Sitting of 5 February 1875

Preamble
The House met at half after One of the clock.
Message to attend the Lords Commissioners:—
The House wont;—and having returned;—

WRITS ISSUED DURING THE RECESS.
Mr. SPEAKER acquainted the House—that he had issued Warrants for New Writs, for Midhurst, v. Charles George Perceval, esquire, now Earl of Egmont; for Northampton Borough, v. Charles Gilpin, esquire, deceased; for Cambridge County, v. Lord George Manners, deceased; for Wenlock, v. Right hon. Cecil Weld Forester, now Lord Forester; for Birkenhead, v. John Laird, esquire, deceased; for St. Ives, v. Edward Gersham Davenport, esquire, deceased; for Kent (Eastern Division), v. Hon. George Watson Milles, now Lord Sondes; for Trinity College, Dublin, v. Right hon.

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John Thomas Ball, Lord High Chancellor of Ireland.

NEW MEMBERS SWORN.
Sir Henry Thurston Holland, baronet, for Midhurst; Benjamin Bridges Hunter Rodwell, esquire, for Cambridge County; Sir Wyndham Knatchbull, baronet, for Kent (Eastern Division); Charles Tyringham Praed, esquire, for St. Ives; Cecil Theodore Weld Forester, for Wenlock; David MacIver, esquire, for Birkenhead; Charles George Merewether, esquire, for Northampton Borough.
NEW MEMBERS SWORN.
  CONTROVERTED ELECTIONS.
  Mr. SPEAKER informed the House, that he had received from the Judges selected, pursuant to the Parliamentary Elections Act, 1868, for the Trial of Election Petitions, Certificates and Reports relating to the Elections for Durham County (Northern Division); for the Borough of Poole; for the Borough of Boston; and for the Borough of Stroud. And the same were severally read.
NEW WRITS.
For Chatham, v. Admiral George Elliot, Chiltern Hundreds; for Trinity College, Dublin, v. Hon. David Robert Plunket, Solicitor General for Ireland.
Ordered, That a Committee of Privileges be appointed.
OUTLAWRIES BILL.
Bill "for the more effectual preventing Clandestine Outlawries," read the first time.
THE QUEEN'S SPEECH.
MR. SPEAKER reported Her Majesty's Speech, made by Her Chancellor, and read it to the House.

ADDRESS IN ANSWER TO HER MAJESTY'S MOST GRACIOUS SPEECH.
MR. E. STANHOPE: Mr. Speaker, Sir, a fortnight ago it seemed as if a Recess which has been fruitful in calamities might possibly terminate in a disaster which would have coloured all our proceedings to-day. One who is just entering upon manhood, and who requires only health to enable him to develop and display those talents which he undoubtedly possesses, lay upon a bed of sickness; and although, Sir, the
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state of his health and his devotion to studious habits has prevented Prince Leopold from being generally known to the public, it is scarcely necessary to assure Her Majesty that the people of this country, as they have always been partakers in her domestic happiness, have also, if I may say so, watched with affectionate solicitude at the bedside of her son. And I should be but an indifferent exponent of the feelings of this House if I did not venture to express our deep sympathy with Her Majesty in her long-continued anxiety, and our earnest hope that the improvement which has now begun may result in the restoration of His Royal Highness to robust health and vigour.
Sir, there is no custom more salutary than that which in the annual Speeches from the Throne, at the opening of the Session, devotes almost as largo a portion of the Speech to the consideration of our external relations as to the far more exciting topic of the domestic legislation which it may be the intention of Her Majesty's Government to propose. In these days of armed nations, when Continental Governments are vieing with one another as to the greatest amount of time that they can abstract from the lives of their citizens for devotion to military duties, and as to the largest number of soldiers that can be produced from a given population, it is very necessary for us, however little we may wish to enter into such a rivalry, to be reminded that a selfish and isolated policy, such as some would urge upon us, is for us practically impossible. As Englishmen, proud of our ancient traditions, jealous of our international obligations, interested in every habitable quarter of the globe, it is impossible for us to remain indifferent spectators of the events which are passing around us. And although we may with confidence depend upon an Army which, while small, we hope to make efficient, contented, and easily capable of expansion, and upon a Navy which ought to be invincible, yet it is well for us not to neglect any one of the advantages of our insular position. Therefore, it seems to me that this country, however much it might wish to join in the very philanthropic task of mitigating the calamities of war, has observed with great satisfaction the prudence of the Foreign Secretary, when he declined to enter into

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the Conference proposed by Russia, without the express limitation that there should be no discussion of the usages and rules of maritime warfare. We are not in possession of the reasons for which the Government have refused to proceed further with the deliberations into which they did, in this limited way, consent to enter; but we may feel certain that Lord Derby, with the caution which has hitherto characterized him, will not allow the country in this matter to drift into difficulties.
There is no event second in importance to that which has placed the grandson of Ferdinand VII. upon the Throne of his ancestors. Young as he is, and necessarily dependent to a very great extent upon his advisers, he has a difficult and dangerous task before him. May he never forget those words which were addressed by a King of France to another young man, also aged 17, and also just setting out to assume the government of the Spanish people—"I exhort you to give them your affection, and to endeavour to gain theirs by the goodness of your Government." Called as he has been to the Throne by the voice of the people, if he can only evoke that national spirit which has before now risen superior to the greatest adversities, he may be able to conciliate political factions and calm ecclesiastical jealousies, and to deliver a distracted country from the wide-spread calamities of civil war.
But, Sir, it is not in its mention of foreign topics that Her Majesty's Speech is this year remarkable. It is the Speech of the Queen not only of these little Islands, but of a vast Empire. So vast is that Empire that most Englishmen find it extremely difficult to acquaint themselves with the various complicated questions which arise out of our colonial relations; and it must be almost impossible for a Colonial Minister, in adopting any particular policy, to feel sure that he is acting in accordance with the public feeling of this country. But I am satisfied that Her Majesty's Government, and the noble Lord who now holds the seals of the Colonial Office—to whom at this moment it is impossible to allude without a fooling of respectful sympathy—have not misinterpreted the public opinion of this country, in laying before us in detail, and without reserve, the policy which they have adopted, in the belief that it cannot fail to be deeply interesting
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to us. The policy of disintegration of the Empire is dead. We are no longer to be invited to look forward to a time when the Colonies shall be ready for separation, and when we are to watch that separation with simple indifference. No, Sir; a truly Imperial policy is that which regards the Colonies as an honour and an advantage to this country. We believe that they are animated by a feeling of loyalty to the Queen and of attachment to the mother country which has survived official snubs and philosophical criticism, and which it requires only a liberal and statesmanlike policy to develop and confirm. In Her Majesty's Speech there is ample indication of such a policy. Why have we accepted the cession of the Fiji Islands? Not only because it gives us the possession of an unrivalled coaling station for our fleet—although that is an undoubted advantage—but because, in the interests of civilization, and in the interest of the numerous English settlers whoso lives and fortunes are inextricably bound up with the future of those islands, it was impossible for us to refuse to listen to the wishes of their inhabitants. And this cession gives us the further advantage of asserting the truly English principle of the liberty of the individual; and whether in reference to kidnapping in the Pacific, the slave trade of Zanzibar, or the pawns and domestic slavery of the Gold Coast, it is clear that the Government intend to lose no opportunity of putting an end, not by an abstract Resolution of this House, but by moral influence and active negotiation, to the traffic in human life.
It is hardly possible to imagine a Speech from the Throne in which every inhabitant of this country, especially if he belong to the poorer classes, could fool a deeper interest than the one to which we have just listened, because it deals so largely with legislation which has for its object the improvement of the condition of the people. Perhaps I may be permitted specially to allude to one paragraph in Her Majesty's Speech, as being the representative of a county which is alike illustrious for its agriculture and for the uniformly good relations which prevail between landlords and tenants. Those good relations are in part, at least, due to the custom which exists in that county. It has nothing in common with the system of tenant-right

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in Ireland, or with that other system, so crippling to the incoming tenant, which has crept into some of our southern counties; but it aims at encouraging the tenant-farmer to put his capital into the land, and to keep it there as a permanent investment. So long ago as 1848 a Committee of this House declared that the Lincolnshire custom of compensation for unexhausted improvements was beneficial to agriculture, to the landlord, and to the tenant, stimulated the production of food, and gave increased occupation to the rural population. And it was confidently assorted that a system so desirable in itself must inevitably spread, and legislation was deprecated on the ground that it might tend to stereotype a custom which possessed this amongst other undoubted advantages—that its flexible character enabled it easily to be adapted to the requirements of particular soils, and to the improvements of modern agriculture. Sir, 17 years have passed, the custom has undergone modifications which have made it even more completely satisfactory than before both to landlords and to tenants, but it has not spread. I ought, perhaps, to apologize to the House for introducing my personal experience of this system; but it may be that the difficulties of this question can be met by an extension of the Lincolnshire custom, with proper modifications, to other counties also—although I believe that there are many more cases than are generally supposed in which the landlord, by agreement with his tenant, gives compensation for unexhausted improvements. I do not wish to make a guess at the intentions of the Government; but I am confident that when they bring forward their measure upon this subject, all of us who wish for the good of agriculture will lay aside local prejudice, and endeavour to co-operate with the Government in making it a practical one.
Passing over this somewhat special subject, I come to other measures having for their object the improvement of the condition of the people, and none can exceed in importance that which is intended to promote providence and self-help. No one can have failed to be struck with the remark made last year by the Chancellor of the Exchequer, when he said that it was lamentable to see how much good power was going to waste in this country. I think he made
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out a conclusive case for legislation upon the subject. And though some of us might have preferred a more comprehensive measure than the Bill of last year, at any rate the natural jealousy of the working classes against any undue interference with the management of the societies which they have had the credit of founding need not be aroused. Perhaps the main principle of the measure of last year was the diffusion of information. Publicity is imperative, because it is the only means by which the individual can decide between sound and unsound societies, between societies which are well managed, and those which are fraudulent. I remember to have read in the Preamble of one of the old Acts for the regulation of Friendly Societies, that it was "desirable to protect poor persons from the effects of fraud and miscalculation." Ah! Sir, what a vain hope was that I trust that we shall no longer aim at the impossible, but instead of endeavouring to protect the individual, teach the individual how to protect himself.
There is another class of measures to which our especial attention is to be directed. The greatness of any nation, and perhaps more especially of the English nation, must depend upon the physique of its population. What has been the principal feature of our life during the last quarter of a century? It has been the depopulation of our agricultural districts. We can no longer hope, as we formerly could, to draw fresh reserves of health and strength from that quarter. Our surplus population has migrated into the towns, where the rapid increase of building and the inability of our sanitary machinery to keep pace with it has placed them in the crowded courts and alleys of our great towns under circumstances most unfavourable to physical health. It is a vast work to undertake, for we have not only to improve that condition, but to educate the mass of the people to a conviction of the importance and necessity of so doing. Every step in sanitary improvement means the expenditure of some money. At every point you are confronted by a mass of local prejudice and local self-interest which it is most difficult to overcome, until the fact is gradually realized that sanitary improvement means not only better health, but possibly also de-creased pauperism, increased independence,

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and may perhaps shed a few bright gleams across the somewhat sombre life which it is the fate of the mass of the population to lead. Nor is this the only difficulty. Everybody believes himself capable of being a critic of your policy. Most people look upon your measures with the narrow views which an intimate acquaintance with one particular locality is apt to engender; whereas in a country of such varied conditions and habits as England, however strict your principles may be, your rules must be eminently elastic. Then, again, you must not expect immediate results from your policy. You must often look forward only to the indirect results that time—perhaps, a very long time—and the co-operation of the many wise and able and energetic men happily to be found in all parts of this country can produce. You must generally anticipate discouragement, always delay. And after all, when you appear to be making some little impression upon the work before you, some little hitch in your legislative machinery, which hardly any human fore-sight could have averted, brings you to a standstill. Or it may be that the fruit will ripen only when those who deserve the credit of having planted the tree shall have passed away from among us. I believe that in undertaking this difficult and unselfish work the Government will receive the co-operation of all parts of this House, and the approval of the country. The work is great. I believe it has been truly said that if all benevolent and powerful men were to co-operate for this purpose for a generation, they could hardly overtake the consequences of previous mistakes and neglect. And it is, perhaps, with youthful enthusiasm that some of us look forward to a not very remote period, when the condition of the people may be considerably ameliorated, but it is not in the idle belief that all of this—or oven that much of it—can be effected by legislation—
"How small, of all that human hearts endure
That part which laws or Kings can cause or cure!"
Something, indeed, may be done; and if, when the history of the Session now opening comes to be written, the future chronicler shall find that the Parliament of to-day has not flinched from the task set before it; that it has done something to improve the condition of the people,
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to encourage providence and self-help, to give to them purer air, purer water, and cleaner dwellings, to stimulate the production of food, and to give to our merchant seamen greater safety; that it has endeavoured to make justice more certain by providing easier means of setting it in motion; and by establishing a Supreme Court of undoubted authority, to give satisfaction to the suitors and to steady the principles of our law—then, Sir, in the annals of our glorious history, which has made the Parliament of England an object of envy and admiration to the world, the legislation of 1875, however humble and unsensational and un-heroic, may claim a not inconspicuous place.
And now, Mr. Speaker, certainly at too great length, but, I hope, without indiscretion, I have discharged, the duty which I can assure the House I have not undertaken without a duo sense of its difficulty and responsibility. And if I have abstained from prefacing my observations with any appeal for the indulgence of this House, it has not been because I have felt the need of it less than any one of my predecessors; it is because experience has shown that that indulgence, almost before it is asked for, is always in these cases freely and liberally bestowed. My anticipation has been realized in a manner for which I beg to offer to the House my heartiest thanks. The hon. Gentleman concluded by moving—
"That an humble Address be presented to Her Majesty, to thank Her Majesty for the Most Gracious Speech delivered by Her Command to both Houses of Parliament:
"Humbly to thank Her Majesty for informing' us that Her Majesty continues to receive assurances of friendship from all Foreign Powers, and that the peace of Europe remains unbroken:
"Humbly to thank Her Majesty for informing us of the termination of the Conference held at Brussels on the Laws and Usages of War, and of Her Majesty's decision not to enter into further negotiations on the subject:
"Humbly to thank Her Majesty for informing us that the Prince of Asturias has been called to the throne of Spain, under the title of King-Alfonso XII., and that the question of formally recognising, in concert with other Powers, the newly-restored Monarchy, is under the consideration of Her Majesty's Government:

