent to spare those homes a little longer, but the agent was inexorable, and insisted that the houses should come down. The ingenuity with which he extricated himself from the difficulty of the situation was characteristic alike of the heartlessness of the man and of the cruel necessities of the work on which he was engaged. He ordered a large winnowing sheet to be placed over the beds on which the fever victims lay—fortunately they happened to be perfectly delirious at the time—and then directed the houses to be unroofed cautiously and slowly, because, he said, he very much disliked the bother and discomfort of a coroner's inquest The appearance of men, women and children as they emerged from the ruins of their former homes, saturated with rain, blackened and besmeared with soot, shivering in every member from cold and misery, presented positively the most appalling spectacle I ever looked at. The landed proprietors in a circle round and for many miles in every direction warned their tenantry with threats of the direst vengeance against the humanity of extending to any of them the hospitality of a single night's shelter. The evictions which I have just described, and of which I was an eye-witness, must not be considered an isolated, exceptional event which could occur only in a remote locality where public opinion could not reach and expose it. Every county barony, Poor Law union, and, indeed, every parish in the diocese, is perfectly familiar with evictions that are oftentimes surrounded by circumstances and distinguished by traits of darker and more disgusting atrocity."
  And while this deliberated policy was going on, how did the London Times speak—
  "If this goes on as it is continuing to go on Ireland will become very English and the

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  United States very Irish. When an English agriculturist takes a farm in Galway or Kerry he will take English labourers with him. The Celt goes, to yield to the Saxon. This island of 160 harbours, with its fertile soil, with noble rivers and beautiful lakes, with fertile mines and riches of every kind, is being cleared quietly for the interests and the luxury of humanity."
  Why do I trouble the House by going back upon these things? Because I say that you cannot understand the cattle-driving until you understand the circumstances from which it sprang, unless you understand the history of these great ranches. What has been the result of these great clearances? According to the agricultural statistics in Ireland, Ireland has the largest amount of cattle and the smallest number of human beings per hundred acres of almost any other country in Europe. Every decade from 1841 to 1891 the population has decreased and the number of cattle increased. Since 1800 up to this moment, that has been going on. Since 1860 well over three-quarters of a million of acres has been added to the grass land. From 1900 to 1901 there has been a decrease of crops of 30,608 acres, there was an increase in waste lands of 17,425 acres, and in pasture of 16,793 acres; and allow me to read a short description given the other day by an official of the Government of his experience in the county of Meath—
  "A visitor to County Meath coming from Dublin by either of the railways is at once struck by the great stretches of grass land, the straggling houses here, and the apparent want of life: true, we have plenty of animal life, but the proportion of human life is small as compared with the former. There is no village seen till we go to the very outskirts of the county bordering on Kildare, West-meath, Cavan, and Louth; the rest of the country is given up to grazing, except small patches here and there. This state of things did not always exist, as seen by the small narrow ridges now covered over by a thick grass. Now, however, owing to many causes the land lies in grass and is entirely given over to the grazing of cattle. This is what a visitor would see coming from Dublin to Navan, and proceeding to Kells and Nobber the same kind of landscape is seen, but outside of these two places, if we travel further, a different class of land is met with—poorer land—land better adapted for tilling than grazing. Owing to the length of time the country has lain in grass tillage operations are almost forgotten. Pew of the younger generation are able to follow the plough; old men only seem capable
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  of this and they have their methods in keeping with themselves."
  What became of the people driven off these ranches? Large numbers of them migrated; large numbers of them no doubt died in great misery in the great cities of England or on their way to America—well, of those that remained, what became of them? They went out on the bogs and barren hillsides and got little patches of land and there they endeavoured to keep body and soul together, but they were unsuccessful. They have not been able to live on these patches. If they had had them for nothing they could not have lived upon them. They have only been able to live by coming over here for harvest labour. That is not denied. The right hon. Gentleman the Member for Dover will not deny it. In his speeches in 1903 he admitted it, and he further admitted over and over again that the Bill of 1903, could not be a real and complete success unless the questions of untenanted land and congestion were successfully dealt with. Before the very eyes of these people living in this huddled and wretched condition there are thousands of acres of pasture studded over by the ruins of cottages and villages from which they and their forefathers have been driven. We asked, when the Act of 1903 was going through, for compulsory powers to deal with this question. The right hon. Gentleman the Member for Dover was more sanguine than we were. He believed it would be possible to carry out the intentions of the Act without compulsory powers. The Act was passed in that form, and now we know that in that respect the Act has failed and that unless compulsory powers are granted this land question will not be settled. It is nonsense to pretend that, unless this question is settled, you can have in those parts of the country peace, restfulness, and quietness. These cattle-drives have been, and are, entirely without crime so far as I know; and God knows it would have been known if the contrary had been the case. Not a single beast has been injured; not a single man has been wounded or attacked in connection with these cattle-drives. I say, therefore, that we will have to consider the causes

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  of this unrest and the circumstances out of which it springs; and the fact that these demonstrations have gone on without outrage or bloodshed of any sort. And you will agree with me when I say that while I would be glad at all times to preach patience, it is no wonder patience has been exhausted when they have had to wait five years for the result of the promises of the right hon. Member for Dover, and after months have waited in vain for the report of the Commission to which they have been looking for a settlement of the question in the direction I have mentioned. The Chancellor of the Exchequer gave utterance to a most extraordinary fallacy. The right hon. Gentleman says—
  "This is an attack on a prosperous industry."
  Does he mean to say that Ireland is richer and better off with plenty of bullocks than if the land were tilled? Why, it is not arguable! Let me read what Sir Horace Plunkett says in a leaflet issued by his own party. This leaflet deplores the increase of area of second-class pasture, and I think I am right in saying that most of these ranches are second-class pasture which would yield four times the wealth if tilled; he deplores the complacent satisfaction with which the present system is regarded; and he goes on to say that the breaking up of this land would most certainly increase the national wealth, supply wages of labour, and check emigration. Further, the writer goes on to declare that this second-class land should be utilised under a system of mixed farming. Now, I have gone at some length into this question of outrages in Ireland and of cattle-driving, because, as we have had a foretaste from the Leader of the Opposition on this question, I thought it as well to give the House a foretaste from us of the debate which is coming on. There is only one remedy possible for the state of things in Ireland, and that is to remove the grievances from which the state of things arises. Parts of Ireland, I admit, are restless and disturbed; indeed, I may say with some truth that all Ireland is angry and disappointed by the accusation that there is in Ireland a general
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  state of outrage and serious crime. That is a cruel and false accusation. The Chief Secretary has been denounced in this country most freely because he refused to put the Crimes Act in force against cattle-drivers. Well, I congratulate him most heartily on having the courage to withstand that clamour. Most undoubtedly if he had yielded to it he would have courted disaster; and no man can say what the state of Ireland would have been in the near future if he had been foolish enough to go back: on his own declarations and the pledges of the Government, and set in force against the people of Ireland the provisions of an Act which is a disgrace to the Statut-book and would not be tolerated for twenty-four hours if attempted to be put in force in this country. I say, Let the Government go on boldly with their policy. Let them introduce their University Bill immediately. Let it be a Bill on the principles of equality. Let the Chief Secretary use his influence with the Dudley Commission to produce their Report without delay. Let him frame his Land Bill and then introduce it immediately into Parliament. I would go further and say, Let the Government no longer shrink from putting their Home Rule convictions fully and frankly before the electors of this country. In this way only, I believe, can disaster in the immediate future in Ireland be avoided; and in this way only can they advance the cause of good order and government to which, I believe, they are sincerely attached.
  MR. ARTHUR HENDERSON: I have to offer a few observations on the gracious Speech from the Throne from the standpoint that appeals so forcibly to those with whom I am associated on these benches. But be ore proceeding to my immediate point I should just like to notice two gene al paragraphs in the first part of the Address, and say in behalf of those with whom I am associated that we welcome most heartily the references to the policy of the Government in regard to Macedonia and the Congo Free State. No section of the House can be anything like satisfied with the condition of affairs that has existed in those part; of the

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  world far too long, and every section of the House will be gratified if the policy of the Government assists towards a more humane administration of the law in these countries and secures a more happy condition of things there than exists at present. References have been made as to the length of the Government programme for home legislation. I do not think that anyone sitting on these benches can for a single moment profess to associate himself with the criticism of the Leader of the Opposition on that point. We are in no way alarmed by the Government's bringing before us on this occasion such a large and comprehensive list of measures. What we are more concerned about is this: Does the Government intend to place these promised measures on the Statute Book during the current session? Those of us who, long before we came into this House, took an interest in politics and specially in social and industrial questions, have learned that all previous Governments, like the present Government, have had the unfortunate knack of placing before Parliament at the opening of the session a large number of measures, and at the close of the session we have had to deplore the fact that there was nothing but promises so far as many of the measures were concerned. The Leader of the Opposition, when dealing with this point, was very much concerned about the traditions of this House. I think all sections of the House are concerned about its traditions, but some of us are more concerned about making the House a machine which will do effective work in turning out legislation which will meet the needs of the nation. There is something more important than safe-guarding the traditions of this House; regard must be had to the backward condition of social and industrial legislation, and we must be prepared to concentrate our best energies in adapting the legislative machine to meet the public wants. As to the programme which has been criticised, the first thing I notice with satisfaction is the declaration of the Government that they intend to make some provision for old-age pensions. We welcome most heartily that declaration, for we are convinced that the crying
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  needs of the aged poor have been far too long neglected by both Parties in Parliament. I have more than once thought that the gentlemen for whom the Leader of the Opposition spoke would almost require to be commiserated with when we know how long they dangled this question before the great working-class population of the country. I remember the prominent position in which they placed this question in their social programme in 1894, and I think they are to be commiserated with that during the ten years they afterwards held office they never redeemed their promises, and now the opportunity will have gone for ever. Do the present Government intend to give us a scheme of old-age pensions adequate to the needs of the people of the country? I must say that we have had declarations from the Prime Minister and the Chancellor of the Exchequer in regard to the subject. I remember myself being one of a deputation which waited upon these right hon. Gentlemen during last session, and the assurances we obtained on that occasion were of a most definite and encouraging character, but during the last week or two some of us who are deeply interested in this question have been rather alarmed by a speech delivered by the Chancellor of the Exchequer. It may be that we have misinterpreted that speech; but in doing that we were not alone in the political world. I should like to ask the right hon. Gentleman whether we have been correct in interpreting his speech as conveying the suggestion that the poor are going to have heavier burdens imposed upon them, because of the scheme of old-age pensions coming into operation? If that is the intention of the Government then so far as I can speak for those on these Benches, I must say, and say with all the force I am capable of, that any such proposal will be resisted with all the power we possess. We feel that the burdens of the poor are sufficiently heavy, especially when we read about the wages of great masses of the people of this country. We saw a return only two or three days ago which showed that over 100,000 workmen on our railways receive less than £1 a week, and the Wiltshire agricultural labourer in many instances I believe—I am

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  quoting from an agricultural return—receives 11 s. a week. When we remember how from their £1 a week or 11s. a week they have to contribute so much to the taxation of this country, by the process of taxes indirectly levied, I say that, representing as we do so immediately the wage earning classes of the population, we are bound to resist, with all the facilities the forms of this House will permit, any attempt to increase the burdens of the poor, and to add to their economic embarrassment. I should like to know before leaving this subject if the Government are prepared to stand by the very definite declaration made by the Prime Minister on November 20, 1906, when he said that—
  "He agreed that the only satisfactory method of dealing with the question was by a universal plan by which a pension should be paid to anyone who applied for it, with of course certain well understood exceptions."
  The right hon. Gentleman also said—
  "He was against contributory schemes"—
  MR. ASQUITH: Hear, hear!
  MR. ARTHUR HENDERSON: I am delighted to hear the Chancellor of the Exchequer say "Hear, hear!" I expected it because I was present at the deputation, and heard him endorse the statement of the Prime Minister, and his cheer now is an indication that some of us have misread his speech of the other day. To return, the Prime Minister said—
  "He was against contributory schemes because they involved inquisitorial machinery altogether inconsistent with the best traditions of the country and the thoughts of the people. Far from a pension sapping independence or undermining thrift it would do the opposite. It would give a sense of security and strength to men and women through life to know that, at all events, some provision was assured against the day of feebleness. Therefore any scheme must be universal in its application and it must be done by the State which alone had the money. He assured the deputation that the matter would be dealt with as soon as time and money permitted."
  We trust, therefore, that the scheme of the Government will be in the strictest harmony with the statement made by the Prime Minister, and that the Government will devise an acceptable system. We also welcome the intimation on the
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  part of the Government that they propose to deal with the question of the miners eight hours day. The Party with which I am associated, along with the Miners' Federation of Great Britain, feel very strongly on this question. We remember that a promise was given to us a year ago, and a Bill was introduced, but not proceeded with. We trust that this year it is the definite intention of the Government, not only to introduce that Bill, but to pass it into law. The other measures, very much of a social character, such as licensing and housing, town planning, and the endeavour to give some education to the children of this country, all have our most hearty approval, and I can assure the right hon. Gentleman we shall be prepared to give the fullest possible assistance to the Government by staying, not only during the greater part of the year—because reference has been made to the possibility of an autumn session—but by staying here for as many hours per day as they care to work the House, because we feel that for far too long these important measures have been delayed. I am not going to make any further reference to what the gracious Speech contains, but I want to make allusion to one or two points which it does not include. I should like to ask in all seriousness how it comes that there is no reference to the question of extending the Provision of Meals Act to Scotland, especially having regard to the very definite pledge which the Prime Minister gave on the closing day of the session of 1906. It will be remembered that on that occasion we had before us the Reports of the Amendment to the Bill in another place. They had struck out Scotland by a vote of twenty-eight to nineteen. We were given a promise that something should be done. I pressed that something should be done last session, and I was told that an effort would be made to deal with the question in the Scottish Education Bill. Last session, also, we introduced our own measure. What did we find? It went upstairs to a Committee, and I think I am right in saying that the Member for Leicester, who was in charge of the measure, got the most definite assurance from the Secretary for Scotland that our Bill would be included in the Scottish Education Bill. We remember the result

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  of the introduction of the Scottish Education Bill. It was not persisted in, and although we had the definite promise of 1906 and the subsequent promise of the Secretary for Scotland in 1907, now at the beginning of the session of 1908 there is not a single word as to the intention of the Government so far as that question is concerned. I do hope that the Government will have some satisfactory explanation to offer. It may be that they propose to introduce some Bill that is not mentioned in the King's Speech.
  MR. ASQUITH: A great many.
  MR. ARTHUR HENDERSON: I am delighted to learn that that is the case, and I hope that the Bill to apply the Provision of Meals Act to Scotland will be among the number, and therefore I need not dwell further on that question. I also regret that in the reference to the work of the session there is no Bill for establishing wages boards in connection with sweated industries. That is a measure that I believe public opinion is thoroughly ripe upon. I believe that the serious evils arising from underpaid work throughout the country and the serious condition of the sweated worker, which have been brought out so prominently in connection with the various exhibitions that have been held, have aroused a strong desire and feeling that something should be done to assist in providing such a machinery as will tend to mitigate the evils of sweating. I hope I can interpret the position to be the same as that in connection with the feeding of children, and that this will also be one of the many measures that are not enumerated in the King's Speech, but will be introduced. I am aware that there is a Committee sitting on this important subject, and I see no reason, in view of the fact that the representative of the Home Office has now returned and can be placed in the witness box at the commencement of our work, why this question could not be handled, as was the Provision of Meals Bill two sessions ago, before the present session closes. There is one more point that it is absolutely essential that I should mention. I refer to the great
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  question of unemployment. I admit that the two subjects of which I have spoken, the feeding of children and sweating, are of very great importance, but I do not think there is any part of the social question to-day that is so grave, so menacing, as the condition of thousands in this country arising from unemployment, which every day becomes more menacing. I learn from the last issue of the Board of Trade Gazette that there exists 272 unions having an unemployed membership of 6·1 per cent., compared with 4·9 per cent. in 1906. Now, if we work this out, we come to this result, that approximately there must be in this country to-day something like 500,000 people who are compulsorily unemployed. In the engineering trade alone we find that there is unemployment to the extent of 6·4 per cent. in 1907, whereas in 1906 it was 4·1 per cent. in shipbuilding it is, in 1907, no less than 14·2 per cent. as compared with 11·3 in 1906. These figures connected with the unemployed almost startle us, but there has been a tremendous increase within the last few months in pauper statistics. From The Times newspaper published a few days ago I learn that in London the total number of paupers is 129,590, an increase of 5,612 over 1906 and 1,143 over the previous week of this year. At Woolwich, we find that there is an increase of 888; Bermondsey, 844; and Poplar, 1,074. These figures. I think, very clearly prove that there is a very menacing condition of things existing among our wage-earning population to-day, and when we remember that the Government incited hopes of giving a genuine unemployed measure two years ago, and severely condemned the existing Unemployed Workmen Act, we think they ought to deal with this subject. I have with me a quotation from one right hon. Gentleman who occupies a seat on the Government Bench—I mean the Postmaster-General. He said on 6th October, 1905, at Mill wall—
  "The prolonged depression in trade necessarily brought want of employment. From the beginning he had endeavoured to treat this question on non-party lines. Mr. Long's Bill would have gone some way to deal adequately with this urgent and difficult question, but, as usual, the Government had not the pluck to stick to their guns, and at once retreated on the outcry of their supporters, and

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  so mutilated the Bill as to make it unworkable and of little use. They had raised legitimate hopes in the minds of the genuine unemployed and then cruelly dashed them to the ground."
  That is exactly what the present Government has done. In the King's Speech of the first session of this Parliament the Government declared their intention of introducing a Bill for amending this defective Unemployed Workmen Act, but this is now the third session, and it has not been passed. Last session there was no mention of it, and neither is there this session, although the Government know that the present Act has almost broken down. As the right hon. Gentleman the President of the Board of Trade has said of it, it is a machine without motive power; a motor without petrol or petrol that has to be picked up by the way. Knowing this, we think the Government have encouraged hopes and cruelly dashed them to the ground. We have so far as our constituents are concerned—I mean by "our constituents" the million workers represented at our Conference last week—received very definite instructions. Our instructions are that everything possible must be done to have this, the greatest of all social questions, dealt with during this present session. We do not agree that this question shall be delayed until we have a revision of the tariffs. We believe that the demand is too great; that the danger is too imminent. We believe if you allow your population of unemployed to increase—and at the present time, as I have said, it is somewhere near 500,000—you will have an almost tin-controllable army of unemployed, than which the country cannot be exposed to a greater danger. Therefore, I sincerely trust that we shall have some assurance from the Government that if they cannot themselves introduce a Bill to deal with this question they will take hold of the Bill introduced by the hon. Member for Leicester last year, which is shortly, I hope, with the help of the ballot, to be re-introduced this session, and use that as a basis, moulding it more to their own liking, for providing machinery which shall be effectively used in the case of unemployment. My last word is with respect to the inspection of our mines and factories. I regret very much that the Government has not seen
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  its way to institute an inquiry into the system of the inspection so far as mines and factories are concerned. My hon. friend the Member for Leicester has in two successive sessions upon the Home Office Vote raised this important question. We find the number of accidents owing to industrial pressure is on the increase, and, therefore, although we have a Compensation Act passed, we do not feel that that in itself is sufficient. We believe that prevention is better than cure. As my hon. friend the Member for Woolwich has often said, it is not after all much satisfaction to a man to receive compensation when his wife is a widow. We want prevention, and we believe that if we had a more perfect system of inspection in our factories some of these accidents could be pre-vented. If we can prevent loss of life, if we can prevent men and women being maimed in such accidents, that ought to be one of the first things to which the Government should give its attention. I should therefore like to suggest to the Government whether they cannot, during the present session, institute an inquiry into the whole question of inspection. If the Government will deal I firmly and boldly with the legislative programme which they have outlined, they will find those for whom I speak ever ready to sacrifice their time and to assist them in making their measures effective for their purposes.
  SIR HOWARD VINCENTsaid there were many points in the speech of the hon. Member for Barnard Castle with which he most cordially agreed, but he regretted that the hon. Member did not refer to some other paragraphs of the Speech from the Throne. He had been in Parliament many years, and he had heard many Speeches from the Throne, but he did not think he had ever heard before a Speech from which the commercial interests of the country had been entirely omitted. There were eight paragraphs in the Speech, yet there was not one which dealt with the commercial condition of the country, the case of employment or the state of the labour market, and certainly not one relating to the point upon which the hon. Member for the Barnard Castle division had spoken

