Sitting of 27 April 1908

Preamble
The House met at a quarter before Three of the Clock.

PRIVATE BILL BUSINESS.
Draycott Gas Bill; Gosport Gas Bill; Humber Commercial Railway and Dock Bill; Leeds Corporation Bill; Leicester Corporation Bill; Motherwell Burgh Extension, &c., Bill.—Read the third time, and passed.
North Eastern Railway Bill (King's Consent signified).—Bill read the third time, and passed.
Wishaw Burgh Electricity, &c., Bill—Read the third time, and passed.
Dundalk Urban District Council Bill—As amended, considered; to be read the third time.
Audenshaw Urban District Council Bill [Lords]; Camberwell and other Metropolitan Borough Councils (Superannuation) Bill [Lords]; Fishguard and Rosslare Railways and Harbours Bill [Lords]; Merthyr Tydfil Corporation Bill [Lords].—Read a second time, and committed.
Pontypridd Water Bill [Lords].—Read a second time, and committed.
Briton Ferry Urban District Council Bill [Lords] (by Order).—Read a second time, and committed.
Local Government Provisional Orders (No. 1) Bill.—"To confirm certain Provisional Orders of the Local Government Board relating to Bath, Little Lever, Stanhope, Stratford-on-Avon (Rural), Stratton and Bade, and the Hemel Hempstead Joint Hospital District," presented by Dr. Macnamara; supported by Mr. Burns, read the first time; to be referred to the examiners of Petitions for Private Bills, and to be printed. [Bill 193.]
Local Government Provisional Orders (No. 2) Bill—"To confirm certain Provisional Orders of the Local Government Board relating to Bridlington, Fulwood, Romford, and Weymouth and Melcombe Regis," presented by Dr. Macnamara; supported by Mr. Burns; read the first time; to be referred to the Examiners of Petitions for Private Bills, and to be printed. [Bill 194.]
Edinburgh Corporation (Tramways, &c.) Order Confirmation Bill.—"To confirm a Provisional Order under The Private Legislation Procedure (Scotland) Act, 1899, relating to Edinburgh Corporation Tramways, &c.," presented by Mr. Sinclair; read the first time; and ordered (under Section 9 of the Act) to be read a second time upon Tuesday, 5th May, and to be printed. [Bill 195.]

PETITIONS.
  COAL MINES (EIGHT HOURS) (No. 2) BILL.
  Petitions in favour: From Algernon Pit; Ashton Moss; Ashton's Green; Brackley Colliery; Cadrow; Cambois; Clyde Colliery; Coal Pit Heath (Gloucester); Collins Green; Dykeford Colliery; Ferniegair Colliery; Forley Colliery, Tollcross; Hartshead Branch, York; Hepscott Colliery; Gateside; Gwendraeth Colliery; Kirkintilloch; Lea Green; Linby; Netherton Hall; Netherton Howard; New Cwmmaur Colliery; Newton; North Elswick; Pentremaur Colliery; Preston Colliery; Ross; Sleekburn; South Elswick; Sutton Heath; Wishaw; and Wyke; to lie upon the Table.
  ELEMENTARY EDUCATION (ENGLAND AND WALES) BILL.
  Petitions in favour: From Torquay; and Warminster; to lie upon the Table.

  LICENSING BILL.
  Petitions against: From Ash; Beaconsfield; Bridlington; Carmarthen; Crewkerne; Driffield; East Horsley; Helperthorpe; High Wycombe; Isle of Thanet; Marlow (two); Princes Risborough; Rotherham (two); Salisbury; Thrapston; Wallingford; Weaverthorpe; Wells;

  1023
  West Wiltshire; Whiston; and Wold Newton; to lie upon the Table.

  LICENSING BILL.
  Petitions for alteration: From Beeston; and Bradford (Yorks); to lie upon the Table.