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"To assure Her Majesty that we rejoice to learn that the exertions of Her Majesty's Naval and Consular Servants in the repression of the East African Slave Trade have not been relaxed, and that we share the hope expressed by Her Majesty that they will bring about the complete extinction of this inhuman traffic:
"Humbly to thank Her Majesty for informing us that the differences which had arisen between China and Japan have been adjusted, and that the good offices of Her Majesty's Minister at Pekin have been largely instrumental in bringing about this result:
"To assure Her Majesty that we rejoice to loam that the past year has been one of general prosperity and progress throughout Her Majesty's Colonial Empire:
"Humbly to thank Her Majesty for informing us of the progress which has been made in the establishment of civil government on the Gold Coast, and that Her Majesty has procured the assent of the protected tribes to the Abolition of Slavery:
"Humbly to thank Her Majesty for informing us that Her Majesty has found it necessary to review the sentence passed upon a Native Chief in Natal, and to consider the conditions of the Tribes and their relations to the European Settlers and to Her Majesty's Government, with the view of ensuring a wise and humane system of Native Administration in that part of South Africa:
"Humbly to thank Her Majesty for informing us that the King and Chiefs of Fiji having renewed the offer of their Islands unfettered by conditions, Her Majesty has thought it right to accept the cession of this Territory:
"Humbly to assure Her Majesty that we rejoice to learn that an ample harvest has restored prosperity to the Provinces of Her Majesty's Eastern Empire, which, last year, were visited with famine, and that by the blessing of Providence the measures adopted by Her Majesty's Indian Government averted the loss of life apprehended from that calamity:
"Humbly to thank Her Majesty for informing us that the Estimates for the approaching financial year will be laid before us without delay, that the condition of the finances is satisfactory, and that the general prosperity of the People, supported by an excellent harvest as well as by the recent reductions in taxation, has been fully maintained:
"Humbly to assure Her Majesty that our careful consideration shall be given to the measures which may be submitted to us, and that
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we earnestly join in Her Majesty's prayer that our deliberations may, under the Divine blessing, result in the happiness and contentment of Her Majesty's People."
MR. WHITELAW: In rising to second the Motion which, has just been made, let me say that I could not have presumed to occupy the position I now do, but from a sense that in my being called to do so, there was conveyed a compliment to the important constituency for which I have the honour to be one of the Members. I feel assured of the usual indulgence of the House to one in my position, and I will endeavour not to tax its patience. The topics in the Speech refer mainly to the action and experiences of the Government since we last met, and to the measures to be submitted on Government authority. Let me refer to some of those. Touching Spain, where the Government of Marshal Serrano has been displaced, and the Prince of the Asturias called to the Throne as Alfonso XII., we are informed the Government are considering, in concert with other Powers, the formal recognition of him as King. The public prints inform us that some other countries have already recognized the now order of things. The quietness with which the change was effected, and the apparently large concurrence of opinion in support of it, give, let us hope, good ground for believing that the future of this noble, though often distracted, country will be distinguished by stability of government and by the establishment of that confidence which is the necessary guarantee for progress, in the development of her rich resources, so full of promise for the increase of her own wealth and of her business relations with other countries. The House will be pleased to be informed of the settlement of the difficulties between China and Japan, which it at one time appeared must result in a war. Recent news state that the Treaty has already been given effect to by the Japanese withdrawing the army they had placed on Formosa, and by the Chinese paying the sums agreed on. Our satisfaction with this settlement is justly increased by the knowledge that it was mainly brought about by the wise counsels and good offices of Mr. Wade, Her Majesty's Representative. During last year this country regarded with approval the

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cautious procedure of the Government in reference to the Conference at Brussels. It has been arranged to hold this year at St. Petersburg a Conference having similar objects in view. Our Government, not recognizing that good results of importance were likely to be arrived at, has declined to take part in the Conference. The progress of civilization and the force of enlightened public opinion may, I think, be trusted to secure all that the Conference can secure in mitigation of the horrors of war. There are probably larger questions than that involved, the bearing of which we may fear would be to weaken the smaller Powers in case of invasion, and to reduce the importance of naval strength. The country will approve the action of the Government, and will not, I think, be likely to countenance changes which might cripple the power of any country to defend its independence, or which would hinder those who are attacked in war from making the best use of every advantage they possess or can command. It is very satisfactory to observe the energetic endeavours which are being made by Her Majesty's naval and consular agents for the putting an end to the Slave Trade on the East Coast of Africa. Though the Sultan of Zanzibar does not represent a great Power, yet he occupies a position which enables him to be, in combination with Great Britain, a power of importance in putting down this Slave Trade. The horrors of the trade will be present to the minds of all, especially at this time, when we have but recently had presented to us the last journals of Dr. Livingstone. The devastations wrought by the slave traders in the interior of Africa, as told by Dr. Livingstone, are appalling. The revelations of that devoted man inspire an ardent desire to work for the breaking down of this horible system. As an outcome of this desire, missions, or rather little colonies, are being organized to proceed to Africa, to carry on work in the country traversed by Livingstone. These colonists are to engage in the spreading of the Gospel, and also in the teaching of industries to the Natives. The promoters of these missions or colonies regard it as a special inducement to their proceeding with the undertaking, that by settling them on the track of the slave traffic, they expect to contribute materially
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to the stopping of the traffic and of the horrors connected with it. It is satisfactory to have the prospect of many efforts conducing to the same good end. Nothing will accord more with our national sentiment than arrangements for effectually (aiding this trade. I am persuaded the House will be glad to hope that the influence of the Sultan of Zanzibar, and every available influence, will be joined with that of the Government of this country for the extinction of the Slave Trade on the East Coast of Africa. It is most gratifying that the very grave Famine pressing upon part of India a year ago has been met with so much energy, attended with so much success. Let us render thanks that the Government of India have been enabled to devise and work out schemes of relief, which have resulted in carrying the stricken people through the famine with, I may say, no loss of life. Doubtless, there was much suffering and privation, and a few died from the effects of the Famine, but the common annual death-rate was not exceeded. The nation was deeply touched by the trials over-shadowing part of India last year, and was possessed by the intensest concern that every possible endeavour should be made to avert the bitterness of the impending calamity. The voluntary giving of our people was but a feeble expression of the interest the nation felt. Yet that voluntary giving could not fail to touch the Native mind with a grateful knowledge that British hearts felt for Indian woes, and desired to be present with the sufferers with comfort and relief. The discussion upon Fiji in this House last Session left us all prepared for the announcement, now formally made, that the Fiji Islands have been annexed to Great Britain as a new colony. The offer of cession was unconditional, and the Crown enters on possession untrammelled with conditions. I think there will be a general approval of the action of Government, and of the addition to our Colonial Empire of those Islands, which are very fertile in valuable productions, and which offer so good and suitable a station for shipping on the highway between Australia and North America. Last Session there was anxiety exhibited lest the settlement of Gold Coast affairs might prove to be not conformable to the sentiments of this country. The information given us in the

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Speech concerning affairs at the Gold Coast is most reassuring, and should load us all to mark with approval the result of the work of the Colonial Office. It has made good progress in establishing a satisfactory rule in the Protectorate, and far from confirming or countenancing slavery, it has succeeded in inducing the protected tribes to agree to the abolition of it. Her Majesty's Speech informs us that the House will be consulted as to certain Acts which specially affect Ireland. These Acts were passed in the interests of public peace and security in Ireland. We have public peace and security in Ireland. No doubt there are those—perhaps, not a few—who will be disposed to allege that the present peace and security are due to the influence of these Acts. Ireland is tranquil. Tranquillity without such Acts accords more with the spirit of our institutions, and I am sure the House generally will be pleased that a measure is to be submitted to the consideration of Parliament, aiming at dispensing with the continuance of some of these Acts, or some parts of them. Whatever length the measure submitted may go, I am sure the House will be glad to go into resigning some of these guarantees for peace hopefully for the future—that is, hoping that Irish patriotism and Irish loyalty will prove fully equivalent to the removal of existing abnormal legislation, and that the absence of crime in Ireland will continue to prevail. For Scotland a Land Transfer Act was passed last year, and a most valuable measure it is. I trust the Land Transfer Bill now to be introduced will be perfected by Parliament, and this year become law. Touching the Judicature Acts, I would like simply to remark that if in the wisdom of Parliament, the Court of Final Appeal is to be removed from the House of Lords for other parts of the country, it will not be prudent for Scotsmen to suggest a different Court for Scotland. But I desire to take this opportunity of saying what I believe Scotsmen generally will support me in—namely, that Scotland has viewed with complete confidence and satisfaction, the discharge by the House of Lords of the functions of the Final Court of Appeal. As to the Landlords and Tenants Bill, it is perhaps too purely an English matter for me to appreciate it fairly. Besides, we do not know what it is to be. I confess myself strongly predisposed to think
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that it would be well if landlords were induced to execute and pay for all improvements of a permanent nature—the landlords receiving compensation there for from the tenants, in the shape of increased rent. Whatever may be the provisions of the Bill, I am sure the House will be glad to have the matter brought before them on the responsibility of Government. General satisfaction will, I think, be felt with the proposal to establish in England the office of Public Prosecutor. The Bills relating to the Consolidation of Sanitary Acts, Artizans' Dwellings in Towns, and Pollution of Rivers, are Bills which the country will be especially satisfied are to be introduced. The need for such legislation is clamant, and it is well that Parliament should, in the absence of exciting political topics, devote itself to the consideration of the problem—how best to secure the health of the population, and also the purification of our rivers, alike for the purposes of health and for the purposes of industry and commerce. The number of sanitary Acts is confusing. The consolidation of them will make it possible, I hope, for ordinary people, with reasonable application, to know the sanitary law, and to make themselves of use in the working of it out. Concerning dwellings in towns, it is universally admitted that, in many places, dwellings are terribly crowded together; in other words, that the number of people living on an acre, or on a given space, is excessive, and is most detrimental to the health of the community. The number of people living in one dwelling is an important element affecting the health of the inmates; but probably a worse evil than that of too many people in each dwelling is the crowding of dwellings closely together—there, probably, the two evils are combined. There, sunshine cannot enter, and fresh air cannot circulate. Not only do such places exist, but I am afraid it is too true that houses but lately erected—houses now being erected—are liable to the same objections. Besides the overcrowding of houses, there are many defects in construction that might very properly be remedied by the enforcement of rules. The very high death-rate in some towns demands immediate action, to provide not only against the perpetuation of existing evils, but also against the increase of the area of population

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presenting the conditions recognized as supporting a high death-rate. No doubt, there are many competing theories as to the causes of a high death-rate; but I do not think any of them will reject as essential elements in a remedy:—1st., a sufficient open area adjoining houses or a limited population per acre; 2nd., restrictions as to the laying out of ground, so as to secure the free circulation of air; 3rd., the enforcement of conditions in construction calculated to secure for the several dwellings independent ventilation, and such isolation as would prevent the inter-communication of the air of different dwellings; 4th., the watchful control of the connections of dwellings with sewers—or what may he better—the prevention of such connections. Houses are being erected in blocks elsewhere than in towns. Each block may be the nucleus of a new town. It will he well to consider whether the operation of this Bill should not be extended to blocks or ranges of houses in the country, so as to secure generally, in connection with houses, the physical conditions favouable to health. The City of Glasgow has, for years, been working out its city improvement scheme. A Private Bill was promoted and an Act got giving Commissioners power to purchase compulsorily the property within the limits of certain localities described in the Act. Those localities were the most densely-peopled parts of the city. Great works have been carried out—in the purchase of the properties, in the demolition of old houses horribly huddled together; in forming wide streets, and in laying out the ground adjoining these streets for the construction of new buildings. The people displaced by the demolitions have moved into other quarters, and occupy better and larger houses, and pay higher rents. The average density of the population per acre over the city has been, by the operations of the trust, changed for the bettor; yet the death-rate of Glasgow is very high. The moral and physical deterioration of the people, induced by long-continued over-crowding, is not to be remedied immediately. Time and perseverance in remedial measures are necessary. The rectification of such evils all over the country is no light matter, and will take time, oven if followed out with the most earnest perseveranee.
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The consideration and discussion of this subject, resulting in the passing of an Act that would secure for town and country the amendment of such existing evils, and that would induce the abundant provision of houses meeting proper sanitary conditions, would be a work of the highest importance to the nation, and consequently one on which Parliament might most profitably employ its time. I anticipate there is work of this kind to be put before us in these Bills, and believe the House will be glad that such is the case. In the matter of the pollution of rivers a most difficult problem is presented. The law does provide they should not be polluted, but a great hindrance to the beneficial operation of the law is the difficulty, not yet satisfactorily over-come, of not knowing how to dispose of that which causes the pollution. A commission has been appointed to examine and report as to the purification of the Clyde. The report, let us hope, will throw light on the solution of this important difficulty. It does not appear that the very bad state of the Clyde raises the death-rate in the districts abutting on the river, yet who will undertake to say that the offensive exhalations from it would not in case of some epidemics greatly increase the gravity of the danger threatening the population? In any case it will be considered essential that the abominable condition of the river should not continue, and that measures be taken which will restore its waters to a tolerable state of purity. As with the Clyde, so with other rivers. That a Merchant Shipping Bill is to be introduced by the Government will be hailed with satisfaction. The subject has been for a long time before the country. The whole nation is deeply interested in all that concerns merchant shipping, and will expect the time and attention of the House to be given to the perfecting this Session of a measure well calculated to secure the greatest safety in voyages, and the development of a British Mercantile Marino of the highest character. There had in some quarters been so much said concerning the Labour Laws that it was thought necessary a year ago to appoint a Royal Commission to inquire into and report upon them, in order that they might be considered calmly and reasonably, in the light of the full information