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  so eloquently. He desired to emphasise and enlarge upon the facts and figures which the hon. Member had quoted, and his authority for so doing was the publication issued by the Board of Trade. The statistics of the Labour Gazette referred to only a comparatively small handful of the trade unions of the country of the higher class, dealing with only some 640,000 workers. Yet out of that small number there were no less than 6·1 per cent. unemployed. But if that was the condition of things among these higher trade unions, how much more serious was the condition among those trade unions none of which made returns to the Board of Trade and among whose members the percentage of unemployment was double, treble, or even quadruple—in the unskilled trades of the country! Employment was slack or declining in the engineering, textile, shipbuilding, wood-working, tailoring, hatting, pottery and leather trades. A great deal had been made of the labour bureau, but what had been the result of it? How many applicants had succeeded in obtaining employment through it? For 3,700 situations there were 13,564 applicants, and many of the situations obtained were just casual labour for a day or two. In every one of the thirty-five districts referred to there was an increase of pauperism. In a single day in the middle of December, 1907, there were no less than 395,497 people being supported out of the rates. In round numbers, 400,000 were being supported out of the poor rates, and everyone who represented working men—and they all represented a large number—every one who was familiar with the working class population knew how reluctant they were to bring themselves under the Poor Law, and how great must be the sufferings which they endured before they were content to be ranked as paupers. If we had nearly 400,000 being kept out of the poor rates, that was in itself a serious matter; but the state of affairs in the country which made such a condition of things possible was still more serious, especially when with this increase of pauperism there was at the same time an increase in the price of commodities and more especially of the prime necessaries of life consumed by the working classes. He had no desire to introduce into the discussion anything that
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  would give rise to a difference of opinion upon this matter, but he wished to bring to the notice of the Chancellor of the Exchequer the official facts. In every one of the twenty-eight largest towns of Great Britain, except Huddersfield, the price of bread had increased during the past year. In Manchester, Middlesbrough, and Aberdeen it had increased by l½d. and in the other towns by 1d. per quartern loaf; In Edinburgh, Glasgow, Belfast, Leeds and Manchester it was 6d. per loaf; in London and Liverpool, 5½d.—an increase of from 20 to 30 per cent. as compared with 1902, when out of the registration duty the Exchequer was receiving £7,000 a day to add to the revenue. This was the fact not only with regard to bread but also in the case of other prime necessaries. What steps had the Chancellor of the Exchequer taken to deal with this situation? The right hon. Gentleman had done nothing. He had omitted all reference to this condition of affairs in the King's Speech and proposed no measure to deal with it. He allowed it to go on although he admitted the evil. As the Labour Gazette said, the price of coal had increased last year at the rate of 16·8 per cent. That was, perhaps, very beneficial to the coalowners, who were largely represented in that House, but in a severe winter the increased cost of coal pressed heavily upon the poorer classes of the community. Not only had the price of coal, a great factor in the industrial life of the country, gone up for the bulk, but it had gone up relatively higher for small quantities, perhaps a cwt. at a time, purchased by poor people. An increase of 2d. or 4d. a cwt. made a very great difference to the working man with a family, and whose employment was very precarious. To such people it might mean a difficulty in keeping the fire alight at all. The Returns showed that coal had been exported from this country to foreign countries in the past year to an amount representing about £14,000,000 or £15,000,000. We had the good fortune in this country to have a practical monopoly of the coal which was fitted for the steam navies of the world. A tax of 1s. a ton had been placed upon the export of coal, and it had brought in a very large revenue indeed; but that had been taken away, and he wanted to

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  know how it was going to be replaced. The Chancellor of the Exchequer was in urgent need of money to carry out old-age pensions, which they had all of them been most anxious to bring about for so many years. The real difficulty had been to obtain the money. If the Chancellor of the Exchequer said he saw a way of getting the money, well and good. But who paid the coal tax? The foreign consumers; it was they who had given this country an enormous increase of revenue, which was of immense advantage to the whole country. But that had gone. And what had been the result of the present increased price of coal? In many places our trade and manufacturing industries were in a very serious condition. Profits were becoming less and less, wages were going down, and employment was becoming more and more difficult to obtain. What was the Government's remedy for this state of things? Apparently one remedy which the Secretary for War had—and he supposed he acted in conjunction with his colleagues—was to send orders out of the country, and to employ American trust companies to equip the British Army and to shoe the horses of the British Army. On the closing day of last session, the Financial Secretary to the War Office was asked whether an order for £100,000 worth of horse shoes had recently been placed by the Department in America. The hon. Gentleman said the answer was in the affirmative, and added that in the interests of economical administration he could not stop supplies which were satisfactory as regarded both price and efficiency. He remembered that the hon. Member for Barnard Castle made a speech in which he expressed his strong disapprobation—a disapprobation shared, he believed, by Labour Members, certainly by all the industrial population—of the policy of the Secretary for War, in placing these orders for horse shoes with an American company, when so many farriers, so many connected with the horse industry, were out of employment. The conduct of the Government in this matter and the conduct of the Secretary for War, had not only excited disapprobation among many of their supporters in that House, but also among the electors, as the Government had already found out,
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  and probably would find out to their cost. Looking to the returns, he invariably found that it was during the administration of right hon. Gentlemen opposite that they found this system followed to an extraordinary extent. For the year ending 31st March, 1907, the Government had placed orders for no less than £519,000 worth of goods which could have been perfectly well obtained at home. But no effort had been made to obtain them in this country, and they found the Secretary for War priding himself upon reducing the cost of rations for the Army by £40,000 or £50,000—thus upsetting the policy of his predecessor, that the British Army should be fed as much as possible on home raised meat—saying: "I do not know, and I do not care, where they come from so long-as I save a few thousand pounds." The right hon. Gentleman talked about the cost of battalions, but what about I the battalions of farmers and labourers and people thrust out of employment, whose living was rendered precarious by this policy of giving preference to the foreigner over our own countrymen? It was a small matter, but he found in the return £71 for benzoline billiard balls. This was an isolated order for spare sets of billiard balls. They ordered the billiard table here, but they took care to get the billiard balls from America, though good billiard balls could be obtained in this country. The Government, in fact, said that they enjoyed the employment of workmen in American factories. This action on their part deserved censure and reprobation, but if they persisted in that conduct he could tell them that they would find many more examples of an election which had recently taken place, and which would, no doubt, bring them to a saner state of mind. He purposely would not go into details as to want of employment: there would be other opportunities of doing so, and of stating the remedies for that evil. He wanted to see some vigorous and firm action on the part of the Government, to put a stop to the evil, which was disclosed in all the Government returns, that had been laid before them by the new Chairman of the Labour Party in that House. He wanted to know what the; Government's definite plans and projects

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  were, what it was they proposed to do in order to put a stop to non-employment, and for improving the welfare of the industrial population. There were some details in the measures proposed which were calculated to improve the condition of the working classes, but nothing which would affect the question of non-employment. It was to that he wished the Government to direct their attention, because he shared to the full the observations made by the hon. Member for Barnard Castle when he said that this was the really important question before the country, and if the Government were unable to find a remedy, let them give place to better men who were ready to, and could do something.
  MR. CROMBIEsaid he thought that if the Government wanted a certificate of character they could not do better than refer to the speech of the hon. and gallant Member for Central Sheffield, who was an old Parliamentarian, and an able debater. As far as he could make out, the Government had bought some billiard balls in America; but he would not go into that question, because it would be unfair to say that that was the main fault which was found with the Government. The main fault found with them was that various commodities were very much dearer than they were a few years ago. But that was not peculiar to this country. For the last year or two, in France, it had been found that commodities had risen to even a much greater extent than in this country, and there were similar reports from Germany, in fact from all over the world. But did the hon. and gallant Gentleman really believe that commodities would be any cheaper if he taxed them as he proposed to do? He thought that question alone disposed of the hon. Gentleman's argument. He had not risen, however, to go into these matters, but to call attention to the peculiar circumstances attending Scottish legislation promised in the Speech from the Throne. There were only two Bills mentioned with regard to Scotland, and the curious and he believed unprecedented thing was that those Bills had already been passed by the House of Commons. Both the
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  Land Valuation Bill and the Small Land Holders Bill were passed last session by overwhelming majorities. They were considered in Committee by all the Scottish Members, and all the details were thoroughly discussed and passed by large majorities. Why were these two Bills mentioned in the present Speech? Because they had been rejected by the House of Lords. Now the reason so far for refusing to pass them was that those Bills went against the will of the Scottish people, who did not wish for them. That might or might not be so. It was I true that they had heard of Bills being passed for Scotland, and being promoted in Scotland, that were unpopular. In such cases the people of Scotland affected by these measures immediately protested most vigorously against them. Public meetings were called and resolutions were passed condemning them. Had I any such thing happened in reference to these measures? Speaking for his part of Scotland, he did not think a single open meeting had been called at which a resolution condemning the Small Land Holder's Bill had been passed. In his experience no Bill had ever been so thoroughly discussed as the Small Land Holders Bill. It followed, therefore, that Scottish members representing rural constituencies must know the opinion of the electors in regard to this Bill better than almost any Bill of recent time. That Bill was again going to be submitted to the House. Did anyone imagine that Scottish Members who had got to look to the support of their constituents were going to vote for the Scottish Bills mentioned in the King's Speech if they thought Scotland did not want them? What had happened in Scotland during the autumn was overwhelming proof that the Scottish people were almost unanimous in their desire for such legislation. Personally he thought it was quite possible that they might also have an Education Bill for Scotland. There was one thing, however, he wished to warn the Government against; he hoped they would not bring forward any Bill that they could not pass. Scotland in the past had been too much accustomed to measures being brought forward and afterwards dropped. He trusted that whatever might be the nature of the Education Bill, whether it was large or small, the Government would not attempt to bring

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  it forward if it had to be dropped like so many of its predecessors.
  MR. FELLsaid he wished to refer to the question of the establishment of a large dockyard on the eastern coast. Upon this question the policy of the Government appeared to have been changed. The great fleet which used to be kept in the Mediterranean had now been transferred to the North Sea. It was considered on all hands by the naval authorities that the North Sea was the place in which operations on a large scale were more likely to take place than any other, and experiments had been made to find out the most suitable place for the establishment of a dockyard, where the ships of His Majesty's Fleet could be repaired. He was aware that Sheerness might be described as a dockyard on the East Coast, and it had been supposed to be suitable for the repairs required for the North Sea Fleet in the past. They had to remember, however, that enormous ironclads of the "Dreadnought" type could not be got into Sheerness, because there was not a sufficient depth of water. He understood that it was the intention of the Government materially to deepen the entrance to the Sheerness dockyard. Nevertheless, it would be a long time before that dockyard would be capable of receiving great ironclads and doing their repairs. At present, if large ironclads in the North Sea required repairs, they had to return to Portsmouth, and that might be a very hazardous and dangerous thing to do in the face of an enemy. Some years ago a site was pitched upon in the Firth of Forth which was considered suitable for such a dockyard as was required for the North Sea Fleet, and that place was Rosyth. Experiments had been made there testing the water supply and the nature of the rock, and inquiries had been made as to the expense and as to whether it would form a suitable naval base. He noticed that last year a very small sum of money was spent upon Rosyth, and the number of men employed there was really very trivial. During the autumn they had been informed that it had now been definitely and finally decided that the work at Rosyth was to be energetically commenced and that this would in future
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  be looked upon as the new great dockyard on the East Coast. He should have thought that a matter of such importance as that would have been referred to in the King's Speech. Had that been done he was sure the country would have greeted the announcement with satisfaction. They all agreed that it was necessary to keep a large fleet in the North Sea, and it was necessary to have a suitable place where the repairs of that fleet could be done. Of course, it rested with the Government to suggest such a place. He had hoped that the operations at Rosyth would have been commenced this year, but they would now have to wait until the Navy Estimates came forward when they would probably be told it was the intention of the Government to continue the operations at Rosyth. With regard to the drainage work at Rosyth, he hoped they would not make the same mistake as was made at Haulbowline and Keyham, where the original contract I stated that the material to be used should be Irish limestone, and later that stipulation was modified to English granite. The contractors were at last, however, allowed to use Norwegian granite, and that was the only material used at Haulbowline. He feared that the same thing might happen at Rosyth, and that would be a subject of great regret to himself and his friends who were of opinion that such work as this should be done with the best English material wherever possible. The Thames Embankment was an example of the kind of granite which could be obtained in England. When the Government considered the contracts which were now being given to Norway had they any idea of the wages paid to the Norwegians who cut the granite? Did the Norwegians receive trade union wages and work Englishmen's hours? He hoped that during the session this question would be thrashed out in order that they might ascertain exactly under what conditions Norwegian granite was cut, what wages were paid, and whether the work was done under conditions which gave Englishmen a fair chance of competing. He hoped the Government would be able to assure them that the work at Rosyth in regard to the formation of the dockyard was going on actively, and that they would see that English material and English labour were employed as much as possible.
  MR. MACLEANsaid the hon. and gallant Member for Sheffield had referred to the removal of the tax upon coal. He would like to remind him that the present Chancellor of the Exchequer and his predecessor were agreed as to the advisability of the removal of the coal tax. In regard to the coal trade generally, it was admitted that by far the greater proportion of the coal shipped was carried by our own traders. How immensely important was the export of coal to the question with regard to our own tonnage! Of course we were enabled to bring back raw materials to this country at low freights solely owing to the fact that we were sending out tonnage in vessels carrying coal. For instance, the Black Sea freights were at their present moderate figure owing entirely to the fact that we exported coal to that part of the world. These practical considerations were entirely overlooked by hon. Members on the other side of the House. Reference had been made to the question of horse shoes purchased abroad. It was true we had spent money in buying horse shoes in America or elsewhere, but they also knew that the action of the Government in that respect had had a beneficial effect, because the Secretary for War was now able to force contracts for horse shoes in this country at a reasonable price. The makers here had evidently learned a lesson which obviously they needed. He was glad the Government proposed to amend the licensing law, and would only express the hope that the Bill would contain some method to prohibit women from taking children into public houses. He was glad to know also that they proposed to amend the law for the protection of children. It was to be hoped that that measure would prevent the enormous number of deaths which occurred yearly from overlaying. Another point which had a bearing on child life was that of housing. He quoted a paragraph from a report presented to the House last session on the physical condition of children attending the Board Schools in Glasgow. The information placed before that Committee showed that the physical condition of children from
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  one-roomed houses was inferior to that of children from two roomed houses, and so on. The Bill for the housing of the working classes he hoped would lead to some amelioration of the condition of children. The people of the country at last appreciated the fact that the protection of the State was due to the child from the day of its birth as well as to adult citizens.
  MR. SUMMERBELLexpressed the hope that in dealing with the question of old ago pensions the Government would pay no heed to what had fallen from the hon. Member for Sheffield, namely, that coal or something else should be taxed in order to get the necessary money for old-age pensions. He thought the only legitimate way to get money for old-age pensions was to say that those who had incomes of £2,000 and over should provide the necessary money. It was an admitted fact that people were poor because the economic conditions under which they lived did not enable them to provide for their support in old age. The hon. Member for Sheffield had advised the Government, if they could not find a remedy for unemployment, to clear out and allow others to take their place. He was a poor man who could not sympathise with unemployed workers who had wives and families dependent upon them; but to suggest that the remedy for the evil was to be found in the introduction of protection was an insult to the workers of this country. There were at present in Berlin 53,000 unemployed, and yet Germany was a protectionist country. Men were clamouring for the opportunity to work, and they were appealing to the Government to take taxes off the food of the people. In America the same thing would be found; shiploads of people were leaving that country on account of unemployment. Did the hon. Member for Sheffield think that by taxing billiard balls and horse shoes they could find a remedy for unemployment? To say that protection would solve the question of the unemployed was to talk pure nonsense. The only hope of a part solution, he

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  contended, lay in a bold dealing by the Government with the land question, by which the people might be brought back to the land, and millions of acres might once more be tilled. He warned the Government that the manhood of the country would very soon assert itself unless they were prepared to tackle the problem. In his opinion the cause of much unemployment was that land had been allowed to go out of cultivation. They were importing food from abroad which could be produced in this country if the land were properly utilised. Go where they would in England they would find barren wastes which ought to be converted into smiling fields. What did the hon. Member for Sheffield and his friends do when a measure was brought forward with the object of enabling people to go on to land which had gone out of cultivation? They made every effort to resist it, and so to prevent the solution of the problem. No tariffs would settle the problem, and he appealed to the Government to make a bold stand on the land question and try and get the unemployed workers back on to the land. During the past sixty years about 1,000,000 people had been driven off the land, with the result that the towns were crowded with citizens on the verge of starvation. He was glad that the Government were going to deal with certain phases of the land question. He would give them his hearty support, believing it was in that direction that a remedy would be found in some measure at least for the evil of unemployment.
  MR. R. DUNCANsaid that it must have struck any one looking at the Royal declaration that a great responsibility lay on the Government, not merely for the affairs of the United Kingdom, but for those of the most extended dominion that the world had ever seen. He was glad to find in the Speech from the Throne a statement of the conditions and relations which now existed between this country and foreign nations, especially with Russia, with
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  whom, not so far back in our history, we were on the verge of a great conflict. He was glad that the spirit of peace and conciliation prevailed in the minds of all the Governments of Europe. Questions of humanity were involved in the good government of Macedonia and the Congo State; and he wished to express approval of the wisdom of the Government in recognising their duty in dealing with other Powers to secure reforms in these countries. He complained that only two small allusions were made in the King's Speech to Greater Britain; and he could have wished that more of the spirit of responsibility had been shown, not merely for the United Kingdom but also for the United Empire. They on that side of the House were of one mind on that subject, and did not consider questions from the little-England, little-Scotland or little-Ireland point of view. The question of the migration of Japanese to Canada was a type of the subjects which were coming more and more to the front. Race questions were very difficult indeed. Were they to treat all races alike, or was there to be some real distinction to be made between people of different races and colour? He was glad that there was a paragraph in the King's Speech dealing with the famine in India. He regretted along with some former speakers that there was no recognition in the Speech of the state of unemployment in this country, and it struck him that that was rather strange when a gentleman occupied a seat on the Front Government Bench whose reputation depended on his sympathy with the unemployed and his struggles on their behalf. He knew from practical experience that unemployment in this country often depended upon tariffs in other countries, and he was sorry that tariff walls had been raised in other countries against our products. Industrial history showed us cases of established trades which were cut off as by the blow of an axe by a hostile tariff. Women's trades had suffered severely in this way. He hoped that the House would do something to

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  protect women's work in the United Kingdom. He could not help thinking that that was a question which was worthy of the consideration of the Government, which ought to look into the causes of unemployment and get at the real facts of the case, and not be content with quack remedies. So far as his voice had any weight, he wished to express the opinion that in every King's Speech, year after year, the question of employment or unemployment should find a place.
  MR. REESsaid that so far from agreeing with the last speaker he thought they greatly erred in taking upon themselves a particular part in interfering with the conduct of affairs in other sovereign nations. It seemed to him that while they were right to sympathise in company with other countries with the people of Macedonia, they ought not to go one inch beyond that. This country never meant to go to war for Macedonia, and the excessive expression of empty sympathy on our part merely brought down upon the people the natural resentment of their masters, who would continue to be their masters so far as we were concerned. The first two measures mentioned in the Speech from the Throne would, he was sure, be received with great satisfaction in Wales. From his own constituency he had received a numerously signed petition to Parliament stating that the electors of Newtown, Montgomeryshire, greatly desired that there should be included in the forthcoming Licensing Bill a clause to safe-guard children under the age of fourteen by precluding them from entering bars and drinking premises, and prohibiting the sale of intoxicants to anyone under eighteen years of age. The seconder of the Address had referred to the famine in India, and tad spoken of our responsibility where so many people were perishing from starvation. It was by no means the case that the people of India perished for want of assistance from the Government. The whole of the resources of
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  the Government were at the disposal of the Indian people for the saving of human life. During the period of the greatest famine in India in modern times, 6,000,000 of people were in receipt of out-door relief. That meant that 2 percent. of the Indian population were in receipt of out-door relief, while in this country 2·2 per cent. had been in receipt of out-door relief during the same period. There was no longer famine in India in the old acceptation of the word. The moment prices of food rose beyond a certain point, the Government provisions for meeting famine came automatically into operation, and relief works were established on which the people were employed at slighty lower rates than their ordinary pay. Nothing was more painful than to see the manner in which, when there was any failure of crops in India, the problem of the government of that country was subjected to a torrent of misrepresentation, sometimes, he feared, malevolent, and the true facts entirely obscured. He hoped that when this question came under consideration again, it would be remembered that in the gravest famine, or so-called famine, in India in modern times, there were fewer people unrelieved in India, than there were in this country in any year. He was quite sure, however, that the hon. Gentleman who had brought this subject forward was not actuated by any malevolent ideas in regard to the government of India; of that, he freely absolved him. He had it in his mind to say this and nothing else, but since he was speaking, he would refer to what the Leader of the Opposition had said as to the Anglo-Russian Convention. Had that dealt with Persian affairs alone, he should have agreed with him that it was eminently desirable that the Persian Gulf should be brought in, and that the line should have run across the centre of the Gulf. He agreed in that event, the line should run in the direction which the speech of the right hon. Gentleman indicated, and which was also indicated in

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  a speech by Lord Curzon. But what they had to remember in regard to the Anglo-Russian Convention was that the Persian question was part of a whole, and the agreement arrived at in regard to Afghanistan was so satisfactory that, to his mind, it covered the Persian sub-issue. He did not for a moment forget that the Agreement confirmed to Russia all that she had and did not confirm to us all that we had; but he thought that, when they saw how satisfactory the Convention had been with respect to the frontiers of India—and it was with that view that it was made, and it was for that reason that the points raised about the Gulf were excluded—it must be allowed that the arrangement was on the whole a good one, and it was perhaps unwise to cavil about points that affected any particular country. With regard to Tibet for instance; he regretted very much that the expedition which was sent there proved so fruitless, and that all we gained was given up, but it must be pointed out that it was the late Government who gave up the results of that expedition, and it certainly would be most unjust to visit on the head of a Liberal Government the mere continuance of arrangements which were really those of their predecessors in office. He believed, as he had said, that the present arrangement was a good one in the interests of the Indian frontiers and of this country, and so long as we had a sufficient backing of battleships to make us feared, he believed it would be a valuable instrument which would eventually make for peace and prosperity. The hon. Member for Waterford had said that crime in Ireland was less than in England and Wales. He was not concerned with England, but if the hon. Member was going to make a comparison between the crime in Ireland and in Wales, he must point out that it was always well to remember in connection with this subject, that the statistics of Welsh crime were chiefly made up by the figures of Glamorganshire and of the great seaports in Glamorganshire, the
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  population of which was made up of other people than Welshmen. He thought it behoved him as a Welshman to make that explanation. Glamorganshire was, he believed, the most criminal county in the United Kingdom, but that was chiefly because of the foreigners who came to its seaports. He heartily agreed with the remark made by the Chancellor of the Exchequer when he begged hon. Members who felt strongly, as they all did, as to the case of the Indians in the Transvaal to let that matter alone to be settled by those concerned and those who had the settlement of it. He sincerely hoped the right hon. Gentleman's advice would be taken to heart, and he should take it to heart by saying no more on the subject, though he felt very strongly about it, knowing as he did, the feeling in England, and what was not of less importance the feelings of India, which had been needlessly hurt by the discussions which had taken place. He had hoped to have been able to speak to the Under-Secretary for the Colonies in respect of certain communications in Nyassaland, in which he happened to be closely interested and also in regard to the appointment of the members of the newly created Legislative Council, but as the Under-Secretary was not present he would defer his remarks. He would only take the opportunity of congratulating him on his safe return from Central Africa, which he attributed under Providence—and he was sure the hon. Member for Buckinghamshire would agree with what he said—to the fact that lions did not prey on their own species.
  Motion made, and Question, "That the debate be now adjourned."—(Mr. Ramsey Macdonald,)—put, and agreed to.
  Debate to be resumed To-morrow.
  Adjournment.—Motion made, and Question, "That this House do now adjourn,—(Mr. Whiteley,)—put, and agreed to.
  Adjourned at twenty - three minutes after Nine o'clock.