  LICENSING BILL.
  Petitions in favour: From Abbeydale; Abergwili; Alvaston; Arnold; Ashton-under-Lyne (five); Ash Vale; Auchencairn; Barking; Barrington; Barrow-on-Soar; Battlefield; Bearsden; Bedford (three); Beeston; Birkdale (two); Blackpool (four); Blyth (two); Bodwrog; Bonhill; Bonkle; Bovey Tracey; Bradford; Bradford-on-Avon; Bridlington (two); Brockley; Broadstairs; Bryndu; Brynsiencynr; Cambois (three); Castle Donington; Charlesworth; Cheddar Valley; Chelsea; Chisworth; Clevelys; Clydebank; Coalville; Coatdyke; Combe Martin; Convil Elvet (two); Cowgate; Crosshill Crouch Hill (two); Dalbeattie; Dalmuir; Dartmouth (two); Dawlish; Delting; Derby; Derbyshire; Devonport; East Ham; Edinburgh (eight); Falkirk (four); Ferry; Filey; Firth; Fishguard; Glasgow (five); Glencairn; Glenelg; Gomersal (two); Great Yarmouth (two); Greenwich; Hackney; Hamilton; Harrow Road; Heckmondwike; Helensburgh (two); Highbridge; Holloway Road; Holm; Holyhead; Huddersfield; Iver; Kentish Town; Kingswood; Kirkham; Kirkintillock (four); Lanark; Lancaster (ten); Langholm (three); Leicester (three); Lerwick; Linlithgow and Falkirk; Llanarthney; Llanybyther; Lochend and New Abbey; London (two); Loughborough; Maidenhead (two); Manor Park (two); Marsden; Melbourne; Melksham (two); Melton Mowbray (two); Milford; Morecambe; Morpeth; New Barnet; Newborough; Newbridge; Newcastle Emlyn; Newcastle-upon-Tyne (two); Newnham; North Ronaldshay (four); North Shields; Nottingham (six); Penrhoslligwy; Pollokshaws; Pontyberem (four); Poulton le Fylde; Renton (three); St. Annes on Sea (two); St. Clears; St. Helens (three); St. James; Salford (four); Seer Green; Sheffield; Shepshed; Shire Moor; Skye; Tongue; Torquay (four); Trow-
  1024
  bridge; Uphill; Vale of Leven; Valley Velmgwin; Warminster; Waterside; West Bridgford; Woking (three); Woodbridge; and Wroxall; to lie upon the Table.

  LIQUOR TRAFFIC (LOCAL OPTION) (SCOTLAND) BILL.
  Petitions in favour: From Alexandria; Cadzow Oak; Cathcart; Falkirk; Glasgow; Kingussie; and Linlithgow and Falkirk; to lie upon the Table.
  SALE OF INTOXICATING LIQUORS ON SUNDAY BILL.
  Petitions in favour: From Brixham; Deptford; and East London; to lie upon the Table.

  PARLIAMENTARY PAPERS (RECESS).
  The following Papers, presented by Command of His Majesty during the Easter Recess, were delivered to the Librarian of the House of Commons during the Recess, pursuant to the Standing Order of 14th August; 1896:—
  Army (Militia Units).—Copy of Return showing the Establishment of each Unit of Militia in the United Kingdom and the numbers present, absent, and wanting to complete, at the Training of 1907.
  Cancer Research (Colonies)—Copy of further Correspondence relating to the Cancer Research Scheme.
  Education (Scotland)—Copy of Regulations as to Grants to Secondary Schools in Scotland, 1908.
  Irish Universities Bill, 1908—Copy of Preliminary Draft of the Articles of a Charter for the University to have its seat in Belfast.
  Irish Universities Bill, l908—Copy of Preliminary Draft of the Articles of a Charter for the University to have its seat in Dublin.
  Mines and Quarries Copy of Reports of His Majesty's Inspectors of Mines to the Secretary of State for the Home