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to be communicated to Parliament by the Commission. The labours of the Commission are not yet completed, but it is expected the Commission will issue a final Report soon. The impression will, I think, be a common one—that the importance attached to the complaints respecting the operation of these laws is not borne out by the evidence supplied in the Report thus far issued by the Commission. When we are put in possession of the final Report, and Government submits the measure referred to in the Speech, I am sure the House will address itself with care to the consideration of the measure, having in view the securing of the implement of contract by both employer and employed, and of complete freedom to everyone to guide himself in the conduct of his own affairs without being overborne in any case by intimidation or constraint. I feel I ought to apologize to the House for having occupied so much of its time. I thank the House for the patience with which they have heard me, and beg to second the Motion for the adoption of the Address made so ably by my hon. Friend beside me, the Member for Mid Lincolnshire.
Motion made, and Question proposed, "That, &c." [See page 44.]
THE MARQUESS OF HARTINGTON: Mr. Speaker—Sir, I am confident that upon this occasion, if upon no other, I shall express the feelings of every Gentleman who sits upon this side of the House when I say that we all, without exception, cordially concur in that expression of sympathy with Her Majesty which was so well addressed to the House by the hon. Member who moved the Address for the anxiety which she has lately undergone through the illness under which Prince Leopold has laboured. As we understand, it was Her Majesty's intention to have opened Parliament in person, had she not been prevented doing so by that anxiety. And I am sure, Sir, that it needs no words from me, or from any Member of this House, to assure Her Majesty how deep is the interest which is felt, not only here, but throughout the country, in everything that affects her own welfare and happiness, and that of the family which is so well known among us.
Sir, in the circumstances under which it becomes my duty to rise at this early
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period of the debate—circumstances which, I believe, are known to most hon. Members of this House—it is hardly, I hope, necessary for me to ask the House to extend to me its for bearance and consideration. I am a well aware as any hon. Member can be that, standing in this place where within my own recollection, I have seen Lord Palmerston, the right hon. Gentle man opposite (Mr. Disraeli), and my right hon. Friend the Member for Greenwich (Mr. Gladstone), I cannot hope or pretend to take the part which was taken by those distinguished men—I cannot hope to take the part which they have taken in the discussions of this House, or to exercise the influence they have exercised over its deliberations But, at the same time, I am aware that it may be for the convenience of the House, and that it may tend to the despatch of Public Business, that there should be some individual who shall be to some extent responsible for the conduct of Public Business on the part of hon. Members on this side of the House; and if my humble services can in any way tend to the convenience of the House or to the despatch of Public Business, I can only assure the House that, however inefficient, those services will be cheerfully rendered. I have now the satisfaction of passing from this subject, and I hope that it may never again be necessary for me to advert to a subject which must be so unimportant and uninteresting to the House as anything personal to myself must be.
And now, with the permission of the House, I will make a few observations upon the Speech from the Throne which we have just heard read, and upon the Address that has been moved in reply to it. On former occasions a great part of the discussion on the Speech from the Throne has usually turned upon some event or events which have happened since the previous prorogation of Parliament either within the United Kingdom itself or abroad, but with which this country has been more or less directly interested; but I am happy to say that upon the present occasion it will not be necessary for me to dwell at length upon anything which has occurred in the United Kingdom since we were last assembled here. Fortunately, the condition of our own country, and that of Europe also, has been one of the most

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complete tranquillity, and nothing that I am aware of has taken place that will call for notice this evening. Indeed, I might have passed by altogether the allusions made in the Address to our foreign policy, had it not been that I wish to call attention for a moment to what appears to me to be a somewhat remarkable paragraph in Her Majesty's Speech referring to the recognition of the Government of Spain. The House is well aware that a Republic had been for a very considerable time established in that country; that various statesmen had been at the head of that Republic; and that for some months that Republican Government was presided over by Marshal Serrano. So far as I am aware neither the Republic nor the Government of Marshal Serrano had been formally recognized by our Government, nor had any question arisen as to what steps towards recognition should be taken. But, unfortunately, the change in the form of foreign Governments is so frequent that our Foreign Office has no lack of precedents to guide it in such matters—in fact, it would not be difficult to lay down something like an absolute rule which might usually guide the proceedings of our Foreign Secretary in such matters. That rule, I take it, would be that upon a change in the form of the Government of a foreign State, recognition is seldom immediately accorded to the now form of Government until we have some assurance that such Government is not only a de facto Government, but that it has met with that amount of acceptance from the people of the country as to give it at least a prospect of being a permanent one. On the other hand, I take it that the rule would be not to withhold our recognition from a new Government, which had a prospect of being permanent, merely because of any objection which we might entertain to the form of such Government or to its policy. That rule does not appear to have been exactly followed on the present occasion. As far as I am aware, there is nothing to show that the Government of Marshal Serrano was accepted by the people of Spain to any greater extent at the moment of recognition than it had been for some time before. The Cortes had been dissolved, and a great part of the country was still subject to civil war. I
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admit that considerable embarrassment might have been occasioned had we separated ourselves from the course which was taken by other nations in this matter; and I do not know that it would have been necessary for me to call the attention of the House to the subject at all, if Her Majesty's Government themselves had not invited criticism upon it by the paragraph relating to it in the Queen's Speech. The House will observe that in that paragraph the Government have not stated the action they have taken in reference to the subject, and have passed over in silence the fact of the recognition of the Government of Marshal Serrano. They have not given us, nor even promised to give us, any information with respect to that recognition, nor the terms upon which it was accorded; but they do proceed to give us an invitation of a somewhat novel character. The Government, in that paragraph, say—
"The Government of Spain, presided over by Marshal Serrano, has ceased to exist, and the Prince of Asturias has been called to the throne under the title of King' Alfonso XII. The question of formally recognizing, in concert with other Powers, the newly restored Monarchy, is at this moment before my Government, and its decision will not be long delayed It is my earnest hope that internal peace may be speedily restored to a great, but unfortunate, country."
That appears to me to be an invitation to the House of Commons to assist the Government in arriving at a decision as to the recognition by this country of the Government of King Alfonso. If that be the case, and if the right hon. Gentleman at the head of the Government does really ask the House of Commons to give him its advice upon a matter not usually coming within its cognizance, I trust that he will at least take measures to lay upon the Table such Papers as may be necessary to enable it to form an opinion on the subject.
I concur to a very great extent in the eloquent passage in the speech of the hon. Member for Mid Lincolnshire (Mr. E. Stanhope) in moving the Address, in which he refers to our Colonies. There are but few observations which I think it necessary to make upon that part of the Speech from the Throne which relates to that subject. With regard to the paragraph in the Speech which relates to the affairs of Natal, the House will probably be of opinion that all discussion upon the subject should be postponed

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until the Papers which have been promised have been laid upon the Table. The House will, however, observe that the proceedings of the Government of that Colony are spoken of in terms of very considerable severity. Although I have no reason whatever to think that the conduct of the Colonial Office in relation to the subject has been other than we can approve, I am sure it will be with very great regret that the House, after perusing the Papers, will come to the conclusion that up to the present moment we have not succeeded in establishing a wise and humane system of native administration in that part of our Empire. I have no doubt that, although we have no promise to that effect, Papers relating to our acceptance of the cession of Fiji will be laid upon the Table. The Government should be very grateful to the hon. Member for Mid Lincolnshire for having given a much better reason for our acceptance of that cession than appears to be given in the Speech from the Throne. I would not object to the cession of the Islands; but still, if we are to accept every cession of territory that is offered in every part of the world, which may offer important maritime advantages to our fleets, we may be entering upon a career of very considerable territorial acquisition. The hon. Member for Mid Lincolnshire omitted—and I regret that in such a speech, so comprehensive and so eloquent, he should have omitted to mention a passage in Her Majesty's Speech that refers to the affairs of India. The House will look—and I am sure it will not look in vain—to the fright hon. Gentleman at the head of the Government, to express in befitting terms its sense of what it owes to the Indian Government of Lord Northbrook for having so admirably met the calamity of the great Indian Famine. On behalf, however, of Lord Northbrook's Colleagues who sit on these benches near mo, I cannot refrain from offering my humble tribute to the energy and fortitude with which he grappled throughout with that grave difficulty, and to the moral courage with which he took his own course, in opposition sometimes to authority of very great weight. He has done enough, and not more than enough, to save the afflicted provinces, without unnecessarily disturbing trade or demoralizing the people by undue assistance.
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Sir, the House will be glad to learn that the condition of the finances is satisfactory—at all events, the expenditure of the year will be met by the Revenue; and it would be still more satisfactory if we could be assured that the expression in Her Majesty's Speech has some prospective, as well as present significance, especially when it is coupled with the somewhat ominous omission from the preceding paragraph of all mention of economy. But I can hardly imagine that Her Majesty would have been advised to inform Parliament that the finances of the country were in a satisfactory state, if Her Majesty's advisers knowing as they do, though we do not, the necessity of the demands which will be made on us during the coming year, were of opinion that the wants of the coming year could not be met without having recourse to fresh taxation. If my supposition is correct, it must be a subject of congratulation to the House, and certainly to my late Colleagues who sit near mo, that, in spite of the distressing announcements which have been made out-of-doors, as to the state of the Army, and notwithstanding the somewhat alarming assurances which we heard within these walls last year from the right hon. Gentleman at the head of the Admiralty (Mr. Hunt), those services can, in the opinion of Her Majesty's present advisors, be placed or maintained in the necessary state of efficiency without, at all events, any very large addition to the demands that have to be made upon Parliament.
Before I turn for a moment to the measures to which our attention is called in Her Majesty's Speech, there is one inquiry which I think it would be interesting to the House to make—namely, how far it is the intention of Her Majesty's Government, or how far it is within their power, to provide that the course of business shall correspond with the programme which they have laid before us. That inquiry, I think, will not appear altogether idle when we look to the results of last Session. The House will recollect that at the opening of last Session our attention was called to a measure affecting the law for the transferring of land; another for the extension to Ireland of the Judicature Act; certain Scotch Law Bills, and one for the amendment of the Licensing Act; and, further, a hope was held out that

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although a Commission had been appointed to inquire into the relations between masters and servants, it would be yet possible for the Government to deal with the subject in that Session. Now, in the Speech at the prorogation there were only two of those measures—namely, the Scotch Bill, and the one for the amendment of the Licensing Act—mentioned as having become law; and the two in question had not received Her Majesty's assent in the form in which they had been originally submitted. That Session, however, had by no moans been an idle one; indeed, Her Majesty was advised to speak in terms of considerable satisfaction with regard to the legislative achievements of the Session. A paragraph of the Speech to which I am referring was devoted to the Act for the improvement of the health of women and children employed in factories. That was, I believe, an admirable Act; but for the introduction of that measure the Government were not responsible, and the passing of it was mainly due to my hon. Friend the Member for Sheffield (Mr. Mundella); to whom I have no doubt Her Majesty's Government will readily give the credit he deserves. The Scotch Patronage Bill, which also passed, was the result apparently of an after-thought, but was certainly important enough to have merited mention in the Speech at the opening of Parliament. Whether it was the result of a happy thought is, perhaps, more doutbtful, seeing that it has already given occasion to a considerable agitation for the disestablishment of the Church of Scotland—a matter upon which but little had been heard before. Well, the Public Worship Bill had also a paragraph devoted to it, but for the introduction of that Bill we were not indebted to Her Majesty's Government; and the warmth of the support which it received from the right hon. Gentleman opposite—I can hardly say from the whole of Her Majesty's Government—seemed to date from the time when it became clear that its provisions would be extremely acceptable to the House; I should be unwilling to say that the Government adopted the Bill in consequence of the unpopularity which seemed to attach to the counter-propositions of my right hon. Friend the Member for Greenwich. There is one other Bill I must refer to, and must make an
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inquiry of the right hon. Gentleman opposite about. I should wish to ask him whether the absence of all mention of the Endowed Schools Act is accidental; whether it has not been considered of sufficient importance to be alluded to in the Queen's Speech; or whether the right hon. Gentleman at the head of the Government has repented of the pledge he gave in regard to it. That pledge—which was given in answer to the hon. Member for the University of Cambridge (Mr. Beresford Hope) and the hon. Member for West Kent (Mr. Talbot)—was to the effect that the clauses of the Bill which were with-drawn were not dropped, but simply postponed. It would, I think, be satisfactory to the House to know what are the intentions of the Government on that subject. Well, Sir, I have made this reference to the work of last Session to show that, at all events at that time, Her Majesty's Government were not disposed to exercise a very strict control over the course of business in the House. I should like to know—and I think that the House would like to know—whether we are expected to devote our attention seriously to the measures enumerated in the Speech from the Throne, or whether there is a probability that such measures may be sot aside to make room for much less useful but more sensational legislation.
Turning for the moment to those measures referred to in the Speech from the Throne, I come to a reference to the—
"Various statutes of an exceptional or temporary nature now in force for the preservation of peace in Ireland."
That paragraph seems to me somewhat vague; but I need hardly say that no one will rejoice more than the Gentlemen on this side of the House if, acting upon their responsibility and with the full information that they possess as to the condition of Ireland, Her Majesty's Government find themselves justified in proposing a considerable revision of those measures; and it is equally unnecessary to say that we should still more rejoice if that policy should prove successful in its results. Referring to Ireland, I hope that whilst those who sit near me will be willing to do justice to the Duke of Abercorn and his Colleagues for the energy, fairness, and impartiality of their Irish administration,