Preamble
The KING, being seated on the Throne, and the Commons being at the Bar with their Speaker, His Majesty was pleased to make a most gracious Speech to both Houses of Parliament, and then retired.
His Majesty's Speech was as follows:—
"My Lords and Gentlemen,
"The visit of the German Emperor with His Imperial Consort during the past autumn was a source of great pleasure to Me and to the Queen. The cordial reception given to their Majesties by My people was warmly appreciated, and cannot fail to confirm the friendly relations existing between the two nations.
"The lamented death of the King of Sweden has caused Me much sorrow.
"My relations with Foreign Powers continue to be friendly.
"My Government, animated by the sincere desire to settle by mutual agreement
2
certain questions concerning the interests of Great Britain and Russia on the Continent of Asia, have concluded with the Russian Government a Convention relating to their respective interests in Persia, Afghanistan, and Thibet. The terms of this Convention have already been laid before you, and, acting in its spirit, the two Governments have been able, notwithstanding disturbances and complications in Persia, to maintain a peaceful policy.
"My Government have joined with the Governments of Franco, Germany, and Russia, in a Treaty for preserving the integrity of the Kingdom of Norway. The text of the Treaty will be published in due course.
"The correspondence recently presented to you has placed you in possession of the results of the Second International Peace Conference at The Hague, which concluded its labours in October last. The various instruments annexed to the Final Act of that Conference show the progress that has been made, and they are receiving the attentive consideration of My Government. One of the most important

3
of these instruments establishes the great principle of an International Court of Appeal in Prize cases. My Government are considering the question of inviting representatives of the leading maritime nations to attend a Conference in London in the course of next autumn, with a view of coming to an understanding on certain important points of International Law for the guidance of the Court.
"The condition of the Christian and Mussulman population in the Macedonian vilayets shows no improvement: the bands of different nationalities continue to pursue a campaign of violence, and the situation gives serious cause for anxiety. The Great Powers of Europe have agreed to present to the Turkish Government a scheme for the improvement of the judiciary in that region, and My Government have made further proposals to the Sultan, and also to the Great Powers, for dealing effectually with the principal causes of disturbance.
"My Government are fully aware of the great anxiety felt with regard to the treatment of the native population in the Congo State. Their sole desire is to see the government of that State humanely administered in accordance with the spirit of the Berlin Act, and I trust that the negotiations now proceeding between the Sovereign of the Congo State and the Belgian Government will secure this object.
"Negotiations are being conducted with the Government of the United States for an Agreement to refer to the International Court of Arbitration at The Hague questions pending between the two Governments which relate to the New-foundland fisheries. It is hoped that by this friendly procedure a long-standing source of difficulty may be satisfactorily removed.
"The difficulty which had arisen respecting Japanese immigration into Canada has been settled on terms agreed upon between the respective Governments.
"I sincerely lament to have to inform you that, owing to failure of the rains over parts of India during last year, conditions of scarcity accompanied by much sickness have arisen. Prompt and well-considered measures of relief have been taken, and the situation is faced both by the stricken people and by My officers with courage and hope."
"Gentlemen of the House of Commons,
"Estimates for the expenditure of the year will in due course be laid before you.
"In connection with the financial arrangements of the year, proposals will be brought forward for making better provision for old age, and legislation with that object will be submitted."
"My Lords and Gentlemen,
"Bills will be laid before you for the following purposes:—
"To amend the Law of Licensing in England and Wales.
"To amend the Law relating to Elementary Education in England and Wales.
"To regulate the hours of underground labour in Coal Mines.
"To amend the Acts relating to the Housing of the Working Classes, and to regulate the laying out of land needed for the development of growing urban centres.
"To amend the system of Valuation of property in England and Wales for the assessment of Imperial and Local charges.
"To improve and extend University Education in Ireland.
"To amend in various particulars the Land Purchase (Ireland) Act of 1903, especially with reference to the compulsory acquisition of untenanted land in connection with the relief of congestion.
"To establish an authority for the control and improvement of the Port and Waterway of Loudon.
"To consolidate and amend the Law relating to the Protection of Children and to the treatment of Juvenile Offenders.
"The Bills relating to Scottish Land and Valuation, which were introduced last session but failed to pass into law, will be again submitted to you.
"Your labours upon these, and upon all other matters, I humbly commend to the blessing of Almighty God.

SAT FIRST.
The Marquess of Bristol sat first in Parliament after the death of his uncle.
The Lord Clanwilliam (E. Clanwilliam) sat first in Parliament after the death of his father.
The Lord Aldenham sat first in Parliament after the death of his father.
The Lord Nunburnholme sat first in Parliament after the death of his father.
The Viscount Torrington sat first in Parliament after the death of his father.
The Lord Saye and Sele sat first in Parliament after the death of his father.
Several Lords took the Oath.
Edmund Arbuthnott (Lord Bishop of Manchester) was (in the usual manner) introduced.

ROLL OF THE LORDS.
Garter King of Arms attending, delivered at the Table (in the usual manner) a list of the Lords Temporal in the Third Session of the Twenty-eighth Parliament of the United Kingdom—the same was ordered to lie on the Table.

REPRESENTATIVE PEERS FOR IRELAND.
"Writs and Returns electing the Lord Curzon of Kedleston a Representative Peer for Ireland in the room of the late Lord Kilmaine, deceased, with the certificate of the Clerk of the Crown in Ireland annexed thereto: delivered (on oath), and certificate read as follows:—
"Crown and Hanaper Office in Ireland.
"In pursuance of an Act passed in the Parliament of Ireland in the fortieth year of the reign of His late Majesty King George the Third intituled 'An Act to regulate the mode by which the Lords Spiritual and Temporal and the Commons to serve in the Parliament of the United Kingdom on the part of Ireland shall he summoned and returned to the said Parliament,' I hereby certify that the several Writs hereunto annexed for electing a Temporal Peer of Ireland in the room of Francis William, Baron Kilmaine, deceased, did issue from this the Crown Office in Chancery in Ireland to the Peers therein severally named, and the said Peers did severally make the Returns thereto which to the said Writs are respectively annexed. And I do further certify that it appears from the said Writs and Returns that the right hon George I Nathaniel, Baron Curzon of Kedleston, has been chosen by a majority of votes to be the Peer to sit and vote on the part of Ireland in the House of Lords of the United Kingdom in the room of Francis William, Baron Kilmaine, deceased. And whereas the name of the said George Nathaniel, Baron Curzon of Kedleston, is not upon the Roll of the Peers of Ireland whose right to vote at the elections of Representative Peers for Ireland has been certified
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by the Clerk of the Parliaments of the United Kingdom into the Crown Office in Chancery in Ireland by direction of the House of Lords as having been admitted by the House of Lords, I do further certify that it appears from the said Writs and Returns that the right hon. Frederick Oliver, Baron Ashtown, whose name is upon the aforesaid Roll of the Peers of Ireland, has received the next highest number of votes. All which I attest this 21st day of January, 1908.
" Clerk of the Crown and Hanaper and
Permanent Secretary to the Lord
Chancellor of Ireland.
"To the Clerk of the Parliaments of the United Kingdom of Great Britain and Ireland."
THE LORD CHANCELLOR (Lord LOREBURN): Your Lordships will observe that this Return is not in the usual form, and that it contains more than is required by the Statute. The object, I presume, is to place the House in a position to decide whether a writ should issue to Lord Curzon or not. The point raised is whether Lord Curzon, not having claimed his right to vote for a representative peer for Ireland, and, consequently. no such claim having been admitted, is thereby disabled from being elected. Your Lordships will probably expect my opinion on the point. I have examined the Act of Union and am satisfied that Lord Curzon, whose name appears on the Ulster roll as a temporal peer of Ireland, might properly be elected, although he has made no claim to be entitled to vote for a representative peer. The Act requires that those who vote for a representative peer shall have claimed and had their claim admitted by this House, but the Act makes no requirements as to the person to be elected, except that he should be a temporal peer of Ireland. There are certain precedents quoted to a Committee of your Lordships' House in 1874 which, perhaps, favour this view, but I prefer to rely upon the Act itself. The Act, I think, is clear, and in my opinion Lord Curzon is entitled to his writ and to take his seat in the ordinary course.
THE EARL OF HALSBURY: I am sure the noble and learned Lord on the Woolsack requires no confirmation from me; but it may be satisfactory to him if I say that I entirely concur in the view he has expressed. Some ingenious person appears to have suggested that something should be read into the Act of

7
Union which is not in it—namely, that an elector must be an elector before he can be elected, for which there is not the slightest foundation. I note that the noble and learned Lord quoted a certain precedent. I confess that if the matter were decided upon the precedents I should feel some doubt, but really there is no point at all. Unless you put a new section into the Act of Union there cannot be the least doubt. The noble and learned Lord said the point intended to be raised was so and so. I can only say that to my mind there is no point at all in the matter.
Then the Lord Curzon of Kedleston took the Oath.

SELECT VESTRIES.
Bill, pro formâ, read 1a.

ADDRESS IN REPLY TO HIS MAJESTY'S MOST GRACIOUS SPEECH.
LORD AIREDALE: My Lords, in rising to move that an humble Address be presented to His Majesty thanking him for his gracious Speech, I must first ask for the indulgence of your Lordships for one who has so recently entered this House, and who can, therefore, scarcely be said even to have emerged from the period of assimilation. I will first refer to the visit of the German Emperor, for which we are indebted to the influence of His Gracious Majesty the King. The progress—the remarkable progress—which the German Emperor and Empress made through the streets of London, gave the people of this country an opportunity of showing their respect to a great Monarch, and of expressing their friendly feelings towards the great German people. The death of Oscar King of Sweden is greatly to be deplored. He was a kind and constitutional Monarch. It so happens that I had a personal opportunity of judging of the kindly feelings of King Oscar towards the British nation. I was a member of a scientific society which visited Stockholm a few years ago. The King of Sweden and his sons attended a discussion at our ordinary proceedings, and we were afterwards received at the Royal Palace, the King thus giving an expression of friendly feeling towards the English people.
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The Russian Convention, which is referred to in His Majesty's gracious Speech, is an event of the greatest importance. It settles by mutual agreement questions which have been for years the cause of difficulties and disputes and anxieties between the two nations. The declaration of the respective interests of Russia and Great Britain clear the air. A great weight has been lifted by the declaration that the Governments of Great Britain and Russia mutually engage to respect the integrity and independence of Persia, and have agreed not to seek concessions for the subjects of either in areas which are clearly defined. The condition of Persia at this moment is most deplorable, and we may be very thankful that this Convention has been concluded, for while these domestic difficulties are proceeding, which are no concern of ours, suspicions that this nation or that nation might intervene are finally removed. The Russian Government further recognise that Afghanistan is outside the sphere of Russian influence; Great Britain disclaims on its part any intention of changing the political status of Afghanistan; and all the difficulties and anxieties and responsibilities that we have had in years past with reference to the north-western frontier, if not removed, at any rate must be very much minimised. With reference to Thibet, into which country we recently made a romantic expedition, the Convention further records engagements by which Russia and Great Britain undertake to respect the territorial integrity of Thibet. They undertake not to enter into negotiations with Thibet except through the intervention of the Chinese Government, nor to send political representatives there. As a railwayman I regret to see that they have agreed not to promote railway enterprise; but, as a railway shareholder, in such an enterprise, perhaps I should not be so anxious.
The Hague Conference, at which assembled a numerous array of the representatives of forty-seven States of widely different importance, is an event of great interest. As employers of labour we know the value of personal conferences, which bring conflicting parties into direct relations. The value of these personal relations at such a Conference must be great in the future negotiation of affairs.

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The question of the reduction of armaments was not under discussion at the Conference, but His Majesty's Government have expressed their willingness to consider this important matter whenever it may be thought wise to do so. The establishment of an International Court of Appeal is a matter of the greatest value. Its existence already bears fruit. As you are aware, the United States Government are willing so to refer questions pending with relation to the Newfoundland Fisheries, and this at the suggestion of Sir Robert Bond, the representative of the Newfoundland Government at the Conference. These questions have caused difficulties between the two nations for generations.
His Majesty refers to the state of Macedonia. The condition of affairs in that country is deplorable. Raids are made by hostile bands, and are difficult to control. His Majesty's Government continue to act with the great Powers, and are suggesting new measures for dealing with this question.
With regard to the Congo, His Majesty's Government desire to see that State humanely administered. The conditions of labour in the Congo Free State are terrible—absolutely those of slavery. The people of Great Britain are watching with great interest the negotiations which are proceeding between the Belgian Government and the Ruler of the Congo State, and we shall rejoice if the Belgian Government take over the control of that State, for then we shall have a constitutional government with which we can negotiate.
The question of Old-age Pensions is raised, and legislation will be submitted with the object of making better provision for old age. There is a general agreement that some provision should be made for the distressed in their old age. The real difficulty is whether the scheme should be a contributory or non-contributory one. I am pleased to see that Lord Roberts is making a great effort to support distressed warriors in their old age, and I ask whether the aged agricultural labourer or unskilled labourer has not also rendered his service to the State, and is not equally worthy of some assistance and support in his old age. You say, "Yes, but they should contribute." I ask how the agricultural labourer or the
10
ordinary unskilled labourer can contribute out of the scanty earnings he receives; and probably it is better he should be expending his wages upon the proper bringing up of his family than in penurious saving which causes them to suffer.
The difficulties of the situation in India owing to the threatened famine are very great. I may remind the House that they have been much alleviated by the extension of the railway system, and it is by an extension of railways in India, by closer and more rapid communication with the different districts, that we may hope still further to mitigate the difficulties of these recurring famines.
The law of licensing in England and Wales is to be dealt with in the coming session. The popular demand is for a reduction of the hours and also for some appropriation of the value which is conferred by the community when new licences are given. As an employer of some fifty years standing, I can testify to the great improvement in the bearing and the character of the working people with whom I am closely associated. I attribute some of it to education, but much of it in later years is due to restriction in the hours of opening and to the greater control of matters of licensing. I hope that the hours will be further reduced, for these changes contribute materially to the elevation of the working people.
The law relating to elementary education and to religious teaching in elementary schools will have to be dealt with. For more than thirty years simple Bible teaching in the primary schools has been conducted with the general approval of the great school boards, and it is on that system, and on that system only, that you can hope to have religious teaching. The alternative is secular teaching only, which I for one should greatly deplore. A Bill will be introduced to regulate the hours of underground labour in coal mines—what is called the Miners Bight Hours Bill. Your Lordships will be aware that there has been a committee of inquiry, the result of whose deliberations is to confirm the general opinion

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that by limitation of hours you will have restriction of output; that if you have a restriction of output you will have an increase in cost. Coal is the primary necessity of all our manufactures. In the iron and steel trade, with which I am associated, each ton of iron or steel consumes several tons of coal, and if you increase the cost of coal you will increase the cost of steel and iron. You will thereby enhance the cost of raw material and diminish the demand for our ships, engines, and manufactures, and consequently diminish the employment of those engaged in those special industries. I think we may appeal, therefore, to those workmen who are so strenuous in the demand for a reduction of hours in the coal trade to be conciliatory, and not to insist absolutely on the eight hours of the original Bill.
The question of university education in Ireland is a knotty one, and we are hoping that it will be dealt with. It seems so unreasonable that university education should be denied to members of different denominations because a scheme cannot be provided for it. The Bills relating to Scottish land and valuation, which were introduced last session but failed to pass into law, will be again submitted to Parliament. I notice that the noble Marquess, the Leader of the Opposition, said not long ago that the "House of Lords is an Assembly which interferes rarely and reluctantly between the people and the achievement of those objects which the popular Assembly has favoured." If the popular Assembly once more pronounces by an overwhelming majority in favour of these measures, let us hope that the doctrine which the noble Marquess then laid down will be practised with the wisdom and discretion which has always distinguished this Assembly. I beg to move.
LORD NUNBURNHOLME: My Lords, in rising to second the Address, which has been so gracefully and admirably moved by my noble friend Lord Airedale, I would humbly ask your Lordships to accord me a full measure of that courteous indulgence which you invariably give to those who rise to address this House for the first time. I would ask your Lordships to give me that same kindly hearing that you gave to
12
my father on the few occasions on which he had the honour of speaking in this Chamber. Your Lordships will not wish me to do more than mention a few salient features of the legislative programme for the ensuing session. With regard to education, may I express my regret that your Lordships were unable to come to an agreement upon the Education Bill of 1906? Is not all reform in its inception mainly experimental, and would it not be reasonable to form a basis of experiment by eliminating the most controversial material? Can we not as a nation unite in constructing a system of education which shall be free from all sectarianism—a system which shall be for the advancement of the intellectual progress of our children, which shall teach them the fundamental principles of right and wrong, and fit them to take their position in life as trustworthy and well-equipped members of society?
My Lords, we rejoice to see in the gracious Speech from the Throne that a Bill is to be brought in for promoting the cause of temperance and regulating those fictitious clubs which offer an illicit and unfair competition to a trade already controlled and recognised by the law. The commercial community of this great Free Trade country will greatly appreciate the International Court of Appeal to be set up at The Hague, and we shall, I am sure, all be very glad to know that a Conference is to be held, or probably will be held, to frame laws for the guidance of that tribunal. In the past our commerce has suffered considerable delay and havoc through the action of belligerent Powers with regard to contraband of war and to the status of vessels within the sphere of operations. May we not look with hope that the new machinery to be set up will ensure fair play to the non-combatant mercantile community of all neutral Powers?
As one connected with the shipping trade of this country, I beg leave for a moment to turn to the promised legislation with regard to the Port of London. As your Lordships are aware, the size and the depth of our Thames docks are totally inadequate to modern requirements. In this respect we are far behind