  1025
  Department under the Coal Mines Regulation Acts, 1887 to 1896, the Metalliferous Mines Regulation Acts, 1872 and 1875, and the Quarries Act, 1894, for the year 1907.
  Cyprus.—Copy of Correspondence relating to the affairs of Cyprus.
  Irish Land Commission (Proceedings).—Copy of Return of Proceedings of the Irish Land Commission during the month of December, 1907.
  Prisons (Scotland).—Copy of Thirtieth Annual Report of the Prison Commissioners for Scotland, being the Sixty-ninth Annual Report on Prisons in Scotland, 1907.
  Treaty Series (No. 10, 1908).—Copy of Agreement between the United Kingdom and France respecting Death Duties, signed at London, 15th November, 1907. Ratifications exchanged at London, 9th December, 1907.
  Trade Report (Annual Series).—Copies of Diplomatic and Consular Reports, Annual Series, Nos. 3972–3974, and 3977.
  Miscellaneous, No. 3 (1908).—Copy of Correspondence with His Majesty's Ambassador at Berlin respecting a Declaration by the Governments of Great Britain, Denmark, France, Germany, the Netherlands, and Sweden on the subject of the maintenance of the status quo in the territories bordering upon the North Sea.
  Ordered, That the said Papers do lie upon the Table.

RETURNS, REPORTS, ETC.
  LAND LAW (IRELAND) ACT, 1887 (EVICTION NOTICES).
  Copy presented, of Return of Eviction Notices filed during the quarter ended 31st March, 1908 [by Command]; to lie upon the Table.

  INTERMEDIATE EDUCATION (IRELAND).
  Copy presented, of Report of the Intermediate Education Board for Ireland
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  for the year 1907 [by Command]; to lie upon the Table.

  Mr. SPEAKERlaid upon the Table:—Manual of Procedure in the Public Business of the House of Commons, 1908 [2nd edition].
  NEW WRIT.
  New Writ for the Borough of Wolverhampton (East Division), in the room of the right hon. Sir Henry Hartley Fowler, G.C.S.I. (Chiltern Hundreds).— (Mr. Whiteley.)
QUESTIONS AND ANSWERS CIRCULATED WITH THE VOTES.

  Imprisonment at St. Petersburg of Mr. Tchayskovsky.
  MR. YOXALL: To ask the Secretary of State for Foreign Affairs, whether he can take any action in the case of Nicholas Tchayskovsky, a distinguished man of science of Russian birth (but resident in this country for more than twenty years, and several of whose family are British subjects), confined since 24th November, 1907, in the fortress of St. Peter and St. Paul, at St. Petersburg, without charge preferred against him; whether his attention has been drawn to a memorial speaking of the position in the esteem of all who knew him, of whatever shade of politics or creed, which Mr. Tchayskovsky has won for himself during the thirty years residence in England and the United States; whether he is aware that a petition of similar weight has been adopted in the United States, and that the eminent medical men, Professors Bechtereff and Volkhoff, report that Mr. Tchayskovsky's life is endangered by his internment, he being of an advanced age and suffering from heart disease; and whether, under the circumstances, anything can be done by the Foreign Office on behalf of British subjects who are relatives of this distinguished man to secure that he may be released on bail while awaiting trial.

  1027
  (Answered by Secretary Sir Edward Grey.) I understand that Mr. Tchayskovsky is charged with being implicated in revolutionary proceedings. He is not a British subject, and there is, therefore, no ground on which diplomatic action can be taken by His Majesty's Government.

  Railway Crossing at Garryduff.
  MR. JOHN O'DONNELL: To ask the President of the Board of Trade, whether he is aware that there is a crossing over the Great Southern and Western Railway in the townland of Garryduff, electoral division of Ballindine, Claremorris Union, and that the people of Garryduff, Woodstock, Carrowconnor, Levase, Cullane, Burris, Baleboy, Crimline, and Rockforth have to cross the line at this point; that there is no other convenient way for the vehicular traffic coming from and going to these places; that it is in close proximity to a wood and a sharp curve, which add to the danger; that recently when crossing the line a cart was caught by a passenger train and smashed to pieces, serious loss of life having being narrowly averted; and, seeing that the Claremorris District Council and the Mayo County Council forwarded representations to the Board of Trade for the necessity of having a gate lodge erected at the spot, with a gatekeeper in charge, with a view to saving life and property, whether efforts will be made to compel the railway company to take prompt steps to safeguard the lives of the numbers of people who have to pass there at all hours of the day and night.
  (Answered by Mr. Lloyd-George.) The crossing in question does not appear to be one of a public carriage road, and the railway company are, therefore, under no statutory obligation to employ a gatekeeper' to supervise the traffic over the crossing. The Board of Trade have no jurisdiction, but they have called the company's attention to the matter, and have received a reply to the effect that the crossing is not considered a dangerous one.