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Her Majesty's Government also will not be unwilling to do justice to their predecessors, by admitting that upon the present Government taking office they found the country was in that state of prosperity and freedom from crime which the Lord Lieutenant has more than once admitted, and which has enabled them to offer this great measure of conciliation to the people of Ireland.
With reference to the other measures mentioned in the Speech, I think I need trespass but for a very short time upon the attention of the House. A Bill relating to the transfer of land, and one to complete the reconstruction of the Judicature were sacrificed last Session, although they had been introduced by the Government itself, to make room for some of those other measures to which I have already adverted, and I understand that it is not improbable that the difficulties which the Government have to deal with in passing these measures have been not a little increased by the delay; but I trust it is the intention of Her Majesty's Government to prosecute them in earnest during the present Session. Bills are promised for the improvement of the dwellings of the working classes in largo towns, for the consolidation and amendment of the sanitary laws, and for the prevention of the pollution of rivers. I must, in referring to this paragraph, congratulate my hon. Friend the Member for Hastings (Mr. Kay-Shuttleworth) upon the effect which his able statement of last Session has had upon Her Majesty's Government, and I will congratulate the Government on the promptitude with which they have acted on the suggestion then made. I agree with the hon. Member who seconded the Address (Mr. Whitelaw), and who referred to what had been done in this direction at Glasgow, and I have no doubt that he and other Scotch Members who sit on both sides of the House will be able to give Government valuable assistance in perfecting the measure. No information has been given as to the character of the measure; but I trust it will proceed upon the lines of the local Acts of Glasgow and Edinburgh, and will enable the municipalities or local bodies of large cities to make the necessary and required improvements. I think that when Government comes to deal with the improvement of dwellings in largo towns, and with the prevention
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of the pollution of rivers, it if probable they will find that their labours would have been greatly simplified, and would have promised more satisfactory results, if something had been done to improve the present sys torn of local administration. It is possible that their well-meant efforts will tend to increase the confusion which it is admitted at present exists in connection with the work of local bodies. I hope that the Report of the Royal Commission that was appointed to inquire into the state and working of the laws with regard to trade is ready, or nearly so, to be presented to Parliament, and that legislation on the subject will not be long delayed. It is a subject that nearly touches the interests and even the liberties of a very large number of out fellow-subjects; it is a question on which large masses of our working population feel deeply and fool strongly; and judging from the opinions of others who are more competent to deal with it than I am, it is one upon which they have a right, to some extent, to fool aggrieved. I therefore venture to express an earnest hope, on behalf of myself and those who sit near me, that Her Majesty's Government will make an effort to deal with the question this Session.
Sir, I cheerfully admit that there can be no Government better fitted to deal with the question of Agricultural Tenancies than the present Government. I trust they will take it up—as I have no reason to doubt they will take it up—in a fair and liberal spirit; considering as much the case of the tenants as that of the owners of land, and considering also as much the case of the consumers as that of the producers of food. It may be doubtful whether there is room for great change in these respects. As I have said, there is no body bettor fitted to deal with the subject than the present Government, and I am sure that the House will cordially co-operate with them in considering any well-constructed measure with reference to it.
Having now briefly glanced at some of the measures enumerated in Her Majesty's Speech, there is one topic that is omitted from it on which I should like to say a word. Sir, the House will have observed that there is no mention whatever in the Speech of the subject either of Local Government or of Local Taxation, and I think their omission, especially

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the omission of Local Taxation, is a matter that must excite surprise in the minds of hon. Gentlemen opposite. Both the votes and the speeches of right hon. Gentlemen opposite, declared alike in opposition and in office, certainly would have led to the impression that they intended that this subject would not have been "conspicuous by its absence" on this occasion. In 1872, the right hon. Gentleman opposite, with, I believe, the whole of his Colleagues, voted for the Resolution of the hon. Member for South Devon (Sir Massey Lopes), which declared—
"That it is expedient to remedy the injustice of imposing Taxation for National objects on one description of property only, and therefore that no legislation with reference to Local Taxation will be satisfactory which docs not provide, cither in whole or in part, for the relief of occupiers and owners in counties and boroughs from charges imposed on ratepayers for the administration of justice, police and lunatics, the expenditure for such purposes being almost entirely independent of local control."
And in the course of the debate on that Motion the right hon. Gentleman at the head of the Government said—
"This question, it must be remembered, has been actively before us for at least a quarter of a century. When it was first introduced to the notice of the House, the burdens of real property, though considerable, were by no means as excessive as at present; but during that period the expenses of the possessors of real property have constantly increased for public purposes, their control over that expenditure having almost proportionately diminished."—[3 Hansard, ccx. 1397.]
Again, in mating his Financial Statement last year, the right hon. Gentleman the Chancellor of the Exchequer made this declaration—
"But it is not simply because we have taken an interest in it, or because we have taken a course which pledges us to give early attention to the subject, that we put it first in the list of objects of consideration. We put it first because it seems to us, upon the whole, the object of the highest national interest at the present time. …. But it now seems to us that there is another side to the question of Finance which stands as much in need of attention and reform as did the side of indirect taxation in the days of Sir Robert Peel and in the year 1842, and that is the great question of our direct, and especially of our direct local, taxation."—[3 Hansard, ccxviii. 650–1.]
And he prefaced the proposal he was then about to make by these words—
"We intend, therefore, to make proposals with regard to the relief of Local Taxation in the present year. They must be regarded not as absolutely final, but as proposals which we
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think will meet the present emergency, and will to a great extent facilitate what we may have to do hereafter."—[Ibid. 657.]
Sir, the right hon. Gentleman then proceeded to make certain proposals, and he gave relief to the ratepayers to the extent, I think, of about £1,000,000. But what is to be inferred from the absence of all mention of this subject in the present Speech? Are we to understand that the proposals of the Government last year were final proposals; or are we to understand that the consideration of the question has been indefinitely postponed? Or, in the third place, are we to understand that, the attention of Parliament having been previously called to the whole subject, the course of last year is to be again repeated, and further relief is to be given to the ratepayer, without making any attempt to deal with the question of the improvement of Local Administration? Now, if either of the first two courses are contemplated by the Government—that is to say, if their proceedings of last year are to be understood as final, or if there is to be an indefinite postponement of the subject—I think that would be an announcement which would certainly not recommend itself to the supporters of the right hon. Gentleman opposite. The late Government proposed to make concessions to the ratepayers to the amount of £1,200,000. That proposal was not accepted as satisfactory by right hon. Gentlemen opposite; and I cannot believe that the ratepayers will be willing to accept from those who have always professed themselves their warmest friends a smaller amount of relief than was rejected with something like scorn from Gentlemen who sit on this side of the House. But if the third course is contemplated by the Government, and we are this year to have a repetition of the policy of last year, I cannot but think it is a course that is open to the very gravest objection. We on this side of the House took but little exception to that course last year, because we yielded to the arguments of the Chancellor of the Exchequer, who pleaded that he had not had time to consider the whole subject, and at the same time was unwilling to distribute the whole of his large surplus without granting some relief to the rate-payer. But the Government have now had time, if they choose to consider the

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whole question. The question of Local Administration as well as that of Local Taxation is one which is almost universally admitted to require, and must receive soon, a searching examination. There is confusion of the area of rating, there is inequality in the incidence of rating, there is confusion and want of unity and waste of power in connection with the local administrative bodies. Sooner or later the matter must be taken up by some Government or another; and it cannot, I think, be otherwise than obvious to the House that that Government loses very great advantages in dealing with this important subject which gives away beforehand all that it has to give, reserving till some indefinite period the thorough handling of all the difficult and complicated questions of local administration.
Sir, I think I have now concluded all that it is necessary for me to say, both as to what is contained and what is not contained in Her Majesty's Gracious Speech. Before I sit down, however, perhaps the House will permit mete make one somewhat general observation on the legislative proposals of the Government. They appear to me to be, on the whole, proposals of a wise, a salutary, and a beneficent character. They are proposals eminently adapted to be considered by the Legislature of a prosperous and a contented country in a time of peace and quietness. But, Sir, is the list of measures presented to our notice in this Speech in any degree analogous to that which anyone would have anticipated who had formed his opinions on the state of the country from listening to the speeches delivered during the last few years in this House? Let us suppose, if we can, the case of an individual so unfortunate as to be debarred from access to any information save that which he derived from perusing the speeches of Conservative Members, and the articles in Conservative newspapers. Let such a person be told that the Conservative Party had been returned to Parliament with a great majority, and at the opening of the first Session in which the Conservative Government have had full time to prepare their measures—let him be asked to suggest what he thinks will be the policy announced in the Speech from the Throne. He would naturally turn in the first place for a moment to Ireland he would say—
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"I think that unfortunate country must by this time be in a dreadful condition. You have had the Church disestablished; religion and morals must have altogether disappeared; crime must be more frequent in that country than ever. You have robbed the landlords of a great portion of their property. You have encouraged the Irish people to believe that by a little more agitation they may easily got the remainder. What a state that country must be in! It must be by this time (he would say) in a state not only of 'veiled rebellion,' but of open rebellion. No doubt, the first measure which the Conservative Government will have to propose to the House will be to double the garrison of Ireland and at once proclaim martial law." Then, turning from the state of Ireland to the state of the Army, the same person would say—"The late Government insulted and plundered the officers, they must, therefore, be in a state not very far removed from open mutiny; and, as for the battalions of the Army, they must be entirely empty." Now, the first thing a Conservative Government would naturally be supposed to do, under those circumstances, would be to ask for largo additional Estimates, to remedy the grievances of the officers, and to have recourse to a system of universal conscription. Turning from the Army to the Navy, he would assume that it was impossible that we could have more than two or three ironclads in our fleet, and those of the most antiquated description. The first thing, it would occur to him, that a new Government would do under the circumstances would be to propose a large loan, in order to build additional ships. Looking at the Colonies, he would say—"Those people have been in office for five or six years, and they must have alienated the affections of everyone of your colonies; they must all be on the brink of separation, and no island in the Southern Seas can be so misgoverned that it would ever invite England to undertake the administration of its affairs." Finally, I think he would look at home, and he would say that in the midst of all this ruin and desolation, which was brought upon the country by the late Government, there was, however, one cheering prospect. He would say—"Whatever happens, whatever may be the state of mismanagement that is

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going on, there is now one consolation, and that is, that the farmers and ratepayers will get some relief." he would say—"Our friends have been talking for years about the relief of the rate-payers; no doubt, £5,000,000 or £6,000,000 could be devoted to the relief of the ratepayers, and if that must be obtained by the imposition of a 6d. income tax it cannot be helped; it is what our friends always said ought in justice to be done." Now, I submit to the House that I have been drawing a picture which is scarcely, if at all, exaggerated. The materials for it I have drawn simply from the declarations which have been made by hon. Gentleman opposite in thousands of speeches, and in newspaper articles, both during the existence of the late Government and since their retirement from office. I now commend to the House the careful consideration of the difference between the wise and temperate policy actually presented by Her Majesty's Government for the consideration of this House, and that which, from the writings and speeches to which I have referred, we were not unnaturally led to expect.
MR. DISRAELI: I am sure that the practical way in which the noble Lord has dealt with the Address, which has been moved by my hon. Friend behind me, renders any apology unnecessary from him for undertaking to fill the post he now occupies. Hon. Gentlemen on his side of the House will, I feel confident, believe me when I tell them that we learnt from our respected opponents, with great satisfaction, that we were about to meet Parliament with a recognized authority in one who would undertake the chief business of their political connection. It has been the boast of the House of Commons for a long period that, oven when political passion runs high and party warmth becomes somewhat intense, there should exist between those Members of both parties who take any considerable share in the conduct of their business, sentiments of courtesy and, when the public interest requires it, even of confidence, which tend very greatly to facilitate the business of the country to the public advantage. I trust that feeling will in our time never cease, and I can truly Bay, without making or intending to make any observation of a personal or invidious nature, for Gentlemen on this
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side of the House, that it is matter of satisfaction to us that the chief business of our opponents is to be conducted by one who, in the course of many years in this House, has obtained equally our respect and our regard.
Now, Sir, the noble Lord has been somewhat critical on those paragraphs in the Gracious Speech from the Throne which refer to foreign affairs, especially that which relates to recent occurrences in the Kingdom of Spain. I must, however, confess that I did not clearly collect the exact drift of the observations of the noble Lord on that subject. I understood that he complained in some manner of the conduct of the Government. He seemed to think we had been lacking in courtesy to Marshal Serrano, in having intimated that we were considering whether it was our duty to recognize the existing Government. That could hardly be the case, for so far as I am informed, Marshal Serrano has not been slow to recognize the Spanish Government himself. But then the noble Lord proceeded upon the assumption that the paragraph in the Royal Speech was drawn up with the object of obtaining from the House of Commons an indication as to the course which in its opinion, Her Majesty's Advisors should pursue in reference to the accession of King Alfonso to the Spanish Throne. Now, I can only say that that representation of the noble Lord, though I have no doubt it is sincere, is at the same time, entirely mistaken we have no wish whatever to call upon the House of Commons to assist us in the advice we should give Her Majesty in a matter which is highly important. The language employed in the Speech simply expresses the exact situation with regard to the question now occupied by Her Majesty's Advisers. They are, in concert with other Powers, considering the question of formally recognizing the Monarchy in Spain, and we shall be prepared to announce our decision upon it, and to vindicate that decision when required. The House will see that if we are acting in concert with other Powers, we ought to be fully and clearly acquainted with the opinions of those Powers before we resolve on our course. The noble Lord then proceeded to the question of India, and I am sure he could find no fault with the accuracy of the paragraph which, in the Queen's Speech, is devoted