13
many of our Continental rivals. Moreover, there is urgent need of one single authority to control the waterway of our great-port, such as has been success fully established in regard to the rivers Mersey, Tyne, and Humber. I trust that your Lordships will give careful consideration to any Bill brought in to further these objects.
Your Lordships will deeply sympathise with our fellow-subjects in India in the sufferings they have undergone consequent on the partial failure of the crops. I am afraid it has even affected our own people in this country. The wretched harvest of North America and Russia, together with the failure in India, have raised the price of food to our people and of raw materials to our manufactures.
Nevertheless, my Lords, one is glad to recognise that this natural rise in the price of commodities need give us no cause for dissatisfaction with our present system of free imports. May I venture to hope that all sections of this House will view with approval the proposals of His Majesty's Government for dealing with some vital problems of our social system, such as improved housing for those whose lot is unhappily cast in rough places, some provision or means of subsistence free from the bitter taint of charity for those who have grown old in service, more rational hours of labour in our mines, and more careful nurture of our little children.
I gather, my Lords, there may be apprehension in the minds of some of us that the policy of the wage-earning community is for the destruction of our national institutions by vast projects of social upheaval. I have had the honour of representing in another place a constituency largely consisting of the labouring class, and I am convinced that the aspirations and ambitions of that class mainly tend towards their emancipation from the unnatural conditions and the unhappy surroundings in which the lives of many of them are spent through no fault of their own. I speak in the full confidence that in every section of this House we are moved with but one impulse—namely, the conscientious discharge of those high duties which we hold in trust for the benefit of the nation. My Lords, I have the honour to second
14
the Address, and beg most respectfully to thank you for the kindly consideration you have accorded me.
Moved, "That an humble Address be presented to His Majesty in reply to the gracious Speech from the Throne."—(Lord Airedale.)
THE MARQUESS OF LANSDOWNE: My Lords, I trust that the two noble Lords to whom we have just had the advantage of listening will permit me to offer them our congratulations upon the way in which they have acquitted themselves of their task. Both those noble Lords have had the advantage of some House of Commons experience. Both of them will, no doubt, be valuable recruits in this House, and we hope that they may frequently take part in our deliberations. But, in addition to Parliamentary experience, both of them have experience of another kind. The noble mover spoke of himself as a railway man; the noble seconder referred to the fact that he was connected with the shipping trade of this country. I am reminded that, recently, a distinguished colleague of the noble Marquess opposite told his audience that the House of Lords possibly knew something about parsons and gamekeepers, but that it knew nothing about trade. I cannot but think that, when the noble Marquess selected for the mover of the Address the noble Lord who has not only had the advantage of being president of the National Liberal Association, but also president of the Leeds Chamber of Commerce, and of the Iron and Steel Institute, he must have intended to administer a sly rebuke to his colleague.
My Lords, we rejoice to find once more in the Royal Speech the ever welcome announcement that His Majesty's relations with foreign Powers continue to be friendly. May every succeeding Government contribute its share towards that most desirable result. I think it is natural that closely connected with that paragraph should be the paragraph in which His Majesty refers to the recent visit of the Emperor of Germany. These Royal visits are not mere parade movements. They afford valuable opportunities for the discussion of international

15
questions between the Sovereigns themselves and between their advisers, and they give to our illustrious visitors opportunities of judging for themselves of the friendly tone and demeanour of the people of this country.
His Majesty's Government are able to announce an important step which should contribute not a little, I think, towards the maintenance of international peace. I refer to the conclusion of a Convention with Russia in regard to the affairs of Persia, Afghanistan, and Thibet. We on this side of the House are certainly predisposed in favour of that Convention. We regard such Conventions as the proper mode of dealing with complications of the kind which this Convention is intended to anticipate, and I think I am justified in saying that, had we remained in office, it is more than probable that we too would have been approached by the Russian Government, and that we should have made an effort to conclude a satisfactory arrangement with them. I think His Majesty's Government are justified in saying that during the recent Persian crisis the existence of the Convention afforded a considerable guarantee for international peace. It is in these moments of crisis that strong Powers are sometimes tempted, especially if they are competitors for influence over a weak Power, to steal a march one upon the other, and I have, no doubt, that the existence of this Convention may have had the effect of preventing anything of that kind from taking place.
But, my Lords, these international instruments after all embody business transactions, and it is from the business point of view that people will naturally regard them. I think His Majesty's Government must be aware that by some persons, and by persons qualified to have decided opinions upon such subjects, the bargain is open to criticism on certain points, and such criticisms have been very plain'y and distinctly offered. This would not be at all a convenient opportunity for bringing on a discussion on such matters, and I merely refer to them because I think it very probable that His Majesty's Government will be afforded an opportunity of explaining
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these matters, and of meeting these criticisms. I can assure His Majesty's Government that, so far us we are concerned, they will certainly not be offered in an unfriendly spirit, and no one will be better pleased than we shall be if His Majesty's Government are able to reassure us as to any point in regard to which we may entertain misgivings.
There follows, almost immediately afterwards, an interesting paragraph referring to the Peace Conference whch has recently sat at the Hague. A Bluebook has lately been laid on the table of the House dealing with that question, and I find in it a despatch, signed by the Secretary of State for Foreign Affairs, in which he frankly admits that the results of the Conference have, in some respects, been of a disappointing character. If the great expectations with which we entered into the Conference have not been fulfilled, it is perhaps to some extent due to the fact that those expectations were a little exaggerated. I think, for example, the Prime Minister—and may I be permitted, in passing, to express our satisfaction at knowing that he has returned to this country in improved health—was a little too much inclined to believe that this Conference would bring about a general reduction of armaments on the part of the great Powers. As to that, we have a very remarkable comment in the shape of the speech which was delivered quite lately by the Secretary of State for Foreign Affairs. The Secretary of State told his hearers that the British Navy, far from being too strong for our needs, was not more than sufficient for them, and that, if foreign Powers were to continue to increase their naval strength, it would be necessary for us to follow suit if we desired that our homes should be safe from attack. My Lords, that is a momentous statement coming from a Minister whose calmness of judgment is as conspicuous as is that of Sir Edward Grey.
Your Lordships will have seen the Blue-book relating to the proceedings at The Hague. It is not very easy to separate what I may call the gold from the dross in it. The Conference has produced no less than thirteen Conventions,

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a great many of them wanting the signatures of those Powers whose signatures matter most. It has produced eight resolutions, or "opinions" as they are called—pious opinions perhaps they might be called—which, I take it, represent the strivings of the international conscience after somewhat remote and unattainable ideals; and there is the declaration in regard to the use of balloons in the time of war. I wish to express my satisfaction that Sir Edward Fry and his colleagues should have been authorised to sign only what is described as the final Act. The final Act, by the way, occurs, not as one would expect it at the end of the series of documents, but at the very beginning.
I understand that in the view of His Majesty's Government the whole of these conventions require careful examination before this country is committed to them; and that is particularly true of the convention referred to in the gracious Speech—I mean that dealing with the creation of an International Court of Appeal in prize cases. We should all of us rejoice to see such a Court established, if we were quite sure that it would be properly constituted and that it would administer a code of regulations thoroughly considered beforehand and approved by the Great Maritime Powers affected by them. Mention has been made of the great inconvenience to which this country had been put owing to the absence of such a Prize Court; and any one who recollects the events of the Russo-Japanese war will well remember the grave anxiety which was occasioned to us by the absence of such a Court. But these ills, intolerable as they were, would be almost more tolerable than those which we might endure if we found ourselves placed entirely in the hands of an imperfectly-constituted tribunal, administering, not a recognised code of international law, but precepts which it might itself lay down from time to time for its own guidance. I rejoice, therefore, that these matters are to be maturely considered and that the particular point on which I have dwelt is to be examined by a conference of maritime Powers this autumn.
The Speech next deals with the melancholy subject of Macedonia. It is impos-
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sible to read the paragraph without an approach to a feeling of despair. I have seen it stated in the last few days that in the course of four years there have been no less than 10,000 deaths from violent causes in the Macedonian vilayets. What a melancholy result of the efforts of European diplomacy! I am well aware of the immense obstacles with which the Government of this country has had to contend in dealing with this Macedonian problem. There is, in the first place, the obstinacy and shortsightedness of the Turkish Government. There is, in the next place, the incurable timidity of the Powers—a timidity which in great measure is due to their sincere dread of provoking a European crisis in that part of the world. But I am glad to see that His Majesty's Government are able to announce to us that the Great Powers of Europe are to present to the Turkish Government not only a scheme for the improvement of the justiciary, a matter of first-rats importance, but also—and the words are significant—
"further proposals for dealing effectually with the principal causes of disturbance.
I trust that those proposals will be pressed home, and if it should be the case that the Turkish Government proves still recalcitrant, if the advice of Europe continues to be flouted as it has been flouted in the past, then I hope the Powers will take courage and will press upon the Porte proposals still more far-reaching, the efficacy of which shall not be impaired by any attempt to deal tenderly with Turkish susceptibilities.
Of the Congo State I will only say that I earnestly trust that the negotiations between the Sovereign of the Congo State and the Belgian Government may proceed satisfactorily and that nothing that is done in this country may impede or embarrass the course of those negotiations. It is pleasant to read that the difficulties which have arisen as to the Newfoundland fisheries between this country and the United States are likely to go to arbitration. We can conceive no other mode of settling differences between two friendly Powers belonging to the same race and closely connected by innumerable ties, neither of whom could bear to contemplate any but a peaceful solution of the questions at issue.

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Then we have a satisfactory announcement as to the adjustment of a difficulty which might have proved acute between the Japanese Government and the Dominion of Canada. May I be permitted to say that that settlement seems to be most creditable, not only to the Government of the Dominion, but also to the Government of our ally, who has exhibited, not for the first time, a self-restraint and a sagacity which have elicited the admiration of all those who have come into close contact with their diplomatic proceedings? I will not dwell upon the question of the scarcity which has arisen in India; but I believe that it is correct to say that in the improvement of railway communications lie our great safeguards against serious misfortunes due to this cause. Thanks to the improvement of those communications, the measures of relief are so admirably organised in India at this moment that, although these recurrent scarcities no doubt entail suffering and the retardation of progress, they rarely lead to serious loss of human life.
I have come to the end of that part of the Speech which reviews the situation in different parts of the world. It is a somewhat extensive field. It embraces all the four quarters of the globe; and it seems to me somewhat remarkable that in that wide review there should be a complete omission of any reference to a matter which concerns us much more nearly than remoter events—I mean the condition of a part of the United Kingdom itself. My Lords, how simple it would have been to have added an Irish paragraph to those on which I have commented. The Macedonian paragraph, with a few very slight verbal alterations, would have met the case. Might it not have read somewhat as follows:—
"The condition of the loyal population in several important Irish counties shows no improvement. Bands, instigated by Nationalist Members of Parliament, continue to pursue a campaign of violence, and the situation gives serious cause for anxiety."
Then there might have been a few words thrown in, as in the Macedonian paragraph, to intimate that His Majesty's Government were taking measures for
"dealing effectually with the principal cause of disturbance."
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I feel bound to say that in my view the state of Ireland at the present moment is deplorable and scandalous, and that its condition is due entirely to the blind and weak administration of His Majesty's Ministers. I do not believe that ever in the history of this country has a Government, which called itself a strong Government, so connived at an attack upon a respectable class of the community, a, class entitled to protection at their hands. I could detain your Lordships all night if I were to cite my authorities.
Your Lordships recollect the words recently spoken, not by an Irish landlord, but by a learned Judge. At Longford a few days ago Judge Curran reminded the grand jury that in October last he had referred to the persistent and long-continued conspiracy against certain individuals in the hope that the authorities would put an end to this persecution, and afford these unfortunate people some protection. He found that not a finger had been raised, and no movement had been made by the authorities for the defence or the protection of these people, and he hoped that, even at the eleventh hour, the authorities would step in and extend to them, not mercy, but common justice, and afford them that protection to which they were entitled. Another learned Judge has referred to his "degrading experience" upon the bench at Dublin, and your own Attorney-General not long ago spoke of the prevalence of mob law, and characterised the conduct of the people in a particular district as worse than that of West African savages.
What rejoinder are we to expect from noble Lords opposite? I wish to anticipate an argument that may be used. I may be told that it is only a local phenomenon. Now it is quite true that the conspiracy and its sinister results are confined to a certain number of counties, but the object of the conspiracy is to break down a particular industry, and it is only where that industry exists that the conspiracy has been set on foot. That is the explanation of the local character of these events. When, however, you tell me that this is only a local matter, I would reply: You might as well tell a patient who has got gangrene in

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his foot that he need not be anxious about it, because the other organs of his body are for the moment in a healthy condition. I want to anticipate another rejoinder that may be made. I shall be told that at this moment there is a lull.
THE LORD PRIVY SEAL (The Marquess of RIPON): Hear, hear!
THE MARQUESS OF LANSDOWNE: The noble Marquess cheers that observation; I hope he will forgive me if I tell him that to my mind the existence of this lull which comforts him so much is a very disquieting symptom indeed, because we know how that lull has been brought about. I am not going to accuse the Chief Secretary of having made a bargain with the law-breakers. He has repudiated any contract. He has told us that there has been nothing—no protocol, no agreement. I take his word for it. But what has happened is this—an impression has been allowed to go forth that on certain points the wishes of the Nationalist Party are to be complied with. There is to be a Bill dealing with university education in Ireland acceptable to the Nationalist Party; and in regard to cattle-driving, intimations have been made which really suggest to one's mind the conclusion that cattle-driving will no longer be necessary because the Chief Secretary himself is going to have one huge cattle-drive which will obliterate the grazing industry in Ireland. I do not think I do the Chief Secretary injustice. At the very moment when Judge Curran at Longford was dwelling upon the state of the country, Mr. Birrell at Reading announced that what caused him anxiety was the condition of Connaught, the problem of the, congested districts, and how the grasslands of Ireland were to be broken up and distributed among the people who required them for a livelihood. And in the meanwhile, while these measures are being matured, the Chief Secretary, as the saying is, is to be given a chance. And that is the explanation of the lull which fills the minds of His Majesty's Government with so much satisfaction. Let me say only one word in passing with regard to what I can only describe as this crazy policy
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of migrating the population of the western seaboard to the grazing lands of Central Ireland. Let the Chief Secretary satisfy himself, before he begins to-apportion the lands of Roscommon among migrants from the wilder regions of Connaught, that the men of Roscommon will allow the operation to take place. I do not believe they will.
What has been the result of these events? Never within our time has Ireland had such a set-back as she has received during the disastrous régime which at present prevails. You took over from us an Irish heritage which was in good order. You gave us a receipt for it. The late Chief Secretary announced that he took office at a moment of tranquillity; the present Chief Secretary congratulated himself upon the comparative peacefulness and crimelessness of the country. Well, my Lords, to what was it that that peacefulness and crimelessness were due? I say mainly to the great settlement of the land question embodied in the Act of 1903. It was a settlement which filled every one with hope, which landlords and tenants alike were endeavouring to give effect to. But before you had been in office many weeks you allowed it to become evident that you meant to break down that settlement. That was the first thing. Then you announced publicly that Ireland was to be governed by Irish ideas, not the ideas of the reasonable law abiding population of Ireland, but the ideas of a clamorous minority which is only formidable because you always run away from it. Then you refused to renew the Peace Preservation Act; your love of free trade was so intense that you must needs have free trade in firearms amongst people whom your own Attorney-General describes as not much better than West African savages.
What is the result? I read yesterday the following statement made by the district inspector of constabulary at Gort: In his district there have been thirty-four outrages in twelve months, two cases of firing at and wounding persons, and fifteen cases of firing into houses—50 per cent. of the outrages being thus due to the improper use of those firearms which you put into the hands of every malcontent in Ireland. When this new

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cattle-driving conspiracy reared its head you ran away from it, you were afraid to face it, and because you were afraid to face it you tried to convince people that it was a small thing of no importance. We remember how the truth was blurted out by the noble Lord who sits at the end of the Government bench (Lord Denman), for what we thought was a carelsss indiscretion on his part turns out to have represented the real mind of His Majesty's Government.
Then you pledged yourselves that you would be content with the ordinary law, well knowing the uselessness of the ordinary law in circumstances such as those which have arisen in Ireland. The objection that you took to using what we commonly call the Crimes Act, was that you yourselves had opposed the Crimes Act when it passed through Parliament. Was there ever a doctrine so dangerous and unconstitutional? Does it not really come to this, that if that doctrine is to prevail the criminal classes will have to look not at the Statute-book, but at the pages of Hansard to see who it was supported a particular measure, and who opposed it. The noble Earl the Lord President addressed himself to this subject the other day, and reproached us with adhesion to what he called the "Tory way;" he said it was our custom—
"to use without compunction methods of law and criminal justice totally different from those in use in this country. "
May I be permitted to observe that if the methods are different so are the circumstances. But is the noble Earl quite sure that the procedure of the Crimes Act is totally different from that which prevails in other parts of the United Kingdom? May I recommend him to make inquiries as to the contents of the Scottish Statute-book? I believe he will find that in the ordinary law of Scotland there are provisions which, mutatis mutandis, correspond exactly with the provisions of this extraordinary law which His Majesty's Government are to keep in a glass case to look at, but which they will on no account be persuaded to use.
Then what is the idea of the ordinary law as it presents itself to the mind of His Majesty's Government? I find that
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they are proceeding under an Act of the reign of Edward III. and another Act of the reign of William IV. That is their idea of the ordinary law, and that is the law which they are setting in motion, not against those who instigate these crimes, but against the rank and file, the dupes who are led by the obscure Members of Parliament who have succeeded in plunging the country into the state in which we now have it. The result has been such a failure of justice in Ireland as I believe has never taken place before in these islands. I hope some one will move for a return of the number of cases of agrarian crime, of the number of persons who have been put upon their trial, and of the number of convictions which have taken place; and if in the shape of marginal notes we might have added the observations of learned Judges, I think the whole document would be one very instructive indeed to the people of this country. The Chief Secretary has announced that he is ready to explain and justify his conduct. I hope we shall have the explanation and the justification, if there be one, in this House; but let me say that it must be a very different kind of explanation and a very different kind of justification from any which have yet been given to the public. One other observation. I trust I shall not be met by the old story that the root cause of these events is to be found in our refusal to associate the people of Ireland with the management of their own affairs. That argument rests upon a twofold fallacy. The first fallacy is the belief that this cattle-driving conspiracy is in any way due to the discontent of the people of Ireland with the system of government—it is a purely predatory and selfish movement, so selfish, indeed, that those who promote it are content to ruin what is. I suppose, the most important of all Irish industries. These are the people who, to use the Chief Secretary's words—
"Have set their eyes upon the territories occupied by the graziers,"—
and, because they want them for themselves, are determined to make these grass farms untenable. That is the beginning and end of the movement. The second fallacy is that any ameliorative

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measures which you can imagine for Ireland, whether they be agrarian or political, can have a chance of success under present conditions. No measures can succeed unless you are able, first of all, to show the people of Ireland that you know how to make the law respected. If you cannot do that, I care not what your measures are, they are predestined to failure.
I pass for a moment to the remainder of the speech. There follows a statement that—
"Proposals are to be brought forward for making better provision for old age,"—
and that legislation with that object is to be submitted. Of course, we know that that phrase means old-age pensions, and nothing else. That is a most momentous announcement, and I hope the Government will forgive me when I tell them that they seem to have made it at a very inopportune moment and on quite insufficient consideration. We are told that we are to have this year only the beginning of such a scheme, but we know perfectly well what is the end aimed at—the end is to be a system of universal and non-contributory old-age pensions. That is a tremendous plunge. There have been previous inquiries into this subject which have left upon the minds of those who have followed them grave misgivings as to the result of this new policy, and at this moment there is proceeding the Royal Commission presided over by Lord George Hamilton, which is inquiring into the whole subject of Poor Law relief. I should have thought it would have been wise to elicit all the information you can as to the present system before you attempt to graft upon it these enormous and farreaching excrescences.
If for no other reason, you might have proceeded cautiously on account of the state of the national finances. Are you thoroughly satisfied with the state of these finances? I see on every side indications of uneasiness upon that point. You are reducing your indirect taxation, and you have announced that you are going to reduce it still further. Your direct taxation in time of profound peace is on a war level. I do not think this House has forgotten the warning given by my noble friend
26
Lord St. Aldwyn, when he addressed us on this subject last summer. The national liabilities, already colossal, are becoming more colossal still. It is clear, after the speech of the Secretary of State for Foreign Affairs, that you cannot now reduce your Navy Estimates. All those who have paid attention to the working of Mr. Haldane's Territorial Army scheme are deeply convinced that it will cost a great deal more money than was at first supposed; your Civil Service Estimates mount up by leaps and bounds. Is this the moment for assuming a new and immense liability?
The present Chancellor of the Exchequer has taken credit to himself, and I think rightly, for his efforts to reduce the debt of this country. There are many people who would submit to the payment of war taxes in peace time if they felt that thereby the financial condition of the country was being rendered permanently stronger for the future. But to ask them to submit to the continuation of war taxes, and, perhaps, to more than war taxes, in order that this new liability may be rashly and heedlessly assumed is quite another matter altogether. In this case there is no turning back. I am afraid that the step you are asking us to take this year may be fraught with very grave results to the financial stability of this country.
I will not attempt to comment at length upon the long series of measures enumerated in the gracious Speech. There is to be a Licensing Bill, and may I say that we all admired Mr. Asquith's agility of mind when on one and the same afternoon he endeavoured to reassure deputations from the Free Churches, from the Union of Clubs, and from the holders of brewery debentures. But we shall have to get to closer quarters over this question. The country will want to know what are the reasons for which drastic legislation of this kind is required at the present moment. Is intemperance increasing? Has the Act of 1904 failed in its object? I have seen it said that the result of that Act has been to diminish licences at the rate of about 1,000 a year. Then we shall want to know whether you are going to deal fairly and considerately with