  Archer Street Post Office, W.
  MR. STANGER: To ask the Postmaster-General whether
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  the Archer Street post office in Westbourne Grove is in need of being rebuilt; whether plans for the purpose are yet completed, and possession of the necessary land obtained; and when the building operations are likely to be commenced.
  (Answered by Mr. Sydney Buxton.) It is not proposed to rebuild this office; but plans for enlarging and improving it have been prepared and are under consideration. Legal difficulties have delayed the completion of the purchase of the necessary additional land, but I hope that a settlement will be reached before long.

  Transmission of Press Telegrams.
  MR. JOWETT: To ask the Postmaster-General whether a Departmental Committee has reported that the existing arrangements of the telegraph service are now inadequate to provide for the increasing hurry and earlier publication of provincial newspapers; whether, as a consequence, the Committee has recommended joint private wires from a London agency to the offices of provincial newspapers, staffed by operators unattached, to the Post Office; whether the Committee considers that there is no general objection to the taking away from the hands of the Postmaster-General of the work of transmitting news from London to the provinces; and whether, in view of the possibility of the Postmaster-General permitting a great extension of the system of sub-contracting in the telegraph service, a Select Committee of this House may be appointed to consider the present position of the telegraph service.
  To ask the Postmaster-General whether he is in a position to inform the House if he has completed any arrangements with newspaper proprietors or news agencies for taking over the transmission of news messages in accordance with the recommendations of a Departmental Committee; and whether he proposes to insert in the conditions that all telegraph operators employed in the transmission of messages over wires loaned to private companies by the Post Office shall be paid the same rates of wages as are paid to

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  established postal telegraph operators working in the same town.
  (Answered by Mr. Sydney Buxton.) I do not know that I can usefully add to the replies which I gave to the hon. Member on the 7th and 20th ultimo, which contain full information on the present position of the question. I may add, however, that I see no reason for appointing a Select Committee to consider the present position of the telegraph service.

  Ireland and the Sugar Duty.
  MR. O'SHEE: To ask Mr. Chancellor of the Exchequer whether he is aware that the Dungarvan Urban Council has passed a resolution objecting to the heavy burden imposed on Ireland by the extra duty on sugar, which presses severely on the poor; and whether he will consider the remission of the same favourably.
  (Answered by Mr. Asquith.) Yes, Sir. I have received a copy of the Resolution in question through my right hon. friend the Chief Secretary, and, like all other representations on the subject of taxation, it will receive careful consideration.

  Dog Dealers and Dog Licences.
  MR. DICKINSON: To ask Mr. Chancellor of the Exchequer whether he is aware that the Dog Tax as at present levied falls with undue severity upon dealers in dogs, inasmuch as they have to pay upon the maximum number of dogs that may, at any one time, be kept for the purposes of sale; and whether he can see his way to amend the law so as to allow of such dealers being taxed upon some less onerous and more equitable system.
  (Answered by Mr. Asquith.) The law and practice in the matter is as stated in the Question; but I do not see that any hardship arises, nor does there appear to me to be any sufficient reason for altering the system.

  Friendly Societies and Income-Tax.
  MR. T. R. BETHELL: To ask Mr. Chancellor of the Exchequer if the arrangement made with building
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  societies as regards exemption from payment of income-tax upon borrowers interest, as sanctioned by Form No. 13' Building Societies (Arrangement B.) Income-Tax, can be extended to registered friendly societies upon similar information being supplied by them as now given by building societies.
  (Answered by Mr. Asquith.) I would refer my hon. friend to the Answer which I gave to the same Question by the hon. Member for the Harwich Division on 30th March.