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to that subject. He seemed, however, to think that we had been somewhat scant in our acknowledgment of the great public services of Her Majesty's Viceroy, and of the manner in which he encountered that terrible calamity which at one time seemed almost to be inevitable in that part of Her dominions. But the noble Lord acknowledged that in the Speech from the Throne on the occasion of the Prorogation, when the subject was naturally touched upon, that the Government did full justice to the great exertions and the great virtues of Lord Northbrook, and I believe when the time arrives that that noble Lord may probably have occasion himself to address his countrymen on so important an event in his Viceroyalty, we shall have from him no indication that he has not been supported throughout those trying circumstances with all the possible energy and sympathy of those who at present advise the Crown.
Then the noble Lord proceeded to the financial paragraph of the Speech, and on that lavished considerable criticism. The objection which he took to it seems to me, however, to be somewhat strange. He finds fault with it, because it is not prospective, and thinks that in the Queen's Speech we ought to favour the House with that interesting statement which, in the course of a few weeks, my right hon. Friend the Chancellor of the Exchequer will offer to your consideration. Now, I apprehend that hitherto it has never been the custom to insert a Budget in the Queen's Speech. What may be the future conduct of Governments in that respect when hon. Gentlemen opposite are in office I cannot say; but it will certainly require considerable investigation before we adopt that mode of introducing to the notice of the country the state of our finances. The noble Lord then went on to call our attention to what he appeared to regard as a very serious point. While on the whole, he seemed to approve the Royal Speech, and while he led us to hope that we should be perfectly unanimous in agreeing to the Address which has been moved with so much ability by my hon. Friend behind me, he said he wished to have some surety that the subjects mentioned in the Speech would over be heard of again, to learn something more of the
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programme of measures which we propose to submit to the notice of the House during the course of the Session, and whether we shall adhere to that programme. The noble Lord has had considerable experience of Parliamentary life; he has been a Member of more than one Ministry, and a Member, I think, of a Ministry under whose auspices the business of the Session has differed considerably from the programme laid down. I cannot understand, therefore, why the noble Lord should say that the Government should take the earliest opportunity of stating what measures will be considered, seeing that circumstances may arise which may prove that there are higher duties to fulfil, and greater objects to attain, than short-sighted mortals—and I am afraid Ministers must be acknowledged to be short-sighted mortals—can foresee on the first day of the Parliamentary Session. I can give the noble Lord no security whatever that the business of this Session will at all realize the programme. At present, all I can say is, that with the assistance of the House, it is our intention to bring forward and carry the measures we have enumerated, but you may have revolutions—you may have great catastrophes—you may have ecclesiastical misconceptions—you may have a revival of those burning questions which were the pride of the Ministry of the noble Lord and his Colleagues. I cannot answer for what may be the consequences if such unhappy circumstances should occur; but, at present, this is our programme; and I trust that the business of the Session—when it is over—will offer, upon the whole, a fair fulfilment of the expectations which we have held out. "But," the noble Lord has said, "there were some measures introduced last year which you are to introduce again, and endeavour to carry; and there are some you have dropped, although you promised last year that they should be again brought forward." There is that favourite measure of the noble Lord and his Friends, the Endowed Schools Bill. The noble Lord has said, "Are you going to deal with the Endowed Schools?" Well, there is now a Commission, which the noble Lord may not be aware—ho is not bound to be aware—is acting with considerable satisfaction to the country. The decisions and conduct of that Commission—compared with those of the

71
former one—render it extremely desirable that we should take advantage of the experience of the Commission before we trouble the House again on the subject. There is another matter which the noble Lord says is very important, and which he calls upon us to deal with—although in its present position one could hardly suppose or anticipate that we should have noticed it in any other spirit than we have in the Speech—and that is the offences connected with trade. I think the subject is of great importance, but Her Majesty's Ministers are not aware of its importance for the first time. Last Session they would have been very glad if they could have dealt with that subject; but they believed the course they recommended the House to follow, and which the House unanimously agreed to—namely, to issue a Royal Commission, and to avail themselves of the information obtained by that Commission, was the right one to be followed under the circumstances. Until their Report is made we, of course, cannot move in the matter. We believe the Report will be made very shortly, and we shall not hesitate to introduce a measure founded on the recommendations of the Committee and our own opinions on the subject.
The noble Lord next turned to the question of local taxation, and, as I understood, made the great charge against us that our conduct had not been straightforward upon that subject. But I did not, I confess, gather from the noble Lord any proofs in establishment of the position he wished to substantiate. On the contrary, every statement he made tended in exactly the opposite direction. He said—"You have always pretended that you were in favour, as a party, of relieving a certain class in the country from the unjust burden of local taxation, and last year you took a million of money off their backs." we did do that, and it proved, at any rate, that we were acting in harmony with our statements. "But though doing so," said the noble Lord, "you despised our previous offer of £1,200,000"—showing the superior sympathy of the noble Lord and his Friends to the amount of £200,000. But I can only say that I, for one, disclaim the charge of the noble Lord, that I have treated with derision or refused that offer of
72
£1,200,000 to the victims of unjust taxation. That offer was never made. It was talked about on this bench when it was occupied by the noble Lord and his Friends, and there was a suggestion at the same time that they should rob the Queen's Exchequer in the shape of the house duty to the same amount. But no proposition of the kind was over brought before Parliament. Ours is a practical proposition. The moment we had the opportunity, we appealed to the justice of the House of Commons. We carried the measure we brought forward, and those who were unjustly taxed in our local fiscal system have now for a year been benefited to a great extent, and feel from that circumstance a confidence in the sincerity of those who for so long a time and so fruitlessly advocated the cause of justice. "But," said the noble Lord, "you never can deal with local taxation in this sort of way. What do you mean to do this year? Do you mean to propose again that a largo sum should be voted out of the public money to those who pay this local taxation, or what is your scheme? Until you deal with local taxation in a proper manner, founded on local administration and local control, you are doing nothing." Now, I must say that the statement of the noble Lord's, that there is nothing in Her Majesty's Speech which holds out the prospect of that system of local control for taxation which he so warmly urges is scarcely justified. At the proper time, no doubt, we shall state what we propose to do with regard to local taxation, but that time is certainly not the first day of the Session. But to come to the specific charge of the noble Lord—that we have no measure for local taxation, or rather local administration, in our programme—I would remind the noble Lord that there are four Bills mentioned in Her Majesty's Speech, which will shortly come before the House, all of which will indirectly touch upon that question. You will establish an improved system of administration more expeditiously, if you endeavour to overcome gradually the immense difficulties in the way, than if you brought forward some large, showy measure which, after it left the hands of the Committee, would be altered to such an extent that the devisors of it would hardly recognize in it any of its original features, and which the country would probably

73
receive with reluctance and disappointment. Those measures will lay the foundation for a system of local taxation. My right hon. Friend the Chancellor of the Exchequer has given Notice to-night of a Public Works Loan Bill, which is intimately connected with this question, and I think he will be able on Thursday to show to the House what are the practical views of the Government upon it.
I have now, Sir, touched in not unfriendly criticism upon most of the points—I believe all—which were mentioned by the noble Lord. I will not attempt to vie with him in the masterly picture which he drew of the contrast afforded between the measures brought forward by the Conservative Government and the speeches made, I know not where, and the articles written, which I never read, by what he calls the Conservative Party. There is a most ingenious, but at the same time most inconvenient course—which I have noticed among many hon. Gentlemen oppositse—and to-night the noble Lord has assumed the habit as if he had been born to it—of seeking out the most violent speeches made by the most un-influential persons in the most obscure places, and the most absurd articles appearing in the dullest and most uninfluential newspapers, and saying those are the opinions of the great Conservative Party. The great Conservative Party has been legitimately, and, I believe, very fairly represented on the bench opposite, when we were enjoying that freedom which is the noble appanage now of those whom I see before me. The opinions of the Conservative Ministry are now expressed from this bench, and we are responsible for them and will not shrink from that responsibility to I must protest against the grotesque reminiscences of the noble Lord. I trust from what I see that the Address in reply to the gracious Speech of Her Majesty will pass unanimously. I must say that that Address was introduced to our notice by a speech which the House will not easily forget. The manner in which my hon. Friend the Member for Mid Lincolnshire (Mr. Stanhope) vindicated the colonial policy of England, and the masterly way in which he treated the whole question of sanitary (reform showed that we have one among us who will take part, I have no
74
doubt most usefully and most honourably, in the debates that are impending upon the great question of the health of the people. My hon. Friend the Seconder of the Address (Mr. Whitelaw), from his local experience of Glasgow gave us, not merely upon the subject of the habitations of the artizans, but on the condition of the noble river that was once the greatest ornament of his city, information which I am sure will prove highly advantageous. There was one point in the speech of the noble Lord on which, I am sure, we shall be unanimous—and that is in our sympathy with our Sovereign in the hour of trial which she has recently experienced. It was, as the noble Lord accurately stated, the intention of Her Majesty, oven at a late period, to have had the satisfaction of opening her Parliament. It was a great sacrifice on Her part to give it up. But, at any rate, She may experience this consolation, that her Parliament sympathize with her in her sorrow, and now shares her own gratification that that sorrow has not disturbed her Royal hearth.
Motion agreed to,
Committee appointed, to draw up an Address to be presented to Her Majesty upon the said Resolution:—Mr. EDWARD STANHOPE, Mr. WHITELAW, Mr. DISRAELI, Mr. CHANCELLOR of the EXCHEQUER, Mr. Secretary CROSS, Mr. Secretary HARDY, Mr. HUNT, Sir CHARLES ADDERLEY, Mr. SCLATER-BOOTH, Viscount SANDON, Mr. ATTORNEY GENERAL, Mr. SOLICITOR GENERAL, Mr. STEPHEN CAVE, Viscount BARRINGTON, Sir JAMES ELPHINSTONE, Mr. WILLIAM HENRY SMITH, and Mr. DYKE, or any Three of them:—To withdraw immediately:—Queen's Speech referred.
House, at its rising, to adjourn till Monday next.
House adjourned at hall after Seven o'clock, till Monday next.

Preamble
THE PARLIAMENT, which had been Prorogued successively from the 7th day of August, 1874, to the 23rd day of October; thence to the 16th day of December; thence to the 5th day of February, 1875, met this day for Despatch of Business.
The Session of PARLIAMENT was opened by Commission.
The HOUSE OF PEERS being met,
THE LORD CHANCELLORacquainted the House,
"That it not being convenient for Her Majesty to be personally present here this day, She has been pleased to cause a Commission under the Great Seal to be prepared, in order to the holding of this Parliament."
Then Five of the Lords Commissioners—namely, The LORD CHANCELLOR, The LORD PRIVY SEAL (The Earl of Malmesbury), THE LORD CHAMBERLAIN OF THE HOUSEHOLD (The Marquess of Hertford), THE LORD STEWARD OF THE HOUSEHOLD (The Earl Beauchamp), and The LORD SKELMERSDALE (Captain of the Yeoman of the Guard), being in their Robes, and seated on a Form placed between the Throne and the Woolsack, commanded the Yeoman Usher of the Black Rod to let the Commons know "The Lords Commissioners desire their immediate attendance in this House, to hear the Commission read."
Who being come, with their Speaker;—The Commission was read by the Clerk:—Then

THE QUEEN'S SPEECH.
THE LORD CHANCELLOR delivered HER MAJESTY'S SPEECH to both Houses of Parliament, as follows:—
"My Lords, and Gentlemen,
"IT is with great satisfaction that I again meet you and resort to the advice and assistance of my Parliament.
"I continue to receive assurances of friendship from all Foreign Powers. The peace of Europe has remained, and I trust will remain, unbroken. To preserve and consolidate it will ever be a main object of my endeavours.
"The Conference held at Brussels on the Laws and Usages of War has concluded its sittings. My Government have carefully examined the reports of its proceedings; but, bearing in mind, on the one hand, the importance of the principles involved, and, on the other, the widely divergent opinions which were there expressed, and the improbability of their being reconciled, I have not thought it right to accede to proposals which have been made for further negotiations on the subject. The correspondence which has passed will be presented to you.
"The Government of Spain, presided over by Marshal Serrano, has ceased to exist, and the Prince of Asturias has been called to the throne under the title of King Alfonso XII. The question of formally recognizing, in concert with other Powers, the newly restored Monarchy, is at this moment before my Government, and its decision will not be long delayed. It is my earnest hope that internal peace may be speedily restored to a great, but unfortunate, country.
"The exertions of my naval and consular servants in the repression of the East African Slave Trade have
4
not been relaxed, and I confidently trust that they will bring about the complete extinction of a traffic equally repugnant to humanity and injurious to legitimate commerce.
"The differences which had arisen between China and Japan, and which at one time threatened to lead to war between those States, have been happily adjusted. I have learnt with pleasure that the good offices of my Minister at Pekin have been largely instrumental in bringing about this result.
"The past year has been one of general prosperity and progress throughout my Colonial Empire.
"On the Gold Coast, a steady advance has been made in the establishment of civil government, peace has been maintained, and I have procured the assent of the protected tribes to the abolition of slavery. Henceforward, I trust, freedom will exist there as in every part of my dominions.
"In Natal, I have found myself under the necessity of reviewing the sentence which had been passed upon a native Chief, and of considering the condition of the tribes, and their relations to the European settlers and my Government. I doubt not that I shall have your concurrence in any measures which it may become my duty to adopt for ensuring a wise and humane system of native administration in that part of South Africa.
"Papers will be laid before you on these several matters.
"The King and Chiefs of Fiji having made a new offer of their Islands unfettered by conditions, I have thought it right to accept the cession of a territory which, independently