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a trade which, when properly carried on, is not a discreditable trade, and with vested interests which have become vested interests because Parliament and the tribunals of this country have recognised their validity from time to time.
Upon education I will only say this one word. I am full of gratitude to the Government for announcing that their proposals are to take the form of a Bill, because the recent action of the Education Minister has suggested the idea that he considered himself free to dispense with the assistance, not only of the House of Lords, but of the House of Commons also, and by executive action on the part of his own Department to do things not only not authorised by any existing statute, but diametrically opposed to the spirit of the existing law. I do not give up the hope of an amicable settlement. I carry my mind back to the long debates of 1906. In those days there was no great disagreement between the two sides as to the main principles on which we were to proceed. Our complaint was that the Government measure failed altogether to give effect to their own principles, and it was upon that point that we fell out. Let us hope that we may succeed better this time.
I derive a little comfort from another Education Bill also referred to in the Speech—the Bill dealing with University education in Ireland. You will recollect that, when this subject was last dealt with by the Government, the then Chief Secretary, with his foot as it were upon the gangway of the steamer that was to take him to America, divulged the proposal he proposed to lay before Parliament. History repeats itself, for this winter we have had a similarly premature and perhaps useful, revelation of the Government scheme, this time from the mouth of the eminent Provost of Trinity College, Dublin, who had, I suppose, been favoured with a private view of the measure. Dr. Traill was able to state with authority that under the Bill Trinity College Dublin, its constitution and emoluments, were to be absolutely excluded, and he went on to announce that Ireland was to have three Universities, and that they were to have "atmospheres" May we venture to express a hope that, in regard
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to education in England and Wales, some way may be found of affording these "atmospheres" which you are so eager to concede to Ireland.
There are two other Bills referred to which came before this House in the closing moments of last session and which are to be reintroduced this year. Are these Bills to be reintroduced in the same shape and in the same House? I hope the noble Marquess, the Leader of the House, will listen to my plea when I implore him to give us this year opportunities for discussing these measures which were denied to us last year. We have lately had a very interesting paper describing the numerous varieties of Second Chambers which are to be found in different countries, and I take it upon myself to say that no one of these Second Chambers, no matter what its form or privileges might be, would have been ready to pass the Land Values Bill under the conditions in which the Land Values Bill was presented to us in August last. As to the Small Holdings Bill, the noble Marquess opposite will recollect that there was very general agreement on both sides of the House as to the objects aimed at, and that where we parted company was as to the methods of arriving at those objects. We on this side thought our methods were preferable, and we were able to show that they were very much preferred by the Scottish agriculturalists, and we have reason to know that even on the bench opposite, there are distinguished personages more inclined to our view than to the view of the noble Marquess.
One word more before I sit down. I notice one important omission in the list of legislative proposals submitted to us. I find no reference to any proposal for dealing with the relations of the two Houses of Parliament. I would ask noble Lords opposite whether they are treating the country quite fairly when, in the frequent speeches which they have delivered during the recess, one and all of them harp continually on this theme, one and all of them hold up the House of Lords to ridicule or odium, one and all of them misrepresent its action, without submitting to Parliament

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the proposals which they intend to put forward for dealing with this great question. I ask the noble Marquess what he and his colleagues are waiting for. They are not waiting for the Report of Lord Rosebery's committee; they profess not to be aware of its existence, and they have refused to take any part in that useful inquiry. Nor are they, it appears, waiting until the House of Lords' cup is full, for the Prime Minister has announced that the cup was full many years ago. If that is true, if the cup has been full all this time, is it not a more just and honourable way of proceeding to approach this subject upon the basis of historical facts calmly reviewed and judicially dealt with, rather than to import all the prejudice which you are importing into it week after week and month after month in your constantly-repeated speeches?
The noble Earl the Lord President, in the same speech to which I referred a moment ago, told us what the functions of the House of Lords were. I do not greatly quarrel with his description. He told us that it was our business to revise, to suspend, and to ask for judgment. Well, my Lords, if you hesitate to deliver your attack upon the House of Lords, I say treat us fairly in the meantime. Give us the opportunities to which we are entitled for revising, suspending, and asking for judgment. Do not treat us again this summer as you treated us when last year you invited us within the space of three weeks at the very end of the session to deal with no less than nine measures of great importance, or when, after a most important Bill had been discussed during an all-night sitting in the House of Commons, you asked us the next day to examine and deal with your dishevelled arguments in the last forty-eight hours of the session. I trust that these things will not occur again this session. And let me say that, if you will arrange the business of the two Houses so that we may have that opportunity to which we are entitled of properly exercising our constitutional functions, if you will meet us upon that point and deal with us considerately, there will be no want of consideration shown you upon this side of the House.
THE MARQUESS OF RIPON: My Lords, I associate myself entirely with the opinion which was expressed by my noble friend who has just sat down in regard to the speeches of my two noble friends who moved and seconded the Address. They were speeches marked both by ability and by intimate know-ledge of the subjects with which they dealt. The noble mover of the Address has had a long Parliamentary experience and a very great experience in the conduct of commercial and industrial undertakings and it was a great advantage to your Lordships' House to have heard the opinions that he entertained. The noble seconder of the Address, on the other hand, is a young man, but he has shown the greatest promise of becoming an effective debater in this House, and he has also shown a grasp of commercial affairs and a clearness of opinion in regard to questions of that kind, which, though natural in one who fills the great position in the shipping world which is filled by my noble friend, yet was remarkable in one of his age. My noble friend opposite said he hoped those two noble Lords would frequently take part in our debates. I hope so too, but I am bound to say, having for many years entertained those hopes in regard to predecessors of my noble friends who have addressed this House for the first time, that they have been very rarely fulfilled, and I have too often had cause to lament that those who gave great promise on an occasion of this kind took very little further part in our discussions. I hope that may not be the case with my noble friends behind me, to whom on behalf of the Government I tender our warmest thanks.
I share with my noble friends and with the noble Marquess opposite the satisfaction with which they regard the recent visit of the German Emperor and his Imperial Consort. These Royal visits show to foreign rulers the hospitable nature of the English people and their readiness to welcome those who come to them as friends; and they afford opportunities to that great diplomatist the King for the purpose of the discussion of public affairs. The connection between the German Emperor and His Majesty the King is dynastic. But there is

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another connection between Germany and this country—the connection of a common race origin; and these visits afford us an opportunity of offering to the German people the strongest testimony we can give of our most earnest desire to live on the most friendly terms with them.
With regard to the death of the King of Sweden, I would like to make one addition to the remarks which fell from Lord Airedale. His late Majesty was not only an amiable and thoroughly constitutional monarch, he was also a great literary character. He was celebrated for his talents in poetry, and I believe he wrote a poem called "An Ode to the Baltic," which has become one of the national songs of the people of Sweden.
As to the Anglo-Russian Convention, I have no objection to offer to what the noble Marquess has said; on the contrary, I thank him for his remarks. I am glad the noble Marquess approves of the efforts which we made to enter into such a Convention. I do not complain of the intimation which the noble Marquess appeared to give that the provisions of that Convention might form the subject of discussion in this House. I think it is very desirable that that should be so. So far as it relates to Persia it appears to me that we have already had remarkable proof of the advantages which we shall derive from the Convention. We all know the unhappy condition of Persia at the present time. There have been times when in such a critical state of affairs in that country British and Russian envoys would have competed against each other, jealous and eager to gain a small success and to add slightly to the prestige, as they would have considered it, of their respective countries, and out of such a state of things very grave and serious complications might have arisen. But throughout these disturbances in Persia the British and Russian Governments have acted together, and if the extreme evils of a different state of things have been avoided, it was due to that portion of the Convention which has been lately concluded.
With respect to Afghanistan, the noble Marquess opposite knows that
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there have been for many years various attempts to introduce some system of intercommunication between Russian and Afghan authorities on the frontier. As the Russian and the Afghan frontiers are now conterminous, it is inevitable that in that close neighbourhood there should arise difficulties which it would be advantageous to deal with locally. I hope that under this Convention we shall have arranged a means by which that may be accomplished, and in doing so I think we shall have taken a very reasonable step in the direction of making the peculiar relations which exist between Afghanistan and this country compatible with the changed conditions of the Afghan frontier. The treaty excludes all communication upon political subjects between Russia and Afghanistan, and the treaty, as it seems to me, is peculiarly advantageous to the Ameer of Afghanistan, because it gives him security, not only for the recognition by us of the freedom from interference of his internal government, but it also secures him a similar guarantee from the Government of Russia. For the first time there is given in the solemn form of a treaty a recognition that Afghanistan is within the bounds of British influence, and that Russia has no right whatever to interfere politically therein. I look upon this treaty, therefore, as having gained a great and important advantage for Russia, Great Britain, and Afghanistan.
Your Lordships will, perhaps, like to know what has happened with reference to His Majesty the Ameer in this matter. The treaty was signed on 31st August, and on 10th September Lord Minto informed the Ameer by letter of the conclusion of this Convention, and of its character. At that time the Ameer was absent from Kabul, and, being absent, he on 29th September wrote to say he was away and would consider the matter on his return. He has returned now to Kabul, and the Government hope very shortly to receive his approval of the Convention, which is eminently advantageous to him. Orientals are proverbially slow in these matters, and it is not improbable that he may take a somewhat long time for consideration; but the British native agent at Kabul is coming away on private leave very

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shortly, and Lord Minto has instructed him at his interview with the Ameer when he leaves Kabul to urge upon him to send an answer as soon as he can. I have no doubt that if the answer is not received Lord Minto will take the necessary steps to make some intimation on the subject, but I have no reason to believe or to suppose that the Ameer will not in the end welcome this Convention, and be very glad that it should come into operation.
In regard to the Treaty between France, Germany, and Russia for preserving the integrity of Norway, I have only to say that the Government have received today a telegram stating that the King of Norway has ratified the Treaty. I believe there have been rumours that the British Government in some way refused to entertain or opposed some desire of the Swedish Government in regard to this matter. That is not so. I am informed that no representations of the Swedish Government have been shut out or prevented from being considered by any action of His Majesty's Government.
I now pass to the Hague Conference. I think that there is in some quarters a tendency to underrate the effect and utility of that Conference. I do not at all agree that it has not been productive of good. I think that much good has come from it, and I believe that it has laid a solid foundation upon which an advance can be made in the interests of peace on a similar occasion in the future. My noble friend spoke of the desire entertained by the British Government that there should have resulted from the Conference some substantial step towards the reduction of armaments. My Lords, there is no one who will deny that if that tremendous burden which presses upon the shoulders of the people of the world at the present time for military and naval expenditure could by mutual understanding have been lessened, a great and important work would have been accomplished. My right hon. friend Sir Henry Campbell-Bannerman and my right hon. friend Sir Edward Grey thought that, in the interests of humanity, it was desirable that that question should be brought to the notice of the Powers of the world,
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and they took every means in their power to that end. But the subject naturally is a very difficult one—that I do not for one moment dispute—and it did not commend itself to some of the Great Powers as one suitable for consideration on this occasion at The Hague; consequently it was not there discussed, and no decision was come to. But I venture to believe that, having placed upon record the desire of the British Government in that way, we have taken a not unimportant step in the interests of peace.
I quite agree with my noble friend who has just sat down that the establishment of the International Court of Appeal in prize cases is a matter involving considerations of great importance. I believe that the establishment of such a tribunal will be of very great value. My noble friend Lord Nunburnholme, speaking with his great knowledge of shipping matters, pointed out how greatly the shipping interest would be relieved if this Court could be set up. But I quite agree with my noble friend the noble Marquess opposite in thinking it a matter which requires very careful consideration, and therefore it is that His Majesty's Government propose to assemble in the course of the ensuing summer or autumn, a Conference in London for the purpose of dealing with those questions of international law.
The next paragraph in the Speech is a very sad one, because it refers to the present condition of the Macedonian vilayets. There is no concealment in that paragraph. The Government have advised His Majesty, and His Majesty has been pleased to use expressions of unusual strength in a document of this kind as to the present state of things in Macedonia. I can assure the House that the Government will do their utmost to bring the terrible state of things which exists there to an early and peaceful conclusion. But you must always remember that it is not impossible that this country might, by closing the Macedonian question, only succeed in opening the Turkish question. That is the great difficulty which lies before us. We believe that it is the first principle which ought to guide us that we

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should to the last moment endeavour to maintain the Concert of Europe in regard to this painful question. Every effort will be used on our part. We shall be prepared to take the first move in regard to the matter, but we do believe that there lies involved in these considerations questions which might threaten the peace of the world, and if they were to give rise to such a catastrophe as war between this country and Turkey, that must inevitably end in a European war, which would be the greatest evil probably in these days that the world could encounter.
With regard to the Congo State, all those who know the character of the Belgian Government and Parliament must have every confidence in the wisdom and justice of that Parliament, and we earnestly hope that they may be able to come to some arrangement with regard to this question, which will relieve those who signed the Act of Berlin from the responsibility which may otherwise fall upon them with regard to the engagements of that Act. I share the pleasure my noble friend has expressed in regard to the consent of the Government of Newfoundland and of the United States to refer the disputes between them to arbitration. I was very well prepared for the approval which the noble Marquess expressed on that subject, because he has done a great deal to further the cause of arbitration. I believe my noble friend has signed, or caused to be signed, more treaties of arbitration than any previous Foreign Minister, and he may, therefore, be accounted as one of the foremost friends of that great mode of settling public disputes.
Coming to the difficulties between Canada and Japan, differences of a very delicate character, I am glad to say that they have been brought to a conclusion, and that instruments have been signed settling, as I trust, the matter in a perfectly satisfactory manner. I think my noble friend expressed his satisfaction with the course which had been taken by the Japanese Government, but we must not overlook the course which has been pursued by the Canadian Government.
THE MARQUESS OF LANSDOWNE: I ventured to express my appreciation of the conduct of both Governments.
THE MARQUESS OF RIPON: I associate myself in that appreciation. I think the Canadian Government have shown in this matter a degree of statesmanship, moderation, and wisdom which deserve the highest praise. I now pass to say a word about old-age pensions. Of course, I cannot go into any discussion of the coming Budget, nor into any discussion of the proposals which my right hon. friend the Chancellor of the Exchequer may have to make with reference to the matter. That he will have proposals to make is clear from the paragraph in the Speech. But I could not help recollecting, when I was listening to what the noble Marquess was saying, that there were many noble Lords sitting behind him who have been at times accustomed to tell us that, if we will only adopt a tariff-reform policy, one of its first effects will be to enable the granting of old-age pensions. They cannot be such very bad things when so many of the friends of the noble Marquess have advocated them as one of the natural and desirable results of their detestable policy.
My noble friend spoke about the state of things in Ireland and I understand it is intended to prolong this debate beyond the usual period, adjourning it till to-morrow so that the subject may be fully discussed. His Majesty's Government are not afraid of a discussion of that kind, and they will be prepared to meet the charges which may be brought against them. I was very glad to hear my noble friend say that he did not associate himself with some of the language which has been used with respect to my right hon. friend Mr. Birrell. I do not think that portions of that language are creditable to those who used them. I do not think that the mode of maintaining law and order in Ireland is to charge, and to charge untruly, those who are engaged in administering the law. My right hon. friend will, perhaps, make his answer to those charges to-night, and I shall leave him to deal with his own defence. But, when my noble friend says that the Government have neglected their duty, that they ought to have done this, that, and the other, what is it the noble Marquess definitely means? I suppose he means that we ought to have put in

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force some, at least, of the provisions of the Crimes Act.
THE MARQUESS OF LANSDOWNE: Certainly.
THE MARQUESS OF RIPON: I would ask the noble Marquess whether he expected that we should be eager to do that. Did not he know the views that we had taken in respect to that legislation in the past? Did not he remember that twenty years ago there was recorded in the House a protest against that Act, a very weighty and argued document, signed by some of the foremost men in the Liberal Party in this House at that time, stating clearly and unhesitatingly the doctrines which we have held on this subject? I have very little belief in legislation coercion. For more than 100 years Ireland has, not constantly, but from time to time, with lucid intervals when efforts have been made at reform, been under the operation of Coercion Acts of one kind and another. I do not think they have been successful. I do not think they have resulted in increasing respect for the law in that country, and I hold, in the phrase used by my late right hon. friend Mr. Bright, that "force is no remedy." We look to see what we can do to meet this difficulty in another way. We are told that it is wrong to speak of remedying grievances unless you have first absolutely established perfect order in Ireland. I do not agree with that. I believe you should seek to remedy grievances, if any grievances exist, and that we are bound, certainly by all our traditions and opinions, to try that remedy before we look for any other means of dealing with the present condition of affairs.
It is not true to say that His Majesty's Government are indifferent to the grievous state of things that have existed in Ireland of late. We may have our remedy; noble Lords opposite may have theirs. Noble Lords opposite may be so enamoured of the Crimes Act that they I may think it is the obvious thing that men who have protested throughout the whole of their political lives against a policy of that kind should adopt it out of hand. We are not inclined to do that, and we have every reason for thinking that we can find a remedy of another kind in the
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fact that the Congested Districts Board, in their Report for 1895, said they could not deal with the questions submitted for their administration unless they had the power of compulsory purchase of lands in certain districts. Nothing was done upon that recommendation; no notice was taken of it. Whether that absence of notice has anything to do with what has subsequently happened in Ireland I do not say; but I do say that, having that recommendation before us, we are bound, as we intend, to act upon that advice if we can obtain the consent of Parliament. My noble friend rather cast ridicule upon us because we said we wanted to govern Ireland by Irish ideas. The author of that sentiment, Lord Dudley, sits on the Front Bench opposite, and I think it is a sentiment which did him great honour. It is a sentiment to which I entirely subscribe, but why my noble friend thought fit to deprive Lord Dudley of the distinction I confess I am quite unable to understand.
It is quite true that His Majesty's Government do intend to introduce a Bill to amend the licensing law. My noble friend said he did not know exactly why; he did not think the Act of 1904 had in any way failed. But my noble friend will well remember that that Act was pretty fully discussed in this House, and that there were many Members of the House, including a full contingent from the bench of Bishops, who were in favour of the Amendment of that Act in many respects. I think some of those right rev. Prelates were not quite so bold in pressing their opinions to a division as I should have desired, but at the same time they did very distinctly intimate their opinion that, in some material respects, that Bill would require amendment.
As regards the Elementary Education Bill, my noble friend said he was very glad that my right hon. friend Mr. McKenna had on this occasion thought fit to apply for an Act of Parliament, and he said that my right hon. friend had been in the habit of doing things which were inconsistent with the law. Well, my Lords, we will discuss that whenever my noble friend likes. Whenever any noble Lord brings forward in

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this House the question of the legality of any of the acts of my right hon. friend we shall be quite prepared to enter into a discussion upon that matter. My noble friend did not say much about the Housing Bill and for what is called town planning. I believe that to be a very important and a very urgent subject. I am not fond of talking about things not being Party questions, for I have often observed that when men get up and say this or that is not a Party question, and that they are going to consider it from a perfectly independent point of view, they generally make the strongest possible Party speech. Therefore I will merely say that this is a very important question relating to a matter which will have the sympathy of noble Lords on both sides of the House.
As to the question of University education in Ireland, I hope it will be possible to come to some conclusion in the present session. It is a matter in which the people of Ireland have a great and definite grievance. Mr. Balfour recognised it when he said that he had difficulty in defending the Union while this grievance was unredressed. There are only two more Bills alluded to—those relating to Scottish land and valuation. I can assure your Lordships that it is the earnest desire of the Government that those Bills should be sent up for your Lordships' consideration at the earliest possible moment; and every effort will be made by the Prime Minister to get them through the House of Commons at a time when this House will have an ample opportunity of considering them. I welcome the statement of my noble friend that these measures will receive consideration and discussion when they come up to this House. I believe I have gone through all the topics touched upon by my noble friend. The list of measures is long, and the labours of the two Houses are likely to be arduous and prolonged; but the business of the country is so great and growing, both in administration and legislation, that it makes increasing demands on all concerned. I hope and believe that so far as this House is concerned your Lordships will not refuse to incur even
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private inconvenience in order to take your part in these necessary labours.
VISCOUNT RIDLEY: My Lords, before the House rises I desire briefly to call attention to yet another omission from the gracious Speech from the Throne. It is not that I am disposed to complain of the insufficiency of the fare which is set before your Lordships to consume during the next few months. As the noble Marquess observed in his closing remarks, it is likely to provide sufficient occupation for this House and for the other for many weeks to come. But although the two Houses of Parliament may be fully employed with the measures that have been promised us, I cannot help expressing some surprise that there is no mention whatever in the Speech of the great and growing problem of unemployment. I do not desire to exaggerate that problem. It is true, and always must be true, that the unemployable will be among the unemployed, but His Majesty's Government thought fit last year and the year before to pay especial attention to the problem of unemployment. The previous Government made grants of public money for the administration of the Unemployed Workmen Act which the present Government have continued, and many of the friends and allies of His Majesty's Government have never failed to urge upon their immediate attention the problem of unemployment as being one of grave national urgency.
What I desire to ask of the Government in this connection is: What is the state of affairs now which makes it unnecessary to refer to that problem when it was necessary to treat it so seriously last year and the year before? What has happened to make the problem less serious? Why do His Majesty's advisers pay no attention whatever to it? It is, as a matter of fact, true, that in many of the important manufacturing towns of the north subscriptions are being got up for unemployed funds, and that other subscription lists are being opened to feed the children of unemployed men and women. It is the fact that in December last the returns of unemployed in trade unions were over 6 per cent. as compared with