  Suggested Tax on Traction Engines, etc.
  MR. SLOAN: To ask Mr. Chancellor of the Exchequer whether, in view of the fact that damage is done by traction engines and heavy locomotives to roads which have to be kept in constant repair by the local authorities, he will consider the advisability of recommending the imposition of a tax upon such conveyances and thereby relieve the ratepayers from the burden now imposed on them.
  (Answered by Mr. Asquith.) The suggestion is one which shall not fail to receive due consideration in connection with the reform of local taxation generally, which, as the hon. Member is probably aware, is engaging the attention of the Government.

  The Duke of York's School.
  MR. HORNIMAN: To ask the Secretary of State for War from what source the capital expended on the present site and buildings of the Duke of York's School, Chelsea, was derived; whence came the capital for the purchase of the new site near Dover and the buildings now being erected there, and by what board or authority was the money allotted and expended; and what authority will control the disposal of the present site and buildings at Chelsea, and the disposal of any balance should the same be sold.
  (Answered by Mr. Secretary Haldane.) It appears from the records which are readily available that the moneys for the acquisition of the site and the provision of the present buildings were derived partly from public funds and partly from

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  unclaimed prize moneys. The money for the new site and buildings is being provisionally met from the Military Works Loan. The money was allotted by the Army Council, acting in concert with the Treasury and the Office of Works. The authority for the disposal of the present site and buildings and the moneys derived from the sale thereof will be the Office of Works, acting in concert with the Army Council and the Treasury.
  MR. HORNIMAN: To ask the Secretary of State for War under what Act, scheme, or bequest is the capital represented by the building and site of the Duke of York's School, Chelsea, administered; and are the same printed, or where can they be inspected by persons interested therein.
  (Answered by Mr. Secretary Haldane.) The estate of the Duke of York's School is administered under the Royal Military Asylum Chelsea (Transfer) Act, 1884.

  25.

  35.

  45.

  55.

  65.

  Occupied males

  100

  100

  100

  100

  100

  Brewers

  121

  157

  143

  145

  108

  Publicans, inn-keepers, inn-servants

  230

  217

  167

  150

  99

  Publicans, in London

  220

  252

  194

  146

  93

  Publicans, in industrial districts

  256

  226

  193

  175

  107

  Publicans, in agricultural districts

  194

  163

  140

  134

  95

  Standard for Preservatives in Food.
  MR. FIELD: To ask the President of the Local Government Board whether, owing to the absence of any standard for preservatives in food and the consequent confusion prevailing in the public mind, he will be prepared to incorporate in the regulations he is now drafting under the powers conferred upon him by the Public Health (Regulation of Foods) Act, 1907, a clause fixing such standard, and thereby give practical effect to the recommendations of the Departmental Committee of 1900.

  Mortality in the Licensed Victuallers' Trade.
  MR. CHARLES ROBERTS: To ask the President of the Local Government Board if he can give particulars of the mortality for the period 1900–2, at five age-groups of ages, from twenty-five to thirty-five, thirty-five to forty-five, forty-five to fifty-five, fifty-five to sixty-five, and sixty-five upwards, for all occupied males, brewers, publicans, including innkeepers and inn-servants, publicans in London, publicans ill industrial districts, and publicans in agricultural districts respectively.
  (Answered by Mr. John Burns.) The following are the particulars of the mortality in England and Wales in the period 1900–2 at five age-groups of males (aged twenty-five and upwards) engaged in the supply of intoxicating liquors, as compared in each age-group with that of all occupied males taken as 100—
  (Answered by Mr. John Burns.) In view of the importance of the public health and trade interests concerned, regulations dealing with preservatives in food generally could not be made without considerable preliminary inquiry or without supplementing the investigations of the Departmental Committee in various directions. In these circumstances it has not been found practicable to include regulations on this subject in the series now in preparation, but I have not lost sight of the matter, and have already directed inquiries to be made with

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  regard to the present position of preservatives in certain food stuffs.