5
of its large natural resources, offers important maritime advantages to my fleets in the Pacific."
"An ample harvest has restored prosperity to the Provinces of my Eastern Empire which, last year, were visited with famine. By the blessing of Providence my Indian Government has been able entirely to avert the loss of life which I had reason to apprehend from that great calamity.
"Gentlemen of the House of Commons,
"I have directed the Estimates of the year to be prepared and presented to you without delay.
"My Lords, and Gentlemen,
"The condition of the finances is satisfactory. The trade of the country in the past year has somewhat fallen short of that of the year before, but the general prosperity of the people, supported as it has been by an excellent harvest, as well as by the great reductions lately made in taxation, has led to a steady increase in the consumption of all the necessaries of life, and of those articles which contribute to the revenue.
"The various statutes of an exceptional or temporary nature now in force for the preservation of peace in Ireland will be brought to your notice with a view to determine whether some of them may not be dispensed with.
"Several measures which were unavoidably postponed at the end of last Session will be again introduced. Among the most important are those for simplifying the Transfer of Land and completing the reconstruction of the Judicature.
"Bills will be also laid before you for facilitating the Improvement of the Dwellings of the Working Classes in large towns; for the consolidation and amendment of the Sanitary Laws; and for the prevention of the pollution of rivers.
"A measure has been prepared for consolidating and amending the laws relating to Friendly Societies. Its object will be to assist without unnecessarily interfering with the laudable efforts of my people to make provision for themselves against some of the calamities of life.
"A Bill for the amendment of the Merchant Shipping Acts will be laid before you.
"Your attention will be moreover directed to legislation for the better security of my subjects from personal violence, and for more effectually providing for the trial of offences by establishing the office of a Public Prosecutor.
"Although the Report of the Commission issued by me to inquire into the state and working of the law as to offences connected with trade has not yet been made to me, I trust that any legislation on this subject which may be found to be expedient may take place in the present Session.
"You will also be invited to consider a measure for improving the law as to Agricultural Tenancies.
"I commend to your careful consideration these and other measures which may be submitted to you, and I pray that your deliberations may, under the Divine blessing, result in the happiness and contentment of my people."
Then the Commons withdrew.
House adjourned during pleasure.
House resumed.
PRAYERS.
ROLL OF THE LORDS—Garter King of Arms attending, delivered at the Table (in the usual manner) a List of the Lords Temporal in the Second Session of the Twenty-first Parliament of the United Kingdom: The same was ordered to lie on the Table.

REPRESENTATIVE PEER FOR IRELAND.
Writs and Returns electing the Earl of Clonmell a Representative Peer for Ireland in the room of the late Earl Annesley, deceased, with the Certificate of the Clerk of the Crown in Ireland annexed thereto, delivered (on oath), and Certificate read.

SAT FIRST.
The Lord Forester, after the death of his Brother.
The Lord Kesteven, after the death of his Father.

The Viscount Hutchinson—took the Oath.
SELECT VESTRIES.
Bill, pro formâ, read 1a.
SELECT VESTRIES.

  THE QUEEN'S SPEECH—ADDRESS IN ANSWER TO HER MAJESTY'S MOST GRACIOUS SPEECH.
  The QUEEN'S SPEECH reported by The LORD CHANCELLOR.
  THE EARL OF DONOUGHMORE: My Lords, it is with extreme diffidence that I present myself before your Lordships to move that an humble Address be presented to Her Majesty in reply to Her Majesty's Gracious Speech from the Throne. Though deeply sensible of my little fitness to perform so important and so responsible a duty, nevertheless I am encouraged by the recollection that the Members of your Lordships' House have ever been wont in past years to accord an indulgent ear to those who, for the first time, ventured to address them. The full measure of that indulgence I now beg your Lordships to extend to myself, and ask you to look with leniency on my inadequate efforts, and to pardon any inaccuracy of expression that may fall from my lips as spoken in ignorance of the customs of your Lordships' House.
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  Before proceeding to the discussion of the topics mentioned in the Speech from the Throne, I would endeavour to express the deep regret that must be felt by every one of your Lordships for the cause which has prevented Her Majesty the Queen from carrying outlier gracious intention of opening Parliament in person. That cause has been a source of sorrow to every loyal heart, and we must most devoutly hope, as the latest accounts justify us in doing, that in a short time all reason for Her Majesty's maternal anxiety may have passed away.
  It will be a source of satisfaction to your Lordships to understand that Her Majesty's relations with Foreign Powers continue on the same friendly footing as heretofore. Such an assurance is the best guarantee for the safety and interest of our commercial community abroad, and gives the surest promise of prosperity at home; and while our own friendly ties remain unbroken, it is satisfactory to know that the same condition prevails with regard to the other Great Powers. Although it is impossible, perhaps, to persuade ourselves that the great armaments on the Continent are established merely for purposes of defence, still there is at present no cloud on the political horizon, no indication of a coming storm.
  Your Lordships are aware that an invitation was issued last year to the Great Powers to assemble in Conference for the discussion of the treatment of prisoners of war. As long as this proposal emanated from a private society, it was not considered a matter in which Her Majesty's Government should interfere: but when the question was taken up by one of the Great Powers, and the area of discussion was enlarged so as to comprehend the laws and usages of modern warfare, it was decided that this country should not be unrepresented. Her Majesty's Government, however, felt it to be their duty—and with great wisdom—to make it a condition of the attendance of our Representative, that no matters relating to International Law or maritime warfare should be introduced for discussion, and our Representative was instructed carefully to abstain from participating in any such debates that might fortuitously arise. It was urged by the promoters of the Conference that the present laws of warfare were not clearly enough defined; and it was their object

  9
  that the Great Powers should deliberate upon some fixed and certain military code, which should be an infallible guide to generals in command of armies in the field. Her Majesty's Government have carefully watched the progress of this Conference, and upon subsequent deliberation have arrived at the conclusion that the interest of invaders and invaded are so irreconcilable, and the contingencies that may arise in time of war so various and uncontrollable, that it would be impossible to lay down any fixed rules which would meet with general acquiescence. Holding this opinion, your Lordships will agree that Her Majesty's Government are fully justified in the determination at which they have arrived—to take no further part in any Conference on this subject.
  I am sure your Lordships will consider it a matter of congratulation, that the exertions made by Her Majesty's Government for the repression of the Slave Trade on the East Coast of Africa have not been without their fruit. Owing in a great measure to the loyal manner in which the Sultan of Zanzibar has adhered to the terms of the Treaty lately entered into on the subject, the traffic in slaves by sea has greatly diminished, and there is every expectation of a further diminution. And I would further suggest, my Lords, that it is of the greatest importance to our largely increasing trade in the China Seas that the threatened hostilities between that country and Japan have been so fortunately avoided. Had it not been so, there would have been grave apprehension for the safety of our merchant vessels in those waters; and the greatest praise is due to Her Majesty's Representatives at Pekin and Yeddo, to whoso exertions this peaceful arrangement may mainly be attributed. Before leaving the subject of Foreign Affairs, there is one more point to which I would desire leave to draw the attention of your Lordships. We have seen, during many months, a great and chivalrous nation, a nation that was our active ally in a time of general European convulsion—with whoso name the honour of the British arms will ever be associated, and whoso country was the theatre of their exploits—harassed by civil war, torn by factions, and so divided against herself, that all hope for her tranquillity seemed to have passed away.
  10
  The English people, cherishing still the sympathies of the earlier years of the century, have waited, though despairingly, and hoped, though against hope, for a brighter day to dawn on the race, whose soldiers had fought by the side of their own. But now, by the suddenly expressed voice of the Spanish Army, the Representative of an ancient House has been called to the Throne; and although a Government founded upon military pronunciamento may not be in accordance with the ideas of the lovers of Constitutional Monarchy, yet, for the sake of peace, and the material prosperity of Spain, we may with sincerity pray that wise and impartial counsellors may guide the youthful impulses of the new Sovereign to the accomplishment of a successful issue. The actions and expressions of the King since his arrival in the country afford us every reason to expect such an issue; and I am sure your Lordships will read here with pleasure, that his recognition by the Government of this country is now under consideration.
  My Lords, it would be presumptuous in me at this early period to speculate upon the future policy of the Spanish Government. Yet I would submit that we must hail with satisfaction these an-nouncements which have appeared in the daily press, which inform us that liberty of conscience and freedom of religious worship are to be respected. When we consider the evils which have fallen upon Spain, not only in our time, but in days of yore, it would indeed be deplorable if the difficulties of the new Government should be increased by the adoption of reactionary measures, which would deprive them of the sympathy of all free people, whether in Europe or in America. And I would further suggest, my Lords, that the events which have taken place in Spain from the year 1868 to the present time, have tended greatly to demonstrate the wisdom of that foreign policy which successive Governments of this country have in modern times, and in all cases, endeavoured to practice. Although it has been the care of Her Majesty's Advisers to secure by their influence and co-operation the maintenance of the general peace of Europe, and the faithful performance of international obligations, still they have studiously avoided any direct interference in the

  11
  internal affairs of foreign nations. By thus dealing, a wise and prudent principle has been established, which is compatible with a duo regard for the honour of this country, and a determination to vindicate that honour should it ever be assailed.
  My Lords, in Her Majesty's gracious Speech from the Throne last year your Lordships were informed of the impending famine in Bengal, and the paragraph further stated, that the Viceroy and Governor General had been directed to spare no cost to mitigate this terrible calamity. The noble Marquess who moved the Address in reply, stated it to be our duty to alleviate the sufferings occasioned by that calamity, and I hope your Lordships will permit me to bear my humble testimony to the admirable manner in which that duty has been performed. I need not bring back to your Lordships' recollection the paragraphs in The Times newspaper, which notified the subscriptions to the Bengal Famine Fund. These were no less a monument of British charity to the distressed, than an evidence of the good-will of the English people towards their fellow-subjects in the far East. The distress was greatest in these parts which were most inaccessible to traffic; there was often great difficulty in procuring carriage; and that native apathy, to which the noble Marquess so ably alluded last year, rendered the duties of the distributing officers doubly harassing. My Lords, the fearful misery and destruction of human life that would have occurred among these teeming millions if prompt measures of relief had not been undertaken, would have been almost beyond calculation. To quote the words of a telegram of the 21st of March last, if it had not been for the measures taken by the Government, "there would have been thousands of starvation deaths ere this." The Famine of 1874 would have swept across those thickly-populated plains, and traced its disastrous course by ravages equal to, if not surpassing, these of previous dreadful visitations. But now, my Lords, in my opinion, an epoch has been marked in the history of British India, to which, whatever may be the future of that great Empire, future generations of Englishmen may look back with pride and satisfaction. And I would further add, with regard to the people of India
  12
  themselves, that the recollection of our open-handed liberality, of our fatherly care for them in this the time of their great distress, will go far to strengthen their confidence in, and reconcile them to, the governing race. And to whom, my Lords, shall we give the praise, but to those who, in conjunction with Her Majesty's Government, so ably initiated, and so practically carried out, those measures of relief. In mentioning the past and present Lieutenant Governors of Bengal, I am but naming two well-tried public servants, who have added new lustre to their well-deserved reputation by their conduct at this crisis. And I am glad to have this opportunity of paying my humble tribute to the Viceroy of India, to whom I am indebted for many acts of personal kindness. The noble Marquess who presides at the India Office alluded last year, in far abler terms than I can hope to command, to the vigour and judgment of the Governor General in the face of this great responsibility. It was my fortune to be in India for many months after the Governor General's first arrival in the country, and I had full opportunity of witnessing the growth of that confidence in his great and varied talents among all classes of the community, which is the reflex of that which he enjoys at the hands of the noble Marquess and of all those who have been associated with him in political life at home.
  And now, my Lords, to turn to the Colonies. Before proceeding to the few remarks I have to offer your Lordships, I would ask leave to express from the bottom of my heart my deep sorrow for the great bereavement which has befallen my noble Friend the Secretary of State for the Colonies—a feeling which I am confident will be shared by every one in your Lordships' House. Your Lordships will pardon me if I say no more—in this House I know it is unnecessary. Of our Australian Colonies proper I will say but a few words, and those merely to bear witness from personal experience of the accuracy of the general reports regarding their progress and the increasing prosperity they are achieving. When we consider that little more than 40 years ago no British settler had permanently established himself on Victorian soil (for though Port Philip was discovered in 1802, no practical attempt at colonization was made until 1834),