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4·9 per cent. in December a year ago, when His Majesty's Government thought fit to notice the question. It is true also that the increase in the number of paupers and the increase in the number of emigrants from this country has gone on steadily, and every indication as regards the unemployed is more serious than last year, when His Majesty's Government thought fit to take serious notice of it.
There is another feature to which I would draw attention. Some of your Lordships may have noticed a report upon the Poor Law statistics of the metropolis, and perhaps some noble Lords may have observed this very remarkable feature, that it is not so much the increase in the number of paupers to which these returns draw attention, although that is significant enough, but the increase in the number of able-bodied paupers. The new feature in workhouse statistics is the increased number of recipients of Poor Law relief who are neither old nor ill. That is a very grave and serious feature. It is not the old and the unemployable so much as the middle-aged and the employable who show a tendency to increase in the workhouses of the metropolis. And it is not during the winter months—so the reports proceed—that these increases are most noticeable. The remarkable feature in the increases is that they are during the summer months and among the able-bodied and the employable. At this very moment there is a march of the unemployed proceeding towards London. The problem is exactly the same as it was a year ago, if not aggravated in its intensity by every set of statistics to which it is possible to allude.
Why is it that His Majesty's Government have paid no attention whatever to this problem? Is it because they conceive that the measures which they have passed during the past year have relieved or mitigated the problem? Do they imagine that the getting rid of thousands of men of the Regular Army and throwing them on the labour market is going to relieve the problem of unemployment? Do they imagine that reducing their works at Woolwich and diminishing work in the dockyards is going to help to relieve
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this problem? Do they imagine that giving contracts abroad in increasing quantities is going to help the solution of this question in this country? And do they imagine that the growing tendency of capital to find its way abroad is going to help employment in these islands?
There is one figure I would like to trouble your Lordships with in regard to the increase of the amount of capital going abroad. I take the return of the Income Tax Commissioners, and I find that the average growth per year during the past twenty-one years of ascertained income coming into this country from foreign investments has been £1,134,000 per year—that is, an average increase of £1,134,000 each year over the previous year during the past twenty years. But for the last year in respect of which we have the complete figures of the Income Tax Commissioners, which, curiously enough, is the first year during which the present Government held office, the increase was not an average one of £1,134,000, but £7,837,000, which is an increase of six times as much as the average for the previous twenty years. At 5 per cent. that sum, capitalised, represents something like £150,000,000 of capital gone out of the country in the year. It cannot be argued that that has improved employment in this country. It is obvious that money invested in works abroad does not give employment to workmen in these islands. This is not the moment to press upon the attention of the House the only way in which I believe unemployment can be cured—namely, by tariff reform—but I think the reason why His Majesty's Government are afraid of mentioning the problem is that they are afraid of the only possible solution.
With regard to dealing with unemployment by tariff bargaining, I have read that His Majesty's Government have negotiated a tariff treaty with the United States whereby American commercial travellers are permitted to bring into this country samples of cocoa, wines, and so forth free, and in return for that the Government of the United States are to remit 25 per cent. off articles such as pictures and art treasures exported from this country to America, That is

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no doubt an instance of a tariff arrangement with another country, but an instance where His Majesty's Government, in endeavouring to apply tariff reform, have applied it in a way in which it is of the least possible benefit to this country. They make an arrangement whereby they admit on easy terms samples of goods which are going to compete with workmen in this country, and in return get from the United States a concession by means of which rich people may have greater facilities for removing our art treasures to another country.
If the various measures which the Government have taken during the past year have done nothing to relieve unemployment, and if the figures show that the problem is more acute than when the Government took office, what is it they promise to do in His Majesty's Speech? You will not find one single measure which is directly calculated to do anything to assist this question. You find various measures mentioned dealing with housing, with land questions, and with the protection of children, all of which measures may be of great benefit to the country, but, if passed, and if useful, will at their best only ministrate to the comfort of the employed and not find employment for the unemployed. Another education Bill is mentioned. It is true that that measure may provide employment for a certain number of school teachers, and, if you create a Welsh Department, occupation for a few more lawyers; and the Bills for Scotland may lead to more employment for surveyors. If you take old-age pensions, they will give extra comfort to the aged, but will not relieve unemployment. If you look to the Licensing Bill that will probably increase unemployment, especially if it is to asssist in getting rid of the humble occupation of barmaid.
Not only do His Majesty's Government in all the measures they foreshadow make no proposal whatever to deal with this unemployed question, whether by tariff reform or otherwise, but they take no notice whatever of what is undoubtedly a great aggravation to the question of unemployment at this moment—that is to say, the increase
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in the price of all the necessaries of domestic consumption. I allude more particularly to the price of bread, which, as we have been told on Cobdenite platforms, is a necessary of life. We must remember that cheap bread was promised by the reformers of 1846. It was one of the great attractions to the manufacturers and one of the arguments in favour of adopting the system of free imports. It was said that bread would be so cheap that wages could be lowered; and at the last election it was declared that by voting for the Liberal Party you Were voting for the big loaf. Do not let me say that the Liberal Government have wickedly said that the price of the loaf shall be 6d. when it used to be 4½d., but they promised the country the big loaf, and though the country may be having that loaf it is paying a bigger price for it. I do say that the Liberal Party promised the country that by voting for the present system they were voting for a cheap loaf, and I further say that facts have contradicted them, that the free trade system does not guarantee to this country under existing circumstances the cheap loaf, and that a bargain with our Colonies on the lines of preference would have a greater prospect of permanently maintaining the loaf at a reasonably cheap price.
I do not desire to labour that particular point at this moment. There will be other opportunities of pressing home what I and others conceive to be the real remedy for unemployment. What I rose to call attention to, and what I think will probably very seriously be called in question in other places, is the total absence of any indication on the part of His Majesty's Government that they have taken into consideration this question, which they themselves have declared again and again was a serious and pressing problem, and which, since they made those declarations as to its seriousness, they have in the various measures which they have attempted to bring forward done nothing whatever to relieve or mitigate.
THE EARL OF MAYO: My Lords, it is not my wish to detain your Lordships

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for more than a few moments. I do not rise to complain of any omission from the gracious Speech, but to draw attention to the fact that this is the first time the Congo question has been mentioned in the Speech from the Throne. I am glad to see in that Speech these words—
"My Government are fully aware of the great anxiety felt with regard to the treatment of the native population in the Congo State. Their sole desire is to see the government of that State humanely administered in accordance with the spirit of the Berlin Act."
Speaking for the Congo Reform Association, which has worked hard in regard to this question for many years, it is gratifying to find that at last some recognition is given by the Government to the representations which have been made with regard to the horrible way in which the Congo natives have been treated and the way in which they have been forced to labour. The Berlin Act should not only be enforced in that respect, but if Belgium takes over the Congo I trust it will also be enforced in respect of the trade of the nations signatory to the Berlin Act. That, perhaps, is not quite as important, but nearly as important, as the question of the natives. I hope that later in the session we shall have a discussion upon this subject. Meanwhile nothing will be said by myself as one of the members of the Congo Reform Association or by my colleagues which will impede in any way the negotiations which are going on between Belgium and King Leopold. The treaty of cession has now been formulated and the question is being debated in the Chamber. The noble Marquess expressed the hope that when the negotiations were completed the Powers would be relieved of their responsibility, but the responsibility of the Powers will end only when the atrocities and forced labour cease. I do not wish to press the noble Lord the Under-Secretary of State for Foreign Affairs for an answer to my remarks; but, in speaking of Africa, I would remind him that there was a Commission upon the disease of sleeping sickness, and I should like to know what has happened, as this question affects not only the natives of the Congo, but those of a great part of our East African Possessions.
THE UNDER-SECRETARY OF STATE FOR FOREIGN AFFAIRS (Lord FITZMAURICE): My Lords, I not only have no complaint to make of my noble friend for having mentioned the subject of the Congo in this debate, but on the contrary, I am grateful to him for having so early, and also, if I may say so, so adequately recognised the importance of the fact that the Congo question and the ill-treatment of the natives on the Congo have been mentioned in the King's Speech. That is, as he most truly said, a very important thing. It is quite true that both in this House and in the other House of Parliament of late years—indeed, I may say every year—there have been long and important debates in which the ill-treatment of the natives and the violation of the Berlin Act, not only in regard to the treatment of the natives, but also in many other important particulars, have over and over again been dwelt upon. But the matter has now been placed on record in a great public document, the King's Speech.
I hope that, to a certain extent, this may be an answer—not, perhaps, as complete as some would wish—to those who, moved by a not unnatural impatience, have during the last few months complained of His Majesty's Government's not having taken strong action with regard to the Congo. I entirely share the feelings of sorrow which those gentlemen have expressed in regard to the state of things existing on the Congo. But an Association, however large and important, does not bear the responsibilities of State. In the case of the Foreign Office, every word which falls from the lips of right my hon. friend the Secretary of State for Foreign Affairs, or which is written by his pen, is of the greatest gravity, and clearly every step has to be taken with the greatest care. I am convinced that everything that has happened since last year has shown that the course which was indicated by Sir Edward Grey in another place and by myself here has been wise. We submitted to Parliament that any rash attempt to interfere in the course of the negotiations between the Sovereign of the Congo State and the Belgian Parliament would be as likely to do harm as good.

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Those negotiations, I told the House in June last, would, I hoped, have entered upon an important phase by the autumn. That statement has been fully justified. I never said, nor did Sir Edward Grey in another place, that a treaty would have been actually settled and signed by that time. That would have been an absurd hope to hold out. But what I did say was that these negotiations would, I believed, by that time have entered on a stage showing a great advance, and that they would then probably proceed to a satisfactory conclusion. The general course of events is, I think, fairly well known to your Lordships, but I may say that a certain unexpected element of delay was introduced by the lamented death of the Belgian Prime Minister, an eminent man whose loss his country has every reason to deplore; but now that a successor has been found to his onerous office, I have reason to know that the negotiations have been resumed and they appear to be progressing, if slowly, in the direction we all desire.
My noble friend has alluded to another question which is very germane to this one. He has asked for information in regard to the investigations into the question of sleeping sickness, which so greatly affects British territories in Africa. I certainly had hoped that by this time it would have been my good fortune to have been able to tell your Lordships that the Convention in regard to this question, which was practically agreed upon last summer, had been signed. The International Conference which met in London upon sleeping sickness and tropical diseases, arrived unanimously at certain conclusions, but as the delegates who came from foreign States had no power to sign a treaty, the Conference was adjourned. The Conference was to have met again in November, but the German Government, most naturally, desired to send as one of their delegates that most eminent scientist, Dr. Koch, whose name is more associated than that of any living man with tropical diseases. Dr. Koch was then in Africa, and the Conference agreed to adjourn till January, but at the last moment it was found that
48
that date was not convenient to another of the Powers, and we consented to a further adjournment. I am glad, however, to have this opportunity of explaining that the delays were in no manner owing to anything which took place on this side of the water, but were entirely due to our desire to find a date convenient to the other Powers interested in this question. I am now able to say that I hope the Conference will reassemble in March, and I have every hope also that a Convention will then be signed.
I am not inclined to think that your Lordships would desire that I should attempt to follow the noble Viscount opposite and discuss the large question of tariff reform and unemployed labour. I only desire to state that it would be a very great mistake to suppose that the mere fact that this question is not mentioned in His Majesty's Speech is to be taken in any way as showing a want of interest or of appreciation of the importance of the subject on the part of the Government. Clearly there are several alternatives before the Government in this matter. A Bill could be brought forward, depending, no doubt, very largely upon what the Chancellor of the Exchequer could allow to be done as part of his general scheme of finance in connection with the question of unemployed; or the existing Unemployed Workmen Act could be continued for a short period by inclusion in the Expiring Laws Continuance Bill. I am not saying that either of those courses has been decided upon, or adopted, or rejected. I am only desirous of saying that the question is one of the importance of which the Government are fully conscious. So far as the noble Viscount, Lord Ridley, is concerned, I am inclined to think that he had already been answered by his own leader, because my noble friend who leads the Opposition found fault with the Government for dealing with the question of old-age pensions instead of waiting for the Report of the Poor Law Commission presided over by Lord George Hamilton. Now it appears to me that if the argument of the noble Marquess the Leader of the Opposition is good against us in regard

49
to old-age pensions, it is still more true against the noble Viscount in regard to the unemployed problem.
THE MARQUESS OF LONDONDERRY: My Lords, as there are many peers from Ireland who desire to discuss fully the condition of affairs in that country, I beg to move the adjournment of the debate.
Moved, "That the debate be adjourned."—[The Marquess of Londonderry.]
On Question, Motion agreed to.

EARL OF CLANWILLIAM.
Petition of Arthur Vescy, Earl of Clanwilliam in the Peerage of Ireland, claiming a right to vote at the elections of Representative Peers for Ireland; read, and referred to the Lord Chancellor to consider and report thereupon to the House.
PARLIAMENTARY PAPERS (RECESS).
The LORD CHANCELLOR acquainted the House that the following Papers, having been commanded to be presented to this House by His Majesty, had been so presented on the following dates by delivery to the Clerk of the Parliaments, pursuant to Standing Order No. CXI., viz.—

BOARD OF EDUCATION.
I. Official correspondence relating to the payment of teachers' salaries in Merionethshire. (August 29.)
II. Administrative County of Kent: Endowed Charities (Elementary Education)—Report made to the Board of Education in the result of an inquiry into endowments, subject to the provisions of the Charitable Trusts Acts, 1853 to 1894, and appropriated in whole or in part to purposes of elementary education in the administrative county of Kent, or in any part thereof. (September 26.)
III. Special Reports on Educational Subjects—

1. Volume 18. Education and training of the French primary school teacher. (October 11.)

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2. Volume 19. School training for the home duties of women: Part III. Domestic training of girls in Germany and Austria. (December 20.)

3. Volume 21. School excursions and vacation schools. (December 30.)

IV. Regulations providing for special grants in aid of certain local education authorities in England and Wales, in 1907–1908. (October 19.)
V. General report on instruction and training of pupil teachers in Wales (including Monmouthshire.) (November 11.)
VI. Report of the Board of Education for the year 1906–1907. (December 20.)
VII. Building regulations for secondary schools and pupil teacher centres, being principles to be observed in designing and fitting up new buildings, rules as to construction, etc., and certain requirements as to plans, specifications, and estimates. (December 30.)
VIII. Reports from those Universities and University Colleges in Great Britain which participate in the Parliamentary Grant, 1907.
IX. Statistics of Public Education in England and Wales, 1905–1906–1907 (January 23.)

TREATY SERIES.
No. 27 (1907). International Sanitary Convention; signed at Paris, 3rd December, 1903. (Ratifications deposited at Paris, 6th April, 1907.)
No. 28 (1907). Declaration between the United Kingdom and Portugal respecting Boundaries in Central Africa (Barotseland); signed at London, 12th August, 1903.
No. 29 (1907). Accession of Ecuador to the Convention signed at Geneva 22nd August, 1864, for the amelioration of the condition of the wounded in armies in the field, 3rd August, 1907. (August 30.)
No. 30 (1907). Accession of Venezuela to the Convention signed at Geneva, 6th July, 1906, for the amelioration of the condition of the wounded and sick in armies in the field, 8th July, 1907. (September 12.)
No. 31 (1907). Agreement between the United Kingdom and Italy respecting the importation of drugs and medical

51
preparations, 9th July, 1907. (September 16.)
No. 32 (1907). Accession of the United Kingdom to the Declarations signed at The Hague, 29th July, 1899, respecting (1) expanding bullets; (2) asphyxiating gases; 30th August, 1907. (September 25.)
No. 33 (1907). Agreement between the United Kingdom and the United States of America respecting protection of patents in Morocco, 24th June, 1907. (September 28.)
No. 34 (1907). Convention between the United Kingdom and Russia, relating to Persia, Afghanistan, and Thibet; signed at St. Petersburg, 31st August, 1907. (Ratifications exchanged at St. Petersburg, 23rd. September, 1907.) (October 4.)
No. 35 (1907). Exchange of Notes establishing a modus vivendi between the United Kingdom and the United States of America with regard to the Newfoundland Fisheries, 4th and 6th September, 1907. (October 8.)
No. 36 (1907). Convention between the United Kingdom and Belgium for the exchange of money orders; signed at London, 17th September, 1907. (Ratifications exchanged at London, 5th October, 1907). (October 15.)
No. 37 (1907). Agreement between the United Kingdom and Sweden respecting the estates of deceased seamen, 5th October, 1907. (October 19.)
No. 38 (1907). Accession of Turkey to the Conventions signed at Geneva, 6th July, 1906, for the amelioration of the conditions of the wounded and sick in armies in the field, 24th August, 1907. (November 4.)
No. 39 (1907). Accessions, etc. of Foreign States to various International Treaty Engagements.
No. 40 (1907). Accession of Nicaragua to the Declarations, signed at The Hague 29th July, 1899, respecting (1) expanding bullets; (2) asphyxiating gases; 11th October, 1907. (November 15.)
No. 41 (1907). Agreement between the United Kingdom and France supplementary to Money Order Convention of 21st September, 1887; signed at
52
Paris, 30th June, 1906. (Ratifications exchanged at Paris, 23rd October, 1907.)
No. 42 (1907). Convention between the United Kingdom and France for the exchange of money orders between the United Kingdom and various French colonies; signed at Paris, 30th June, 1906. (Ratifications exchanged at Paris, 23rd October, 1907.)
No. 43 (1907). Accessions of British Colonies, etc., to the Treaty of Friendship, Commerce, and Navigation between the United Kingdom and Nicaragua; signed at Managua, 28th July, 1905 (see Treaty Series, No. 12 (1906)). (November 27.)
No. 44 (1907). Agreement between the United Kingdom and the United States of America respecting (1) commercial travellers' samples entering the United Kingdom; (2) import duties on British works of art entering the United States; signed at London, 19th November, 1907. (December 16.)
No. 45 (1907). Agreement between the United Kingdom and France respecting commercial travellers' samples; signed at Paris,. 23rd October, 1907. (December 20.)
No. 46 (1907). International Convention respecting the liquor traffic in. Africa; signed at Brussels, 3rd November, 1906. (December 30.)
No. 1 (1908). Commercial Convention, Protocol, and Declaration between the United Kingdom and Bulgaria; signed at Sofia, 9th December, 1905. (Ratifications exchanged at Sofia, 26th November, 1907.)
No. 2 (1908). Agreement additional to the Commercial Convention between the United Kingdom and Egypt of 29th October, 1889; signed at Cairo 16th December, 1907. (January 24.)

COLONIES. I. (ANNUAL).
No. 536. Gambia (Report for 1906). (August 31.)
No. 537. British Central Africa Protectorate (Report for 1906–1907). (September 19.)
No. 538. Bechuanaland Protectorate" (Report for 1906–1907). (October 8.)
No. 539. Leeward Islands (Report for 1906–1907). (October 15.)
No. 540. Straits Settlements (Report for 1906). (October 17.)
No. 541. Turks and Caicos Islands (Report for 1906). (October 18.)
No. 542. Somaliland Protectorate (Report for 1906–1907). (October 21.)
No. 543. Bahamas (Report for 1906–1907). (October 22.)
No. 544. Barbados (Report for 1906–1907). (October 22.)
No. 545. Trinidad and Tobago (Report for 1906–1907). (October 26.)
No. 546. Grenada (Report for 1906–1907). (October 28.)
No. 547, Mauritius (Report for 1906). (October 29.)
No. 548. Fiji (Report for 1906). (November 19.)
No. 549. Jamaica (Report for 1906–1907). (November 27.)
No. 550. British Guiana (Report for 1906–1907). (December 2.)
No. 551. Northern Nigeria (Report for 1906–1907). (December 6.)
No. 552. British Honduras (Report for 1906). (December 19.)
No. 553. St. Lucia (Report for 1906–1907.) (January 10.)

II. (MISCELLANEOUS).
No. 42. Ceylon (Report on the results of the mineral survey in 1905–1906). (September 23.)
No. 43. Caicos Islands (Report with special reference to the further development of the sisal industry). (October 26.)
No. 44. East Africa Protectorate (Report on Survey Department, by Major E. H. Hills, R.E., C.M.G., dated 21st February, 1907). (November 4.)
No. 45. East Africa Protectorate (Report relating to the geology of the East Africa Protectorate, by Mr. H. Brant-wood Muff, B.A., of the Geological Survey of Great Britain.) (January 27.)

HISTORICAL MANUSCRIPTS (ROYAL COMMISSION).
I. Seventeenth Report of the Royal Commission on Historical Manuscripts. (August 31.)
II. Calendar of the Manuscripts of the Marquis of Bath, preserved at Longleat, Wiltshire: Volume III. (Prior Papers). (December 11.)