  THE LATE PRIME MINISTER.
  *THE PRIME MINISTER AND FIRST LORD OF THE TREASURY (Mr. ASQUITH,): Mr. Speaker, many of us, Sir, have come here fresh from the service in Westminster Abbey, where, amidst the monuments and memories of great men, the nation took its last farewell of all that was mortal in our late Prime Minister. Sir, there is not a man whom I am addressing now who does not feel that our tribute to the dead would be incomplete if this House, of which, by seniority, he was the father, and which for more that two years he has led, were not to offer to his memory to-day its own special mark of reverence and affection. I shall therefore, Sir, propose before I sit down that we should lay aside for to-day the urgent business which has brought us together, and that the House do at once adjourn until to-morrow. It is within a few months of forty years since Sir Henry Campbell-Bannerman took his seat in this Chamber. Mr. Gladstone had just entered upon his first Premiership in the plenitude of his powers and of his authority. A new House, elected upon an extended suffrage, had brought to Westminster new men, new ideas—as some thought—a new era. Among the new-comers there were probably few, judged by the superficial tests which are commonly applied, who seemed less obviously destined than Mr. Campbell, as he then was, for ultimate leadership. There have been men who, in the cruel phrase of the ancient historian, were universally judged to be fit for the highest place only until they attained and held it. Our late Prime Minister belonged to that rarer class whose fitness for such a place, until they attain and held it, is never adequately understood. It is true that he reached office much earlier in his Parliamentary career than is the case with most politicians. In successive Governments, at the War Office, at the Admiralty, at the Irish Office, and at the War Office again, he rendered devoted and admirable, if
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  little advertised, service to the State. It is no secret, and it is sufficient proof that he himself had no ambition for leadership, that when he was for the second time a Cabinet Minister, he aspired, Sir, to be seated in your chair. But though he had too modest an estimate of himself to desire, and still less to seek, the first place in the State, it fell to him, after years of much storm and stress by a title which no one disputed; and he filled it with an ever-growing recognition in all quarters of his unique qualifications. What was the secret of the hold which in these later days he unquestionably had on the admiration and affection of men of all parties and all creeds? If, as I think was the case, he was one of those men who require to be fully known to be justly measured, may I not say that the more we knew him, both followers and opponents, the more we became aware that on the moral as on the intellectual side he had endowments, rare in themselves, still rarer in their combination? For example, he was singularly sensitive to human suffering and wrong doing, delicate and even tender in his sympathies, always disposed to despise victories won in any sphere by mere brute force, an almost passionate lover of peace. And yet we have not seen in our time a man of greater courage—courage not of the defiant or aggressive type, but calm, patient, persistent, indomitable. Let me, Sir, recall another apparent contrast in his nature. In politics I think he may be fairly described as an idealist in aim, and an optimist by temperament. Great causes appealed to him. He was not ashamed, even on the verge of old age, to see visions and to dream dreams. He had no misgivings as to the future of democracy. He had a single-minded and unquenchable faith in the unceasing progress and the growing unity of mankind. None the less, in the selection of means, in the daily work of tilling the political field, in the choice of this man or that for some particular task, he showed not only that practical shrewdness which came to him from his Scottish ancestors, but the outlook, the detachment, the insight of a cultured citizen of the world.