  13
  and then turn to contemplate that great city of Melbourne, founded on a swamp in 1836, now risen to the position of the eighth city of the British Empire—with its magnificent public buildings, its busy factories, its broad thoroughfares, and its large spaces of gardens, which conduce alike to public recreation and public health—we cannot but be impressed with the energy and determination which has so rapidly developed the resources of the country. And I would also testify to the vitality, equally in Victoria as in the other colonies I have visited, of that loyalty to the Crown which is in all climes the characteristic of our countrymen. And there is another colony added to our Australasian dependencies, the acquisition of which has to-day been announced to your Lordships in the Speech from the Throne. It is almost needless for me to point out to your Lordships the importance of the Fiji Islands, from their position in the centre of the South Pacific Ocean. Situated as they are, on the high road between the Australian Continent and America, we can hardly too highly rate their value as a depôt for our mail service, and a maritime station for the protection of our commercial interests. And, above all, we may congratulate Her Majesty's Government on having secured a vantage ground, from which, by the establishment of a strong Crown Colony in the centre of Polynesia, a watchful eye may be kept to check the abuses in the labour traffic of the Islands, which have from time time, and, indeed, recently, been brought into notice. Your Lordships cannot fail to appreciate the wise discretion which prompted Her Majesty's Government to choose for the difficult task of negotiating the cession and organizing the temporary Government of these Islands, one whose previous experience in the Government and organization of Crown Colonies so eminently fitted him for the duty. Sir Hercules Robinson is not only the oldest but amongst the ablest of our Crown Colony Governors, and the services he has already rendered fully justify the confidence that has been reposed upon him on this important occasion. Your Lordships will recollect that in the year 1871, at the time of the federation of the provinces in the Dominion of Canada, an arrangement was entered into as one of the conditions of Union, between the
  14
  Government of the Dominion and that of British Columbia, for the construction by the former of a railway across the Continent, to be known as the Canadian Pacific Railway. By the original agreement this enterprise was to be completed within 10 years from the date of federation, and an annual sum of $1,500,000 was fixed as the minimum expenditure to be incurred in carrying out the works. Some doubts, however, appear to have arisen on the part of the Government of British Columbia as to the possibility of the conditions being fulfilled within the time specified, and a disagreement that might have resulted in serious consequences was referred to the British Government for arbitration. The question was finally amicably adjusted by a compromise, which extended the time for completion to the year 1890, and fixed the minimum annual expenditure at $2,000,000. I need hardly remind your Lordships that the Minister under whoso auspices the successful federation of the Provinces was organized was my noble Friend who now presides over the Colonial Department; and he has thus, by suggesting a mode of settling this difficult question, been able to make a further contribution to the development of the resources of our dominions in North America.
  Your Lordships will, I hope, excuse me, if an interest in affairs beyond sea, has led me so to intrude them on your Lordships' attention, as to leave me but little space to treat of matters at home. It is satisfactory to hear of the prosperous state of the country; and although there has been a slight falling off in trade, the prospects of the year are such as to give us no anxiety for the future.
  My Lords, there is a paragraph in the Speech from the Throne which announces to your Lordships that a measure of Law Reform will be laid before you, and this I venture to think your Lordships will consider worthy of special attention. For notwithstanding our respect and admiration for the traditional and proverbial excellence of English Law, and deeply as we may venerate the abilities of those sages of jurisprudence who are and have been from time to time such conspicuous ornaments of your Lordships' ancient Assembly, yet it must be acknowledged that our present legal system, handed down as it has been from the feudal

  15
  period, has collected in its growth to its present dimensions much that is superfluous, and unsuited to the exigencies of our time. By a judicious elimination of redundant matter, and by a careful analysis and reduction to a more manageable form of all that is useful and necessary in the congeries of the present system—both the study and the practice of our law will be greatly facilitated. Your Lordships' attention was called to this measure in the past Session, but time would not admit of its full discussion. Lot us hope that now it may be brought to a, satisfactory conclusion. And there is another measure, with the title of which your Lordships are already familiar, which provides facilities for the transfer of land. Everyone of your Lordships is aware of the great expense and waste of time entailed by the sale of land under the present system, owing to the necessity of proving title by deed. This involves the employment of the most costly professional assistance and a large element of uncertainty, causes such delay as sometimes to frustrate the object of this partial dealing, and has the disadvantage of being cumbrous from the mass of documents that have to be preserved. It is to simplify this system that your Lordships' co-operation is requested, and I feel sure it will have your consideration. Various other Bills are mentioned in Her Majesty's Speech which will be laid before you during the coming Session. I cannot but venture to think, my Lords, that the condition of external peace which has been announced to us, marks a most fitting period for the introduction of measures of social improvement at home. Besides, in the last few years more than one great measure of organic change, on the wisdom of which it is not my province to dilate, have received the sanction of the Legislature; and it would appear inevitable, that while such questions are before the country, occupying the energies and attention of all, others, which do not so readily obtrude themselves into notice but are none the less important, should be necessarily neglected. Your Lordships will, I hope, therefore, read here with satisfaction, that a group of measures relating to sanitary matters will be laid before you, as also a Bill upon Friendly Societies, all of which, if brought to a successful issue, will confer great benefits on the
  16
  poorer portion of the community. Of the actual contents of these measures I am necessarily ignorant, so will merely recommend them to your Lordships' attention.
  There is one more paragraph in the Speech from the Throne, to which at the risk of wearying your Lordships I would ask leave briefly to allude, as it is one which contains a question of vital importance to a large class of persons, amongst whom may be numbered many Members of your Lordships' House—I mean that which draws attention to the present state of affairs in Ireland, and announces that, in the opinion of Her Majesty's Government, the time has arrived for the reconsideration of a portion of those coercive measures which since the year 1871 have been considered necessary for the maintenance of order, and the safety of human life, in that portion of Her Majesty's Dominions. The conviction of the necessity for exceptional legislation in any part of the British Islands must have formed itself most painfully and reluctantly in all patriotic minds, and a corresponding degree of satisfaction will be felt if that necessity has ceased to exist. But, my Lords, when we look back on the catalogue of agrarian outrage and murder perpetrated in Ireland in past times, we must believe that so serious a step as any change in the direction indicated will not be taken by Her Majesty's Government except on the most indisputable evidence as to the tranquillity of the country. A protracted absence from home, and a sense of respect for your Lordships' House, alike deter me from venturing any opinion upon the state of the country. But this I may safely assert, my Lords—that no class of people in Her Majesty's dominions would be more rejoiced to find that the necessity for these coercive measures had passed away, than the country gentlemen of Ireland.
  And now, my Lords, but one word more. In asking your Lordships' forgiveness for trespassing so long on your attention, I would assure your Lordships of my deep sense of the honour of being permitted now for the first time to take an active part in your deliberations. To one with so little to recommend him to your Lordships' notice as myself, your forbearance is doubly welcome; and I beg to return you my heartfelt thanks for the kind and patient hearing

  17
  you have accorded mo. The noble Earl concluded by moving the following humble Address to Her Majesty thanking Her Majesty for Her Majesty's most Gracious Speech from the Throne:—
  MOST GRACIOUS SOVEREIGN,
  "WE, Your Majesty's most dutiful and loyal subjects, the Lords Spiritual and Temporal, in Parliament assembled, beg leave to offer our bumble thanks to Your Majesty for the gracious Speech which Your Majesty has commanded to be made to both Houses of Parliament.
  "We humbly thank Your Majesty for informing us that Your Majesty continues to receive assurances of friendship from all Foreign Powers, and that the peace of Europe remains unbroken.
  "We humbly thank Your Majesty for informing us of the termination of the Conference held at Brussels on the Laws and Usages of War, and of Your Majesty's decision not to enter into further negotiations on the subject.
  "We humbly thank Your Majesty for informing us that the Prince of Asturias has been called to the throne of Spain under the title of King Alfonso XII, and that the question of formally recognizing, in concert with other Powers, the newly restored Monarchy, is under the consideration of Your Majesty's Government.
  "We rejoice to learn that the exertions of Your Majesty's naval and consular servants in the repression of the East African Slave Trade have not been relaxed, and we share the hope expressed by Your Majesty that they will bring about the complete extinction of this inhuman traffic.
  "We humbly thank Your Majesty for informing us that the differences which have arisen between China and Japan have been adjusted; and that the good offices of Your Majesty's Minister at Pekin have been largely instrumental in bringing about this result.
  "We rejoice to learn that the past year has been one of general prosperity and progress throughout Your Majesty's Colonial Empire.
  "We humbly thank Your Majesty for informing us of the progress which has been made in the establishment of civil government on the Gold Coast, and that Your Majesty has procured the assent of the protected tribes to the abolition of slavery.
  "We humbly thank Your Majesty for informing us that Your Majesty has found it necessary to review the sentence passed upon a native Chief in Natal, and to consider the condition of
  18
  the tribes, and their relations to the European settlers and Your Majesty's Government, with the view of ensuring a wise and humane system of native administration in that part of South Africa.
  "We humbly thank Your Majesty for informing us that, the King and Chiefs of Fiji having renewed the offer of their Islands unfettered by conditions, Your Majesty has thought it right to accept the cession of this territory.
  "We rejoice to learn that an ample harvest has restored prosperity to the Provinces of Your Majesty's Eastern Empire, which last year were visited with famine, and that, by the blessing of Providence, the measures adopted by Your Majesty's Indian Government averted the loss of life apprehended from that calamity.
  "We humbly thank Your Majesty for informing us that the state of the finances is satisfactory, and that the general prosperity of the people, supported by an excellent harvest, as well as by the recent reductions in taxation, has been fully maintained.
  "We humbly assure Your Majesty that our careful consideration shall be given to the Measures which may be submitted to us, and we earnestly join in Your Majesty's prayer that our deliberations may, under the Divine blessing, result in the happiness and contentment of Your Majesty's people."
  LORD RAYLEIGH: My Lords, in rising to second the Motion for the Address which has been so ably and eloquently moved by my noble Friend, I must begin by joining with my noble Friend in giving expression to the sympathy so universally felt by all classes of Her Majesty's subjects for the young Prince whose illness has deprived us of Her Majesty's most gracious presence to-day. Although the latest accounts are somewhat more favourable, the case is one which more than usually illustrates the vanity of human hopes, and even the common wish of restoration of health is sadly inapplicable. My Lords, in common with all classes of the community, your Lordships will have heard with pleasure the announcement from the Throne that the relations of this country with Foreign Powers continues to be satisfactory, and that—so far as can be judged—there is at present no cause for special anxiety as to the maintenance of the peace of Europe. This information is the more welcome as it would be idle to deny that the immense

  19
  and apparently ever-increasing armaments of the Continental Powers cast a deep shadow over the future of the civilized world. It is not to be supposed that armies amounting in the aggregate to six or seven millions of men are maintained at a vast sacrifice for no purpose, or for purposes of pure defence. Although our insular position exempts us in great measure from the necessity of embarking in this ruinous competition, still the proximity of so much explosive material is decidedly dangerous, and demands on our part a renewed vigilance, and an efficient Navy, capable of acting on the shortest notice. With regard to the Brussels Conference, your Lordships have probably heard with satisfaction that Her Majesty's Ministers have found themselves unable to entertain proposals having for their object the modification of the laws of war in a direction which, however it may commend itself on humanitarian grounds, appears likely in the event of war to be disadvantageous to the action of the more free and less highly drilled nations of Europe. The paragraphs in Her Majesty's Speech relating to India and the Colonies have been so ably commented upon by the noble Earl the Mover of the Address, with all the freshness of recent experience, that I feel it unnecessary for me to add anything to what he has said on those subjects. Turning to home affairs, it is gratifying to find that, notwithstanding a slight falling off, the trade of the country is on the whole flourishing, and that an abundant harvest has made us more than usually independent of foreign supplies. After last year's immense remission of taxation, it was not to be expected that much could again be done in that direction; but the Chancellor of the Exchequer will be able to give a satisfactory account of the financial position of the country. The measures which the Government will introduce are important, and are adapted to remedy admitted evils, but are not of that blazing character which the experience of recent years has led many to expect. In some quarters the notion seems to prevail that a Government has no raison d'être, unless it has a Church to disestablish or some organic revolution to propose. Such an absurdity will scarcely impose on anyone when clearly stated. Of course, in a country like ours, and in the 19th
  20
  century, when events march rapidly, changes will from time to time be necessary to meet the altered state of things; but, however inconvenient to orators and journalists a deficiency of exciting topics may be, the proverb is not far wrong which asserts the happiness of a people of whom history has little to record. In quiet times, at any rate, the first business of a Government must be to govern—to administer and improve existing laws rather than initiate daring innovations. The Bill for amending the laws relating to the transfer of land is, I believe, substantially the same as that which last year passed your Lordships' House, but failed in the House of Commons from want of time. The thorough discussion which the matter received from noble and learned Lords is a guarantee that the Bill will afford a satisfactory solution of a rather troublesome question. Among the subjects which will engage the attention of Parliament is the consolidation of the various Sanitary Acts. Those of your Lordships who have turned your attention to this question will admit the necessity of some legislation. At present there is great confusion, and the various local bodies on whom the administration largely devolves are scarcely equal to the task of interpreting intricate and sometimes almost conflicting Acts of Parliament. Of the importance of these matters there is, of course, no doubt at all; but our knowledge of the laws of health is still very scanty, and there is danger, I think, lest enthusiasts, led away by the fashion of the moment, may encourage an excessive expenditure, which may not only fail to attain its object, but excite a disgust that may prove a serious impediment in the way of future attempts at improvement. In connection with this subject we may hope that the measure to be introduced by the Government with the view of chocking the great and growing evil of the pollution of rivers will deal successfully with the various difficulties with which the question is embarrassed. The Friendly Societies Bill about to be introduced—and which will be, as I understand, a modification of that of last year—deals with a subject as difficult as it is important. The function of Government in this matter is necessarily limited, but no labour will be thrown away which may tend, however indirectly, to secure