PRISONS (ENGLAND AND WALES).
Report of the Commissioners of Prisons and the Directors of Convict Prisons, with Appendices, for the Year ended 31st March, 1907. (September 3.)

NATIONAL EDUCATION (IRELAND).
I. Appendix (Section III.) to the Annual Report of the Commissioners, for the Year 1906. (September 4.)
II. Appendix (Section I.) to the Annual Report of the Commissioners, for the Year 1906–1907. (December 18.)
III. Appendix (Section II.) to the Annual Report of the Commissioners, for the Year 1906–1907. (January 22.)

TRADE REPORTS. I. ANNUAL SERIES.
No. 3917. Turkey (Damascus).
No. 3918. Belgium. (September 5.)
No. 3919. Turkey (Tripoli).
No. 3920. Italy (Leghorn). (September 9.)
No. 3921. Turkey (Smyrna).
No. 3922. Brazil (Pernambuco). (September 12.)
No. 3923. Persia (Isaphan and Yezd)
No. 3924. Guatemala (Trade and Finances). (September 13.)
No. 3925. Muscat.
No. 3926. Italy (Florence). (September 14.)
No. 3927. United States (Savannah).
No. 3928. Portugal (Angola). (September 20.)
No. 3929. China (Chefoo). (September 26.)
No. 3930. France (Madagascar.)
No. 3931. China (Swatow).
No. 3932. China (Mengtzu). (September 28.)
No. 3933. United States (Agriculture of States of Oregon, Washington, and Idaho). (October 17.)
No. 3934. China (Kiungchow (Hoi-how)). (October 22.)
No. 3935. France (Algeria).
No. 3936. Germany (Trade and Agriculture of Bavaria for 1906 and part of 1907). (October 24.)
No. 3937. Spain (Malaga).
No. 3938. Siam (Bangkok). (October 25.)
No. 3939. Roumania (Constantza). (October 29.)
No. 3940. Zanzibar.
No. 3941. France (Foreign Trade for 1906 and first half of 1907). (November 1.)
No. 3942. Japan (Kobe). (November 9.)
No. 3943. China (Foreign Trade). (November 13.)
No. 3944. Bahrain Islands. (November 16.)
No. 3945. Netherlands (Finances). (December 4.)
No. 3946. Ecuador (Trade and Finances.)
No. 3947. Austria-Hungary (Finances). (December 10.)
No. 3948. Netherlands (Amsterdam). (December 18.)
No. 3949. Bulgaria. (December 23.)
No. 3950. Sweden (Finances, 1905–1908).
No. 3951. Persia (Bushire). (January 8.)
No. 3952. Brazil (Santos). (January 9.)
No. 3953. Persia (Kermanshah). (January 22.)

II. MISCELLANEOUS SERIES.
No. 664. Belgium (coalmining industry). (September 19.)
No. 665. China (visit to Southern Ports). (October 22.)
No. 666. Japan (coal mines of Kyjushu). (October 29.)

CANADA.
Papers relative to the working of taxation of the unimproved value of land in Canada (in continuation of [Cd. 3191.], November 1906). (September 6)

IRISH LAND COMMISSION.
I. (Proceedings)—

1. Return for the month of July, 1907. (September 3.)

2. Return for the month of August, 1907. (September 19.)

3. Return for the month of September, 1907. (November 4.)

4. Return for the month of October, 1907. (November 26.)

5. Return for the month of November, 1907. (January 4.)

II. Return of advances made under the Irish Land Act, 1903, during the month of January, 1907. (November 11.)

STRAITS SETTLEMENTS.
Reports on the Federated Malay States for 1906 (for reports for 1905, see [Cd. 3186.], October, 1906). (September 7.)
Reports respecting Peterhead Harbour Works (in continuation of [Cd. 3179.], (September 9.)
LUNACY (IRELAND).
Fifty-sixth Report of the Inspectors of Lunatics in Ireland, for the year 1906. (September 10.)

RAILWAY ACCIDENTS.
Returns of accidents and casualties as reported to the Board of Trade by the several railway companies in the United Kingdom in pursuance of the Regulation of Railways Act (1871), together with the reports of the inspecting officers, assistant inspecting officers, and sub-inspectors of the Railway Department to the Board of Trade, upon certain accidents which were inquired into—

I. During the three months ended 31st March, 1907. (September 12.)

II. During the three months ended 30th June, 1907. (November 4.)

III. During the three months ended 30th September, 1907. Part I. (Returns of Accidents). (January 10.)

CONGESTION IN IRELAND (ROYAL COMMISSION).
I. Sixth Report of the Commissioners with Appendix (Minutes of Evidence taken in County Sligo and County Leitrim, 17th to 27th April, 1907, and documents relating thereto). September 13th.)
II. Seventh Report of the Commissioners, with first Appendix (Minutes of Evidence taken in Ireland, 16th May to 11th June, 1907, and documents relating thereto), and second Appendix. Statistics relating to holdings. October 19th.)
III. Eighth Report of the Commissioners, with Appendix (Minutes of Evidence taken in Kerry and Cork, 3rd to 19th July, 1907) and documents relating thereto. (November, 27th.)
IV. Ninth Report of the Commissioners, with Appendix (Minutes of Evidence taken in County Mayo, 21st August to 3rd September, 1907) and documents relating thereto. (December 4th.)

UNITED STATES, NO. 1. (1907).
Notes exchanged with the American Ambassador on the subject of the Newfoundland Fisheries. (September 14th.)
SERVIA (NEW CUSTOMS TARIFF).
Translation of the New Customs Tariff of Servia, as modified by Commercial Treaties with the United Kingdom, Germany, France, Switzerland, Italy, Belgium, and Turkey; together with the Tariff of Servian Duties known as "Trosharina." (September 14th.)
VIVISECTION (ROYAL COMMISSION).
Third Report of the Commissioners with Appendix (Minutes of Evidence, April to July, 1907). (September 17th.)
TUBERCULOSIS (HUMAN AND BOVINE) (ROYAL COMMISSION).
Second Interim Report of the Royal Commission appointed to inquire into the relations of human and animal tuberculosis. Part II. Appendix, Vol. 3. (September 17th.)

REFORMATORY AND INDUSTRIAL SCHOOLS (GREAT BRITAIN).
Fiftieth Report, for the year 1906, of His Majesty's Inspector of Reforma-
58
tory and Industrial Schools. Part II General Report and Appendices III. to XL (September 20th.)

CYPRUS.
Annual Report for 1906–1907. (September 21st.)
CONGESTED DISTRICTS BOARD (IRELAND).
Report of the Board, for the year ended 31st March, 1907. (September 23rd.)
NEW SOUTH WALES.
Papers relative to the working of taxation of the unimproved value of land in New South Wales (in continuation of [Cd. 3740.], September, 1907.) (September 23rd.)
RUSSIA, NO. 1. (1907).
Convention, signed 31st August, 1907, between Great Britain and Russia, containing arrangements on the subject of Persia, Afghanistan, and Thibet. (September 25th.)

AGRICULTURAL STATISTICS (IRELAND).
I. Abstracts showing the acreage under crops, and the numbers of live stock in each county and province, 1906–1907. (September 27th.)
II. Return of prices of crops, live stock, and other Irish agricultural products for the year 1906. (October 4th.)
III. Agricultural Statistics of Ireland with detailed report for the year 1906.(October 26th.)

MINES AND QUARRIES.
General Report and Statistics for 1906—

I. Part II. (Labour)—General Report and Statistics relating to persons employed and accidents at mines and quarries in the United Kingdom, and to the enforcement of the Mines and Quarries Acts. (September 30th.)

II. Part III. (Out-put)—General Report and Statistics relating to the output and value of the minerals raised in the United Kingdom, the amount and value of the metals produced, and the exports and imports of minerals. (October 4th.)

Correspondence respecting the tenure of land in Fiji. (September 30th.)
TRISTAN DA CUNHA.
Further correspondence relating to the Island of Tristan da Cunha (in continuation of [Cd. 3098], September, 1906). (September 30.)
POLICE (METROPOLIS).
Report of the Commissioner of Police of the Metropolis, for the year 1906. (October 1.)

INTERNATIONAL EXHIBITIONS COMMITTEE.
I. Report of the Committee appointed by the Board of Trade to make inquiries with reference to the participation of Great Britain in great international exhibitions; together with the appendices thereto.
II. Minutes of evidence taken by the Committee appointed by the Board of Trade to make inquiries with reference to the participation of Great Britain in great international exhibitions; with Appendices and Index. (October 2.)

SECONDARY EDUCATION (SCOTLAND)
Report for the year 1907, by J. Struthers, Esq., C.B., LL.D. (October 10.)
NEWFOUNDLAND.
Further correspondence relating to the Newfoundland Fishery Question (in continuation of [Cd. 3262.], December 1906). (October 10.)

INDIA.
I. (Trade).—Review of the trade of India in 1906–1907. (October 16.)
II. (Excise Committee).—Orders of the Government of India on Chapters XI, XII., and XIII. of the Report of the Excise Committee 1905–1906. (November 12.)

MISCELLANEOUS.
No. 4 (1907). Proceedings of the First International Conference on the sleeping sickness, held at London in June 1907. (October 19.)
No. 5 (1907). Reports from His Majesty's Representatives abroad re-
60
specting the composition and functions of the Second or Upper Chamber in Foreign States. (December 14.)
No. 6 (1907). Further paper respecting the proceedings of the First International Conference on the sleeping sickness held in London in June 1907 (in continuation of Miscellaneous. No. 4 (1907) [Cd. 3778.]. (December 16.)
No. 1 (1908). Correspondence respecting the Second Peace Conference, held at the Hague in 1907 (with reference to "Miscellaneous, No. 1 (1899)"). (January 4.)

CONCILIATION AND ARBITRATION BOARDS (BOARD OF TRADE LABOUR DEPARTMENT).
Report on rules of voluntary conciliation and arbitration boards and joint committees. (October 19.)
LAND LAW (IRELAND) ACT, 1887.
Return of the number of eviction notices filed during the quarter ended 30th September 1907. (October 23.)
HOUSE-LETTING (SCOTLAND).
Report to the Secretary for Scotland of the Departmental Committee on House-Letting in Scotland. Volume II. Minutes of Evidence, Appendices, and Index. (October 26.)
FACTORY AND WORKSHOP (TINNING OF METALS.)
Special Report by Miss A. M. Anderson, principal lady inspector of factories, and T. M. Legge, M.D., Medical Inspector of Factories, on dangerous processes in the coating of metal with lead, together with Report by G. E. Duckering, inspector of factories, on an experimental investigation into the condition of work in tinning workshops. (October 29.)

COMMERCIAL.
No. 10 (1907). Correspondence respecting the additional Act to the Brussels Sugar Convention of 5th March, 1902; signed at Brussels, 28th August, 1907. (October 29.)
No. 11 (1907). Despatch from His Majesty's Chargé d'Affairs at Paris, transmitting a copy of the convention respecting the commercial relations between Canada and France; signed at

61
Paris, 19th September, 1907. (November 28.)

LIGHT RAILWAYS ACT, 1896.
I. Orders made by the Light Railway Commissioners, and confirmed by the Board of Trade—

1. Amending the Dartford District Light Rail ways Order, 1903.

2. Amending the Headcorn and Maidstone Junction Light Railway Order, 1906.

3. Amending the Holmfield and South Ouram Light Railway Orders 1902 and 1905.

4. Extending the borrowing powers of the Kent and East Sussex Light Railway Company.

II. Orders made by the Light Railway Commissioners, and modified and confirmed by the Board of Trade—

1. Authorising the construction of light railways in the urban district of Colwyn Bay and Colwyn, in the county of Denbigh, in extension of the light railway authorised by the Llandudno and Colwyn Bay Light Railway Order, 1898, and amending the said Order, and the Llandudno and Colwyn Bay Light Railway (Deviation and Amendment) Orner, 1903.

2. Authorising the transfer to the Great Western Railway Company of the powers conferred on the Callington Light Railway Company by the Callington Light Railway Order, 1900, as amended by the Callington Light Railway (Extension of Time) Order, 1903, and reviving the powers granted, and extending the period limited by the said Orders for the compulsory purchase of lands, and extending the period limited by the said Orders for the completion of the railway and works thereby authorised.

3. Transferring to a company the powers conferred upon the rural district councils of Escrick and of Riccall by the Derwent Valley Light Railway Order, 1902, and amending that Order.

4. Amending the borrowing powers of the Southwold Railway Company, and for other purposes. (November 4.)

5. Authorising the construction of additional light railways in the borough of Maidstone.

62

6. Authorising the East and West Yorkshire Union Railways Company to exercise further borrowing powers.

7. Reviving the powers granted, and extending the period limited by the Cromarty and Dingwall Light. Railway Order, 1902, for the compulsory purchase of lands, and extending the period limited by that Order for the completion of the railway and works by that Order authorised, and authorising a deviation of part of the said railway, and the compulsory purchase of certain lands for the purposes of the said railway and works. (December 11.)

COLONIAL OFFICE.
Despatch to the governors of the self-governing colonies relative to the reorganisation of the Colonial Office. (November 6.)
ARMY MEDICAL DEPARTMENT.
Report for the Year 1906, Vol. 48. (November 6.)
WOMEN AND CHILDREN IN PUBLIC HOUSES.
Information obtained from certain police forces as to the frequenting of public houses by women and children. (November 6.)
EVICTIONS (IRELAND).
Return of evictions in Ireland for the quarter ended 31st September, 1907. (November 12)
BANKING, RAILWAY, AND SHIPPING STATISTICS (IRELAND).
Report for June, 1907. (November 12.)

RAILWAY SERVANTS (HOURS OF LABOUR).
Return in pursuance of Section 4 of the Regulation of Railways Act, 1889, of railway servants of certain classes who were on duty on the railways of the United Kingdom for more than twelve hours at a time, or who, after being on duty more than twelve hours, were allowed to resume work with less than nine hours rest, showing: (1) Periods of duty from start to finish without any deductions; (2) Periods of duty after deduction of time spent in travelling home after relief; with Appendices giving additional statements

63
and explanations furnished by the railway companies—

I. On one or more occasions during the month of July, 1907. (November 13.)

II. On one or more occasions during the month of October, 1907. (January 24.)

JUDICIAL STATISTICS (SCOTLAND) ACT, 1869.
Report on the Judicial Statistics of Scotland for the year 1906. (November 14.)

BOARD OF AGRICULTURE AND FISHERIES.
1. Agricultural Statistics, 1906—

1. Vol. XLI., Part IV. Colonial and Foreign Statistics, with Index to Vol. XLI. (November 15.)

2. Vol. XLII., Part I. Acreage and Live Stock Returns of Great Britain, with summaries of the United Kingdom. (January 1.)

II. Annual Report of Proceedings under the Sale of Food and Drugs Acts, 1875 to 1899, the Merchandise Marks Acts, 1887 to 1894, the Fertilisers and Feeding Stuffs Act, 1893, and the Board of Agriculture Act, 1889 (Section 2, Sub-section 3), for the year 1906. (December 30.)

ALIENS ACT, 1905.
Return of alien passengers brought to the United Kingdom from ports in Europe or within the Mediterranean Sea during the three months ended 30th September, 1907, together with the number of expulsion orders made during that period requiring aliens to leave the United Kingdom. (November 15.)
UNEMPLOYED WORKMEN ACT, 1905.
Report by the Local Government Board for Scotland, as to the proceedings of Distress Committees in Scotland, for the year ended 15th May, 1907. (November 15.)
JAMAICA.
Despatch from the Governor relative to the earthquake at Kingston, Jamaica, on 14th January, 1907, and the reply thereto (in continuation of [Cd. 3560.], June, 1907). (November 15.)
AUSTRALIA.
Despatch from the Governor-General enclosing the Navigation Bill, 1907, of the Government of the Commonwealth of Australia. (November 15.)
BIRTHS, DEATHS, AND MARRIAGES.
Sixty-ninth Annual Report of the Registrar-General of Births. Deaths, and Marriages in England and Wales (1906). (November 15.)
INEBRIATES ACTS, 1879–1900 (SCOTLAND).
Report of the Inspector for Scotland under the Inebriates Acts, for the year 1906. (November 20.)
INEBRIATES ACTS (IRELAND).
Third Report (with Appendices) of the Inspector for Ireland under the Acts, for the year 1906. (November 26.)
NORTH SEA FISHERIES INVESTIGATION COMMITTEE.
Second Report (Southern Area) Fishery and Hydrographical Investigations in the North Sea and adjacent Waters, 1904–1905. Part I. (November 27.)
EXPLOSIVES (EXPLOSION OF GELIGNITE ON THE FISHGUARD RAILWAY CONSTRUCTION WORKS).
Report to the Secretary of State for the Home Department on the circumstances attending an explosion which occurred during the operation of thawing gelignite in connection with the construction of the new Great Western Railway line from Clarbeston Road to Fishguard, Pembrokeshire, on the 26th Februray, 1906. (November 27.)
MERCANTILE MARINE (SEAMEN EMPLOYED).
Return of the number, ages, ratings, and nationalities of the seamen employed on 4th April, 1906, on vessels registered under Part I. of the Merchant Shipping Act, 1894, in the British Islands. (November 29.)
EDUCATION (SCOTLAND).
Memorandum on the study of history in Scottish schools. (December 3.)
FISHERIES (SCOTLAND).
Twenty-fifth Annual Report of the Fishery Board for Scotland, for the year 1906. Part III. Scientific investigations. (November 30.)
Report of the Departmental Committee on Check-weighing in the Iron and Steel Trades (with evidence, etc.). (December 4.)
BUILDING ACCIDENTS COMMITTEE.
Report of the Departmental Committee appointed by the Secretary of State for the Home Department to inquire into the dangers attendant on building operations; with draft Regulations, Minutes of Evidence, and Appendices. (December 10.)
FOREIGN IMPORT DUTIES (1907).
Statement of the rates of import duties levied in European Countries, Egypt, the United States, Mexico, Japan, China, and Persia, upon the produce and manufactures of the United Kingdom. (December 14.)
COST OF LIVING OF THE WORKING CLASSES.
Report of an inquiry by the Board of Trade into working class rents, housing and retail prices, together with the standard rates of wages prevailing in certain occupations in the principal industrial towns of the United Kingdom; with an introductory memorandum. (December 21.)
OPTIONS AND FUTURES (LEGISLATION RESPECTING).
Report by His Majesty's Ambassador to the United States of America on legislation in regard to gambling in "options and futures" (supplementary to [Cd. 3280.]). (December 21.)
TRADE WITH NEW ZEALAND (BOARD OF TRADE, COMMERCIAL INTELLIGENCE COMMITTEE).
Report upon the conditions and prospects of British trade in New Zealand by the Advisory Committee on Commercial Intelligence of the Board of Trade, based on information collected by their Commissioner, Mr. R. J. Jeffray. (December 30.)
TRADE WITH CANADA (BOARD OF TRADE, COMMERCIAL INTELLIGENCE COMMITTEE).
Report upon the Condition and Prospects of British Trade in Canada by Mr. Richard Grigg, Special Commissioner to the Advisory Committee to the Board of Trade on Commercial Intelligence. December 30.)
MINES (ROYAL COMMISSION).
Minutes of Evidence taken before the Royal Commission on Mines; with Index and Appendices. Volume II. (December 21.)
STATISTICS.
Statistical Abstract for the British Empire in each year from 1892 to 1906. Fourth Number. (January 24.)
WEST INDIES.
List of Laws dealing with Emigration of Labourers from British West Indian Colonies to Foreign Countries. (January 24.)

VICE-REGAL COMMISSION ON IRISH RAILWAYS.
Vice-Regal Commission on Irish Railways—

I. Second Report of the Commissioners;

II. Appendix to the Second Report of the Commissioners. (January 24.)

NATAL.
I. Further Correspondence relating to Native Affairs in Natal (in continuation of [Cd. 3247.] and Cd. 3563.]);
II. Report of the Native Affairs Commission, 1906–1907. (January 27.)

TRANSVAAL.
Further Correspondence relating to Legislation affecting Asiatics in the Transvaal (in continuation of [Cd. 3308], February, 1907). (January 27.)
The same were ordered to lie on the Table.

BOARD OF EDUCATION.
List of elementary schools and certified efficient schools in England (excluding Monmouthshire) on 1st August, 1907.
QUEENSLAND.
Papers relative to the workings of taxation on the unimproved value of land in Queensland (in continuation of [Cd. 3761], September, 1907).
MERCHANT SHIPPING.
Correspondence relating to proposed legislation of Australia and New Zealand on the subject of merchant shipping (in continuation of [Cd. 3826], November, 1907.
NAVY (GUNNERY).
Result of test of gunlayers with heavy guns in His Majesty's Fleet, 1907.