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  In truth, Mr. Speaker, that which gave him the authority and affection, which, taken together, no one among his contemporaries enjoyed in an equal measure, was not one quality more than another or any union of qualities; it was the man himself. He never put himself forward, yet no one had greater tenacity of purpose. He was the least cynical of mankind, but no one had a keener eye for the humours and ironies of the political situation. He was a strenuous and uncompromising fighter, a strong Party man, but he harboured no resentments, and was generous to a fault in appreciation of the work of others, whether friends or foes. He met both good and evil fortune with the same unclouded brow, the same unruffled temper, the same unshakable confidence in the justice and righteousness of his cause. Sir Henry Campbell-Bannerman had hardly attained the highest place, and made himself fully known, when a domestic trial, the saddest that can come to any of us, darkened his days, and dealt what proved to be a fatal blow to his heart. But he never for a moment shirked his duty to the State. He laboured on—we here have seen it at close quarters—he laboured on under the strain of anxiety, and later, under the maiming sense of a loss that was ever fresh, always ready to respond to every public demand. And, Sir, as we knew him here, so after he was stricken down in the midst of his work, a martyr, if ever there was one, to conscience and duty, so he continued to the end. I can never forget the last time that I was privileged to see him, almost on the eve of his resignation. His mind was clear, his interest in the affairs of the country and of this House was undimmed; his talk was still lighted up by flashes of that homely and mellow wisdom which was peculiarly his own. Still more memorable, and not less characteristic, were the serene patience, the untroubled equanimity, the quiet trust, with which during those long and weary days, he awaited the call he knew was soon to come. He has gone to his rest, and to-day in this House, of which he was the senior and the most honoured Member, we may call a truce in the strife of parties, while we remember together our common loss, and pay
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  our united homage to a gracious and cherished memory—
  "How happy is ho born and taught
  That serveth not another's will;
  Whose armour is his honest thought,
  And simple truth his utmost skill;
  "This man is freed from servile bands
  Of hope to rise or fear to fall;
  Lord of himself, though not of lands,
  And, having nothing, yet bath all."
  MR. AKERS-DOUGLAS: I deeply regret the absence of the Leader of the Opposition, and I have reason to know that it is a matter of most sincere regret to my right hon. friend that he is unable to be in his place to-day, but, as the House is aware, he is at this moment disabled by illness. Had my right hon. friend been present, he would have rejoiced to bear testimony to the high regard he entertained for the character and career of the statesman whose loss we mourn to-day. I know that as an opponent my right hon. friend regarded him as scrupulously fair and chivalrous, and during his Leadership he always observed the high traditions of this House. In the unavoidable and regretted absence of my right hon. friend, it falls to me in far feebler phrases to second the Motion moved in such eloquent terms by the Prime Minister. I feel myself most fortunate in knowing that it needs no persuasion on my part to induce this House to accept the Resolution unanimously. While in this country the system of government by Party has long obtained and is firmly fixed, yet I maintain that there is no country, and no Assembly in any country, where the relations of political opponents are more free from personal bitterness than they are in this country and in this House of Commons; or where, on occasions such as these, there is greater readiness to drop all party prejudice and to recognise to the full the services rendered to the State by political opponents. It is not for me to attempt to follow the Prime Minister in his survey of the public life of his predecessor, but I would wish to be allowed to associate myself with all the tributes the right hon. Gentleman has paid to the memory of Sir Henry Campbell-Bannerman. It would ill become me to criticise the late Prime Minister's policy or his political action; to do so might lay me

  1037
  open to a charge of insincerity, and, indeed, to make any controversial allusion to them would at once put me out of touch with the House on the present occasion. If there were anything in the present Motion that seemed to pledge the country or the House to approval of any particular hopes of the deceased statesman I can understand that questions might be raised or difficulties found in some quarters. But that is not the case. All that we do in supporting this Motion is to honour the memory of one who for forty years, by his high personal character, good temper, and urbanity, endeared himself to all with whom he was brought into personal contact and enjoyed the universal esteem of this House; and to put on record our appreciation of a public servant whose service to the State has been both honourable and distinguished. While we on this side of the House regarded his attitude and policy on some problems of great importance with some alarm, we have never viewed him with any anger or dislike, and even when his opinions may have been distasteful to some of us, we have ever had a kindly regard for him as a man. Therefore we can more fully understand and realise the warm affection—an affection which was earned by devoted and distinguished Party services, by energies spent, perhaps, too freely in the service of the State and in the service of his Party—we can, I say, understand the feelings with which he was regarded by his supporters in this House, and we on this side of the House cannot but admire the determination and courage with which he stuck to his political convictions, never flinched from opinions because they might be unpopular, and never failed at the lowest ebb of the political tide, or during the gloomiest period of his Party's fortunes, in his position, first as Leader of the Opposition, then as Leader of this House. No one could have been more popular nor did any one exist who had the power of inspiring a greater or a more general personal affection. In this capacity we have on this side of the House often had
  1038
  occasion to admire his conduct, tact, and resource, while we have appreciated to the full, although we have sometimes been disconcerted by, his wit and shrewdness. In common with his own followers we watched in sympathy and with solicitude the illness through which he passed. We had hoped that when the cares and weight of office had been removed from his shoulders he might have been restored to health and comparative vigour, and looked forward to a good old age with peace and contentment. But that was not to be. By his removal a long and honourable career has been brought to an end; the public life of this country thereby is far poorer, while this House has suffered a loss from which it will not readily or quickly recover, a loss which I would like to emphasise has been felt by his political opponents as much as by his political friends.
  Motion made, and Question proposed, "That the House do now adjourn."—(Mr. Asquith.)
  MR. T. P. O'CONNOR: In the absence of my hon. friend the Member for Waterford I rise to say that we, the representatives of a cause which he so long advocated in this House, feel that we cannot allow an occasion like this to pass without, on behalf of Ireland, saying a word as to the loss which we have suffered in the death of Sir Henry Campbell-Bannerman. Sir Henry Campbell-Bannerman boasted rightly that he was not only a Scot, but a Scot of Scots. We Irishmen feel that he had a love for our country and our cause as though he were one of us. We had an affection for him as if he were one of our own people. I have been told by those who knew him intimately that among the many causes that appealed to his generous nature there was none which made a readier appeal to it than the cause of Ireland. I know that it was only the imperative orders of his doctors that prevented him coming down, even after the beginning of his fatal illness, to

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  say a word upon the Irish Resolution. We honoured him and loved him, and regret his death as one of the greatest and heaviest losses that our people and our country ever sustained.
  SIR ALFRED THOMAS: I beg on behalf of the Welsh Members to express the profound regret with which we heard of the passing away of the late Prime Minister. As one who keenly sympathised with small nationalities we are under a lasting debt of gratitude to his memory. His life was a noble example of a high-minded Christian gentleman, and we can all say, as John Bright said of Cobden, "I little knew how much I loved him until I found I had lost him."
  MR. ARTHUR HENDERSON: In associating my friends and myself with the magnificent tribute that has been paid to the late Prime Minister, I am sure that, though my words are few, the expressions I make use of will nevertheless be accepted as perfectly sincere. We are the youngest Party in this House, and yet we have been here during the whole of the time that the late Prime Minister presided in his high position over our Parliamentary destinies. Though our experience of him has been short, it was sufficiently long to endear him, I will venture to say, more than any other politician in this country to every member of the Labour Party. The more we got to know in our official position of the late Prime Minister the more we were led to realise that he possessed a very great heart for the poor of this country. He recognised the social wrongs under which the poor are compelled to live, and he was anxious, either by the methods which he and his party desired to put forward for redressing those wrongs or by understanding the proposals which we put forward in the name of the poor—proposals oft-times of a different character from those which he himself put forward—he was anxious,
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  I say, to understand our proposals, in order that something might be done to alleviate the vast amount of suffering which the poorer of the working classes so constantly experience; and in this way his readiness sympathetically to consider the views of my colleagues and myself endeared him in an unmistakable way to every member of the Labour Party. There always stands out in association with his life one event which especially appeals, not only to those of us who have the honour to represent in a very direct sense organised labour in this House, but also to organised labour throughout the whole country. That particular chapter in his life was in those dark days when there was a minority in this country who felt that the experience we were going through in South Africa was not, as the majority, in their opinion probably rightly, thought, fully justified. Organised labour held the opinion that the experience was not justified, and he whose loss we mourn to-day was at the head of a small minority in the country who shared with organised labour that opinion, and, though that opinion was repudiated, scorned, and scoffed at, and though nicknames were applied to us and opprobrium thrown at us, we always rejoice to think that he maintained his position in this House and the country with a fidelity to his convictions that gave him a position in the hearts of organised workers in this country second to that of no other statesman. The loss we mourn to-day is nowhere more keenly felt than in the ranks of the Parliamentary Labour Party, and again I say I hope my words will be accepted as perfectly sincere.
  Question put, and agreed to.
  Resolved, "That this House do now adjourn."—(Mr. Asquith.)
  Adjourned accordingly at twenty-seven minutes after Three o'clock.