POST OFFICE.
1. Additional articles to the agreement of 29th April—7th November, 1906, for the exchange of money orders between the Post Office of the United Kingdom of Great Britain and Ireland and the Post Office of the Dutch Colony of Surinam, dated 28th October, 1907–2nd December, 1907.
2. Agreement between the Post Office of the United Kingdom of Great Britain and Ireland and the Post Office of the Dutch Colony of Curacao, dated 25th April, 1907–15th June, 1907.
3. Agreement between the Post Office of the United Kingdom of Great Britain and Ireland and the Post Office of the Republic of Salvador, dated 27th June, 1907–27th August, 1907.
4. Agreement between the Post Office of the United Kingdom of Great Britain and Ireland and the Post Office of the Empire of Japan, dated 31st January, 1907.

TRADE REPORTS (ANNUAL SERIES).
No. 3954. Cuba.
No. 3955. Portugal (Goa).

MISCELLANEOUS, No. 2 (1908).
Reports from His Majesty's representatives abroad showing the regulations and methods which guide the application of the second ballot at elections in foreign countries.
IRISH LAND COMMISSION.
Rules of the Estates Commissioners, dated 4th November, 1907.
ALIENS ACT, 1905.
Return of alien passengers brought to the United Kingdom from ports in Europe or within the Mediterranean Sea during the three months ended 31st December, 1907; together with the number of expulsion orders made during that period requiring aliens to leave the United Kingdom.
CHILDREN UNDER THE POOR LAW.
Report to the President of the Local Government Board by T. J. Macnamara, Parliamentary Secretary to the Board.
WAGES AND EFFECTS OF DECEASED SEAMEN.
Account of the sums received and paid in respect of the wages and effects of deceased seamen in the year ended 31st March, 1907.

LOCOMOTIVES ON HIGHWAYS ACT, 1896, MOTOR CAR ACT, 1903.
Orders by the Secretary for Scotland prohibiting motor car traffic on certain highways—

1. (Dated 26th October, 1907) in the county of Wigtown.

2. (Dated 20th November, 1907) in the county of Perth.

Presented (by Command), and ordered to lie on the Table.

LUNACY (SCOTLAND).
1. General rules for the management of the Kingseat Asylum at Newmachar, Aberdeen.
2. General rules for the government of the asylum, Riccartsbar, Paisley.

FACTORY AND WORKSHOP (DANGEROUS AND UNHEALTHY INDUSTRIES).
Regulations made by the Secretary of State for the Home Department in pursuance of Section 79 of the Factory and Workshop Act, 1901—

1. Dated 28th August, for the processes of spinning and weaving hemp or jute or hemp or jute tow, and processes incidental thereto.

2. Dated 13th December, for the manufacture of nitro- and amido-derivatives of benzene, and the manufacture of explosives in the use of dinitrobenzol or dinitrotoluol.

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3. Dated 20th December, 1907, in respect of processes involving the use of horsehair from China, Siberia, and Russia.

TRINIDAD.
Rules for the government of district prisons, and amended rules providing for punishment of officials for breaches of discipline.

LUNACY.
1. Report to the Lord Chancellor of the number of visits made, the number of patients seen, and the number of miles travelled by the visitors of lunatics, pursuant to the Lunacy Act, 1890, between 1st April, 1907, and 1st September, 1907.
2. Return of all sums received by the visitors of lunatics for travelling expenses, or upon any other account, from 1st January to 31st December, 1907.

The Public Trustee Rules, 1907, dated 29th November, 1907.
General rules for formal investigations into shipping casualties and appeals and re-hearings.
Treasury Order, dated 22nd October, 1907, regulating fees in county courts.
ELEMENTARY SCHOOL TEACHERS' DEFERRED ANNUITY FUND.
First Septennial Actuarial Report on the assets and liabilities of the Elementary School Teachers' Deferred Annuity Fund.
LABOURERS (IRELAND) ACT, 1906.
Treasury Minute, dated 6th January, 1908, directing that the "Labourer's Cottages Fund Account" be examined and audited by the Comptroller and Auditor-General.

PUBLIC ACCOUNTS AND CHARGES ACT, 1891.
Treasury Minute, dated 16th December, 1907, under Section 2 (3) of the Public Accounts and Charges Act, 1891 directing that, as from the 1st April, 1908, the receipts under Section 28 (9) of the
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Merchant Shipping Act, 1906, shall be applied as appropriations in aid of the moneys to be granted by Parliament for Mercantile Marine Services.

INLAND REVENUE.
Treasury Minutes, dated 5th December, 1907—

1. Appointing Mr. George Frederick Howe to be a Special Commissioner of Income Tax.

2. Appointing Mr. Albert Grassman to be a Special Commissioner of Income Tax.

BANK OF ENGLAND.
Return of the amount of notes issued more than forty years and outstanding on 30th October, 1907, which have been written off.
PUBLIC WORKS (IRELAND).
Treasury Minute, dated 11th December, 1907, authorising the renewal of the lease of two small plots of land near the Royal Marine Hotel, Kingstown.

SUPERANNUATION (TREASURY MINUTES).
I. Granting retired allowances under Section 2 of the Superannuation Act, 1887, to—

1. Mr. T. S. Williams, counter clerk and telegraphist, London Postal District, Post Office, dated 23rd August, 1907.

2. Mr. T. O. Hewitt, engineer, first class, Engineer-in-Chief's Department, Post Office, dated 1st October, 1907.

3. Mr. F. T. Freeman, staff clerk, War Office, dated 22nd October, 1907.

4. Mr. John Guillon, foreman of the yard, Chatham, Admiralty, dated 2nd November, 1907.

5. Mr. H. E. Köhler, overseer, Post Office, Brighton, dated 20th November, 1907.

6. Mr. T. F. Hart, assistant superintendent, Post Office, Brighton, dated 20th November, 1907.

7. Mr. W. L. Mowll, overseer, Post Office, Brighton, dated 20th November, 1907.

8. Mr. F. Westington, overseer, Post Office, Brighton, dated 20th November, 1907.

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9. Mr. Charles Barwick, rural postman, Scarborough Post Office, dated 12th December, 1907.

10. Mr. W. R. Barton, a clerk of the Higher Grade of the Second Division, War Office, dated 16th December, 1907.

11. Mr. Walter Charles Bass, established butler, Haslar Hospital, Admiralty-dated 8th January, 1908.

12. Mr. Owen Cook, second class surveyor of taxes, Inland Revenue, dated 10th January, 1908.

II. Dated 5th September, 1907, declaring that Henry Harris, labourer, Royal Laboratory, War Department, was appointed without a civil service certificate, through inadvertence on the part of the head of his department.
III. Dated 28th October, 1907, granting a special pension to Sir H. W. Primrose, K.C.B., C.S.I., I.S.O., late chairman of the Board of Inland Revenue.
IV. (Professional Qualifications.)—Dated 21st November, 1907, declaring that for the due and efficient discharge of the duties of the office of Small Holdings Commissioner, professional or other peculiar qualifications not ordinarily to be acquired in the public service are required.

PUBLIC RECORDS.
1. High Court of Justice (King's Bench, Common Pleas, and Exchequer).—Second schedule containing a list and particulars of classes of documents belonging to the late Courts of King's Bench, Common Pleas, and Exchequer Divisions of the High Court of Justice which are not considered of sufficient public value to justify their preservation in the Public Record Office.
2. (War Department).—Seventh schedule containing a list and particulars of classes of documents pertaining to the department of His Majesty's principal Secretary of State for War and deposited in the Public Record Office which are not considered of sufficient public value to justify their preservation therein.

PATENTS AND DESIGNS ACT, 1907.
1. (Designs).—Designs Rules, 1908; dated 17th December, 1907.
2. (Patents).—Patents Rules, 1908; dated 17th December, 1907.
3. (Patents).—Register of Patent Agents' Rules, 1908; dated 17th December, 1907.

RAMSGATE HARBOUR.
Statements of receipts and payments made by the Board of Trade, for the year ended 31st March, 1907; together with an account of the receipt and issue of stores.
SEAMEN'S SAVINGS BANKS, MONEY ORDERS, AND TRANSMISSION OF WAGES.
Account of all deposits received and repaid by the Board of Trade on account of Seamen's Savings Banks, under the authority of the Merchant Shipping Act, 1894, during the year ended 26th November, 1906, and of the interest thereon; Statement showing the number and amount of seamen's money orders issued and paid at ports in the United Kingdom and at ports abroad, from 1855 to 31st March, 1907; also Statements showing the receipts and payments in connection with the transmission of seamen's wages, Home and Foreign, from 1878 to 31st March, 1907.
Account of the General Lighthouse Fund showing income and expenditure for year ended 31st March, 1907.

POST OFFICE.
I. (Foreign and Colonial Post)—

1. (Japan).—The Foreign and Colonial Parcel Post Amendment (No. 10.) Warrant, 1907, dated 12th September, 1907.

2. (Pitcairn Island and French Settlements of Oceania).—The Foreign and Colonial Parcel Post Amendment (No.11) Warrant, 1907, dated 16th September, 1907.

3. (Portugal).—The Foreign and Colonial Parcel Post Amendment (No. 12) Warrant, 1908, dated 18th September, 1908.

4. (British East Africa Protectorate).—The Foreign and Colonial Parcel Post Amendment (No. 13) Warrant, 1908, dated 16th January, 1908.

II. (Foreign and Colonial Post except Parcels).—Treasury Warrant, dated 30th September, 1907, as to the Foreign and Colonial Parcel Post except Parcels.

POST OFFICE TELEGRAPHS (INCLUDING TELEPHONES).
Account showing the gross amount received and expended on account of the Telegraph Service during the year ended 31st March, 1907, and the balance of the expenditure over receipts and additional statement; together with account showing the gross amount received and the gross amount expended in respect of the Telegraph Service, including telephones, from the date of the transfer of the telegraphs to the State to the 31st day of March, 1907, (in continuation of Paper No. 369 of session 1906) and certain other statistics.

DISEASES OF ANIMALS ACTS, 1894 TO 1903.
1. Order dated 23rd August, 1907, entitled the "Glanders or Farcy Order of. 1907."
2. Order dated 26th August, 1907, defining a foreign animals quarantine station at the Port of Liverpool.
3. Order dated 13th September, 1907, defining a foreign animals quarantine station at the Royal Albert Docks, in the Port of London.
4. Order dated 19th September, 1907, revoking Order No. 7324 of the 26th August, 1907, defining a foreign animals quarantine station at the Port of Liverpool.
5. Order dated 23rd October, 1907, revoking Order No. 7335 of the 13th September, 1907, defining a foreign animals quarantine station in the borough of East Ham.
6. Order dated 28th November, 1907, revoking Order No. 6612 of 15th May, 1903, defining a foreign animals wharf at the port at Southampton.

INDIA.
1. (Loans raised in India).—Return of all loans raised in India chargeable on the Revenues of India, outstanding at the commencement of the half-year ended on the 30th September, 1907, with the rates of interest and total amount payable thereon, and the date of the termination of each loan, the debt incurred during the half-year, the moneys raised thereby during the half-year, the
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loans paid off or discharged during the half-year, and the loans outstanding at the close of the half-year, stating, so far as the public convenience will allow, the purpose or service for which moneys have been raised during the half-year.
2. (Loans raised in England).—Return of all loans raised in England, chargeable on the revenues of India, outstanding at the commencement of the half-year ended on the 30th September, 1907, with the rates of interest and total amount payable thereon, and the date of the termination of each loan, the debt incurred during the half-year, the moneys raised thereby during the half-year, the loans paid off or discharged during the half-year, and the loans outstanding at the close of the half-year stating, so far as the public convenience will allow, the purpose or service for which moneys have been raised during the half-year.

POLLING DISTRICTS.
1. (County of Lancaster).—Order made by the Council of the County of Lancaster re-dividing the Parliamentary Division of Gorton into convenient polling districts.
2. (County of West Suffolk).—Order made by the Council of West Suffolk re-naming the Bradford St. George Polling District, the Rougham Polling District.
3. (County of Surrey).—Orders made by the Council of the County of Surrey—

(i.) Dividing the present Parliamentary Polling district of Farnham into three polling districts.

(ii.) Altering the boundary between the Windlesham and Bagshot Polling Districts.

4. (City of Bath).—Order made by the Council of the City of Bath altering certain Polling Districts in Lyncombe, and Widcombe, and Walcot Wards, in the City of Bath.
5. (County of East Suffolk).—Order made by the Council of the County of East Suffolk altering certain Polling Districts in the Northern or Lowestoft Parliamentary Division of the county.

PENAL SERVITUDE ACTS, 1853–1891 (CONDITIONAL LICENCE).
Licence granted by His Majesty to John Williams or Taylor, under the provisions of the Penal Servitude Acts, 1853–1891, to which are annexed conditions other than those contained in Schedule. A. of the Penal Servitude Act. 1864.

SHOP HOURS ACT, 1904.
I. Orders made by the following borough councils, and confirmed by the Secretary of State for the Home Department, fixing the hours of closing for certain classes of shops within the respective boroughs—

1. Haslingden.

2. Burslem.

3. Rawtenstall.

4. Thornaby-on-Tees.

5. Widnes.

6. Macclesfield.

II. Orders made by the following county councils, and confirmed by the Secretary of State for the Home Department, fixing the hours of closing for certain classes of shops within the re spective counties—

1. Chester (Northwich and rural parish of Winnington).

2. Lancaster (urban district of Little-borough).

3. West Riding of Yorkshire (urban districts of Golcar, Linthwaite, Marsden, and Slaithwaite).

III. Orders made by the following metropolitan boroughs fixing the hours of closing for certain classes of shops within the respective metropolitan boroughs—

1. Shoreditch.

2. Stepney.

IV. Orders made by the following county borough councils, and confirmed by the Secretary of State for the Home Department, fixing the hours of closing for certain classes of shops within the respective county boroughs—

1. Preston.

2. Halifax.

V. Order made by the Cheltenham Borough Town Council, and confirmed
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by the Secretary of State for the Home Department, fixing the hours; of closing for certain classes of shops within the borough.
VI. Order made by the following Urban District Councils, and confirmed by the Secretary of State for the Home Department, fixing the hours of closing for certain class of shops within the respective urban districts—

1. Tunstall.

2. Llanelly.

VII. Orders made by the Secretary for Scotland providing for the early closing of certain shops classes of Shops—

1. In the burgh of Dundee, dated 31st August, 1907.

2. In the Shettleston and Tollcross Special Lighting District in the county of Lanark, dated 14th October, 1907.

3. In the burgh of Perth, dated 4th December, 1907.

UNIVERSITIES (SCOTLAND) ACT, 1899.
Annual Statistical Report by the University Court of the University of Glasgow to the Secretary for Scotland, under the provisions of Section 30 of the Universities (Scotland) Act, 1889, for the year 1906–1907.
BOARD OF EDUCATION.
Order amending final Order No. 42, made under Section 11 (8) of the Education Act, 1902.

WEIGHTS AND MEASURES ACT, 1878.
Orders in Council, dated 21st December, 1907—

1. Defining the amount of error to be tolerated in local standards when verified or re-verified by the Board of Trade.

2. Fixing the fees to be paid in respect of the verification and stamping of weights and measures.

NAVAL AND MARINE PAY AND PENSIONS ACT, 1865.
Orders in Council approving memorials of the Lords Commissioners of the Admiralty praying sanction to—

1. Certain revised arrangements in connection with the victualling of His

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Majesty's Fleet, dated 9th September, 1907.

2. The amendment of Clause 8 of Order in Council of 29th November, 1881, as to apointment of colonels-commandant R.M.A. and R.M.L.I., dated 9th September, 1907.

3. The payment of allowances for auditing the accounts of the boys' fund in training ships and establishments, dated 9th September, 1907.

4. The payment to engineer-lieutenants on the senior list of similar allowances to those payable to engineer-lieutenants on the junior list when employed as senior engineers in certain ships, dated 2nd November, 1907.

5. The amendment of the regulations for the R.N.R. approved by Order in Council of 20th October, 1902, in regard to appointment of midshipmen to rank of acting sub-lieutenant, and the appointment of midshipmen and acting sub-lieutenants in the R.N.R., date 2nd November, 1907.

6. The abolition, as from 1st July, 1906, of the non-substantive rating of "trained man" for stokers entered for combined service in the Royal Navy and Royal Fleet Reserve; and the increase of the non-continuous service rate of pay of these special service stokers, 1st class, from 1s. 9d. to 1s. 10d. a day from that date, dated 2nd November, 1907.

7. The variation of the allowance within the existing maximum of 4d. a day to the Yeoman of Stores in ships of the Navy, dated 2nd November, 1907.

8. Seamen and Marines lent for colonial employment in West Africa being allowed to count such service as double time for purposes of pension, dated 2nd November, 1907.

9. The issue of certain allowances in lieu of victuals to any persons in the Royal Navy or Royal Marines, dated 2nd November, 1907.

10. The payment of certain allowances: to officers of the Royal Marines employed as instructors of wireless telegraphy or as assistants for wireless telegraphy duties in His Majesty's Fleet, dated 21st December, 1907.

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11. The payment of a certain allowance, in addition to full pay, to the Engineer Commander borne for Fleet duties on the China Station, so long as there is no Engineer Captain so borne, dated 21st December, 1907.

12. The payment of special allowances to Junior Engineer Officers appointed for instructional duties at training establishments for boy artificers and mechanicians, dated 21st December, 1907.

13. A modification of the regulations for the advancement of boy artificers, dated 21st December, 1907.

14. An amendment of the rule by which the time served by petty officers may, under certain conditions, be doubled for pension purposes, dated 21st December, 1907.

15. A revision of the titles and rates of pay of cook ratings, and removal of certain restrictions as to amount of pension under Article 1932A of the Regulations for the government of His Majesty's Naval Service, dated 21st December, 1907.

16. A rule allowing 3rd Class domestics who have served as 1st or 2nd Class domestics to be recommended for the long service and good conduct medal, thus admitting of the award of the medal on re-employment in one of the higher ratings, dated 21st December, 1907.

FOREIGN JURISDICTION ACT, 1890.
Order in Council, dated 9th September, 1907, entitled "The Nigeria Coinage Order in Council, 1907."
Orders in Council, dated 2nd November, 1907—

1. Providing for the exercise of His Majesty's jurisdiction in the islands of the Pacific Ocean known as the New Hebrides in accordance with the terms of the Anglo-French Convention.

2. Entitled "The East Africa Order in Council, 1907."

3. Entitled "The North Eastern Rhodesia Order in Council, 1907."

4. Entitled "The Swaziland Crown Lands Order in Council, 1907."

Order in Council, dated 21st December, 1907, entitled "The Nyasaland Order in Council, 1907 (No. 2)."

MERCHANT SHIPPING ACT, 1894.
Orders in Council, dated 2nd November, 1907—

1. Relating to seamen's lodging houses in the district of the county borough of Swansea.

2. Confirming byelaws made by the Trinity House of Kingston-upon-Hull fixing the rates of pilotage between Hull and Goole.

3. Applying Section 238 of the Act to seamen who desert from Roumanian merchant ships.

4. Revoking Orders in Council of 3rd February, 1863, and 7th January, 1864, made under the Passengers Act, 1855, respecting the carriage of emigrants on board ship.

GOVERNMENT OF INDIA ACT, 1858.
Order in Council, dated 21st December, 1907, approving a statement of new and revised appointments and alterations of salaries in the establishment of the Secretary of State for India in Council.
NAVAL DISCIPLINE ACT, 1866.
Order in Council, dated 2nd November, 1907, approving certain revised General Orders for regulating the procedure and practice of Naval courts-martial; to come into force on 1st April, 1908.

COLONIAL PRISONERS REMOVAL ACT, 1884.
Order in Council, entitled, "The Colonial Prisoners Removal Order in Council, 1907," dated 9th September, 1907.
Laid before the House (pursuant to Act), and ordered to lie on the Table.

RETURNS, REPORTS, ETC.
  MERSEY DOCKS AND HARBOUR BOARD.
  Accounts for the year ended 1st July, 1907. Delivered (pursuant to Act), and ordered to lie on the Table.
  MARGATE PIER AND HARBOUR COMPANY.
  Report and statement of accounts for the year ended, 5th April, 1907. Delivered (pursuant to Act), and ordered to lie on the Table.

  UNIVERSITIES OF OXFORD AND CAMBRIDGE ACT, 1877.
  Statutes made—

  1. By the Governing Body of Peterhouse or St. Peter's College, Cambridge, on the 4th May, 1907, altering and amending Statute XXI. of the Statutes of the College.

  2. By the Governing Body of Trinity College, Oxford, on the 27th May, 1907, altering and amending Statute I. of the Statutes of the College.

  3. By the Governing Body of Queen's College, Oxford, on the 19th June, 1907, altering and amending Stat. Tit. II., Clauses 1, 2, 7, 8, 9, and 15, and Stat. Tit. XXIII., Clause 8, of the Statutes of the College.

  Laid before the House (pursuant to Act), and to be printed. (No. 1).

  UNIVERSITIES (SCOTLAND) ACT, 1889.
  University Court Ordinances:—

  1. No. 22 (Edinburgh, No. 11). Regulations for degrees in arts.

  2. No. 23 (Glasgow No. 6). Regulations for degrees in arts.

  Laid before the House (pursuant to Act), and to be printed. (No. 2.).
  House adjourned at half-past Seven o'clock, till To-morrow, half-past Ten o'clock.