  21
  from fraud or mismanagement the savings of our poorer fellow-countrymen. The increase of crimes of violence, especially in the North of England, has lately excited much public comment, and Parliament will doubtless be ready to assist Her Majesty's Government in passing any measure that may be found necessary to repress an outbreak of savagery which is a disgrace to our age and country. Your Lordships will hail with satisfaction the announcement that the Government see their way to an improvement in the laws relating to agricultural tenancies, by which the interests of all parties may be promoted. The co-operation of Parliament in a matter of such great importance may be safely relied upon by the Government. The last subject to which I will venture shortly to allude is not mentioned in the Queen's Speech, but which has excited some public interest of a non-political character—I mean the recent transit of the planet Venus. This phenomenon is of great astronomical importance, since it affords the most accurate method of ascertaining the sun's distance as well as the scale of the solar system generally; and it occurs so seldom, that the loss of one opportunity might delay the settlement of the question for more than one generation. So far as is at present known, the labours of the astronomers—in which this country has taken a large, though by no means too large a part—have been fairly successful. I cannot pass from the subject of astronomy without expressing a hope that other sciences of equal philosophical interest and even greater practical importance will receive more Government recognition than has hitherto been accorded them. It is something of an anomaly that England, whoso great prosperity is largely due to scientific invention, should be slow to encourage those whoso discoveries are laying the foundations of future progress. It is said, I know, that these things may be safely loft to individual enterprize; but there are fields of investigation in which individuals are powerless. My Lords, the proposed despatch of an expedition to explore the Arctic regions may, I hope, be taken as an indication that these matters will not be neglected by Her Majesty's Government; and the favour with which the announcement was received proved, I think, that the people of this country
  22
  are not so entirely absorbed in shop-keeping as some would have us suppose. I can imagine no better substitute for actual war in training both officers and men than the experience in evading and overcoming difficulties which such a contest with Nature is sure to afford. In conclusion, I must thank your Lord-ships for the kindness with which I have been received, and beg your indulgence for any indiscretion into which I may have been led by enthusiasm or inexperience. The noble Lord concluded by seconding the Address. [See page 17.]
  EARL GRANVILLE: My Lords, it has been the custom in this House for many years to avoid, if possible, any difference of opinion in presenting an Address to Her Majesty in answer to the Speech from the Throne. This House has always been anxious to show its loyalty to the Crown, and devotion to the person of the Sovereign; and if ever there was a moment when we should be more anxious to observe this custom of agreeing to the Address it is now, when Her Majesty's anxiety about Her son is the sole reason which has prevented Her Majesty from opening this Assembly. On former occasions there has been great difficulty ill obtaining this unanimity in regard to the Address. There have been great questions—there have been great wars with foreign countries, international differences of various kinds, calamities and difficulties at homo or in our dependencies—still more, there have been great questions of political changes, exciting the enthusiasm of some and much alarm in the minds of others, and when it required very considerable care on the part of the framers of the Speech from the Throne and great moderation on the part of the Opposition to come to the desired conclusion. Happily, on this occasion, there are no such difficulties. There are, no doubt, questions which may be anxiously observed on the distant horizon; and although at homo matters may require improvement and the attention of Parliament, yet, on the whole, there is nothing at the present moment which would render it difficult for a Prime Minister to write a Speech such as would meet with the general concurrence of Parliament. I trust that I shall have no difficulty on my own part in speaking with that moderation which I know will on this occasion be acceptable to your Lordships. I have listened with

  23
  great attention to the speeches of the noble Lords who have moved and seconded the Address. I well knew the father of the noble Earl (the Earl of Donoughmore). he was one of the best men of business, one of the keenest debaters, and, I must add, one of the most troublesome of good-humoured opponents I over met with. I cannot pay a greater compliment to the noble Earl than to say that the son has proved himself worthy of the father. With regard to the noble Lord who followed him (Lord Rayleigh), it is satisfactory when we see men who have attained the very highest distinction in their respective Universities, come down and show that they moan to take their share in the Public Business of the country:—and I for one shall not object if the noble Lord infuses a little more of the scientific element into our debates. I remember some 15 years ago an old College friend moving the Address in this House on the part a of Conservative Government. I had to follow him, and I troubled the House so far as to repeat my recollection of what happened to myself when I had the honour of moving the Address to Her Majesty in the House of Commons. I went to the Prime Minister—who referred me to other Departments. They were all most kind, but the Foreign Office sent me to the Home Office, and the Home Office to the Colonial Office. Recollecting what had happened to myself, I then ventured to suggest how my noble Friend had been inspired in his laudable search after information. As I was going out of the House, my noble Friend took my arm, and remarked that I was perfectly right in every particular, "But," he said, "how on earth did you know it?" I am not going to risk my reputation as a diviner on the present occasion; but although many points have been properly suggested, yet there are other points on which great reticence has evidently been observed. All I can say is, that it is all the more creditable to those noble Lords to have done so well, and full allowances must be made for their difficulties on that score. With regard to the Speech itself, I entirely share in the feeling expressed by the Mover and Seconder, as to our satisfactory relations with Foreign Powers. With respect to the Conference at Brussels, I am glad that Papers are to be presented. My opinion is, that these
  24
  Papers will show that the course taken by the Government has been a prudent and a right one. I am not quite sure that the reasons given here are perfectly conclusive on this point; but I have very little doubt that the Government, have taken the right course in not going again into the Conference. With regard to the next paragraph, relating to Spain, objections may be made of a somewhat material character. After the abdication of King Amadeo, the late Government had to consider very frequently the question of recognizing the Government which succeeded we acted on the principle that although the Government of other countries thought it right to recognize the new Government of Spain, yet the chief principle which should guide us was, that we should recognize it, when it had got some legal sanction from the people, or at all events, when it was pretty clear that it was acceptable or accepted by the country at large. Her Majesty's Government have followed exactly the same course. I believe that they, like ourselves, were not in the least degree favourable, but hostile, to the establishment of a Republic in this country; yet that they were not actuated by the least hostility to the Republican form of Government in Spain, if such were to be the wish of the people. In the Speech at the end of last Session, allusion was made to Spain, and reasons were given which explained why there had been no recognition of the Government of Spain up to that time. I do not blame the noble Earl (the Earl of Derby) for not having separated himself from the great majority of Foreign Governments—I have no complaint to make against the noble Earl on that point: but with regard to this paragraph, it amounts to an invitation to Parliament to discuss that which ought to be done by the Sovereign on the responsibility of her Ministers. This is altogether contrary to precedent, and I therefore think it undesirable that this paragraph should be so framed as to omit entirely any definite statement of the intentions of the Government, and to allude in these terms to what they are about to do in regard to the recognition of the Government of Spain. In the concluding sentence of the paragraph relating to Spain there is a word to which I am constrained to take exception; I think I should not have inserted the

  25
  word "unfortunate," as applied to that country. It may be intended to express a very genuine sympathy; but at the same time, it is a word which is liable to be interpreted in a sense which to some is not altogether agreeable. With reference to the East African Slave Trade, I cannot but rejoice at the prospect hold out to us by the paragraph relating to that subject; but while expressing my approval of that paragraph, I am bound also to express my satisfaction that the Government is not inclined to go beyond the limits indicated in the speech of the noble Earl who moved the Address. The information given by the Speech relating to the settlement of the differences between China and Japan is satisfactory, for no greater evil in that part of the world can be imagined than a war between those two countries. It is admitted that this happy result is largely duo to the exertions of our able Minister in China; but the sentence in which the acknowledgment is made appears to be misplaced, for surely it is unusual to mention a Minister personally—although I do not at all deny that great credit is due to a Minister on whom the burden of a negotiation entirely rests. I hope I shall not be misunderstood if I say it is impossible for me to touch upon any point of Colonial policy in the absence of the noble Earl at the head of the Colonial Office. I entirely agree with the noble Earl (the Earl of Donoughmore) that there is not a man in this House who does not sympathize with Lord Carnarvon in the sudden and overwhelming blow that has fallen upon him. It is impossible in his absence to do justice to the grave questions involved in the paragraphs relating to Colonial matters, and I can only express a sincere hope that he will be able to bear up under his heavy trial, and to return to the House in a condition to bear his part in our discussion of them. With reference to the Finances of the country, the Chancellor of the Exchequer was thought to have been somewhat rash in anticipations which he defended by plausible arguments; and, therefore, it is exceedingly satisfactory to hoar that his estimate will not be found too sanguine, and that there is ample provision for the requirements of the year. With reference to the proposed relaxation of exceptional laws in Ireland, I will not at this moment express an opinion whether
  26
  the Government are right or wrong; but it is satisfactory to know that the Government are convinced that the state of Ireland is very different from what it was described to be a short time ago, that that which was spoken of as "veiled rebellion" seems to have disappeared, and that the time has come when a prudent Government may make some relaxations. It is also satisfactory to know that the Government has evinced a willingness to make whatever relaxations are possible. I have omitted to notice the handsome acknowledgment which is made in Her Majesty's Speech of the services of the Indian Government in grappling with the Famine in that country—one of the most formidable calamities which can befall any country—and we understand Her Majesty has been advised to confer a distinction on Lord Northbrook as a mark of the high admiration evoked by his energy in dealing with the emergency. The noble Marquess the Secretary of State for India has also rendered justice to Lord Northbrook in a speech he has made elsewhere; but I must remark it has also been stated that the whole credit belongs to the noble Marquess the Secretary of State. On both sides of the House it is admitted that Lord Northbrook displayed ability, sagacity, and industry, and that he resisted clamour, which made it all the more difficult for him to carry out his policy, But I am sure the noble Marquess will agree that the merit of selecting Lord Northbrook is due to the Duke of Argyll; that the instructions under which he acted were drawn up by the Duke of Argyll, and that the claim of the noble Marquess to credit is based on the fact that he made himself perfect master of the facts of the case, and, in spite of inducements to reverse the policy already adopted, he firmly supported it, and in the most public way gave his support to Lord Northbrook. I do not believe the noble Marquess intended to be unjust to the noble Duke; but it seems as if it was desired to make up for the little praise the noble Marquess received at the end of last Session by exaggerated credit in the Recess. Now—
  "For transient sorrows, simple wiles,
  Praise, blame, love, kisses, tears, and smiles,"
  are charming ingredients in those who have to deal with young children; but I am not quite sure that they are appropriate

  27
  manifestations to be indulged in publicly as between the Prime Minister and his Colleagues. The noble Marquess has, on a recent occasion, shown his great desire to render justice to his predecessor. Coming to the long list of measures to be proposed by the Government, I read it with great satisfaction; because there have been rumours, such as are usually current before the meeting of Parliament, that some of the measures already matured in Parliament were not to be reintroduced in substantial conformity with the Bills already discussed. I am glad therefore to find that several measures which were postponed at the end of last Session will be again introduced—especially those for simplifying the Transfer of Land and completing the reconstruction of our Judicial System. I am glad also to find that other measures connected with the Administration of the Law will be introduced. The value of many of the measures announced will depend upon the principles adopted in them and the manner in which they are carried out. There was another measure which last year Her Majesty's Government pledged themselves to introduce this Session, of which no mention is made in the Speech from the Throne. We are to be invited to consider a measure for improving the law as to Agricultural Tenancies; and that is a subject which can, perhaps, be treated better by a Conservative than by a Liberal Government, because a Conservative Government possesses the confidence of the landlords, and in a great degree that of the farmers, and may therefore be better able to deal with the subject in a manner satisfactory to both. My Lords, having touched thus briefly on those topics contained in Her Majesty's Speech, there are certain omissions in it to which I must for a moment advert. The first omission is with regard to the Navy. A friend of mine suggested to me this afternoon that the reason of this omission was of a very substantial character, and until contradicted, I cannot but believe that the knowledge of the state of that great service, both with regard to its admirable condition and also the great superiority of the improvements introduced, and the cheapness and excellence of all the stores, have brought the Government to feel that the First Lord last year had been led away in debate to make the
  28
  assertions he did with regard to the state of the Navy. There is another omission still more important; there is no mention in the Speech of that great subject which has agitated Parliament—particularly in "another place"—so much—I mean the question of local government and local taxation. I am not going to trouble your Lordships with the list of divisions that have been taken, or the various assurances that have been given by different Members of the Government on the subject. But I think I may refer to a very distinguished deputation, with a noble Lord opposite at the head of it, which waited on the Primo Minister after he had accepted office. They stated their case, and in his answer the Prime Minister reminded them that this was a subject which he had brought before Parliament five-and-twenty years ago—a subject which he had constantly kept alive, and now that he had a real majority at his back his acts would be based upon his words. But this great subject has no place in the Royal Speech. Now, the omission of this subject must, I think, mean one of three things. Either it means that the Government are perfectly satisfied with having handed over the sum of money to the taxpayers last Session which the late Government were willing to give—or that they meant to take no action in the matter whatever—or the third alternative was, that they would hand over money from the Consolidated Fund to the taxpayers without any proper improved machinery for local government, the want of which would be a great difficulty in dealing with the subject. I think the House and the country have a right to know more clearly and definitively what are the intentions of the Government. I have now only a very few words, my Lords, to add. I have been told within the last few days that it was expected that the Liberal Party would at this moment lay down a "programme." I do not acknowledge this claim on the Liberal Party. First of all, I do not like the term "programme"—it is more of a sensational and theatrical than a practical character, and has little reference to the sober transactions of Public Business. But I object to more than the name—I do not admit the right of anyone to make such a claim upon the Opposition. When one Party is displaced, and another likely to come into

  29
  power, the country and Parliament have a right to know, in a general way at least, what are the principles and policy by which the incoming Party is likely to be guided; but I deny that this is necessary on the part of an Opposition in the present circumstances of the Liberal Party. I doubt whether the Conservative Party during the last Parliament could be accused of any marked policy, and I cannot conceive that any Party could be more triumphant than they were at the last Election. Nobody can imagine that the Liberal Party, during so many Administrations in the last 40 years, had no policy; and no one can want to know what are the principles by which the Liberal Party—now a power-loss Party—are guided. What I believe the country now wants is, that we should know very clearly what is the policy of the Government—the first Conservative Government, with the exception of Lord Aberdeen's, which really commands a majority in both Houses of Parliament. What we see in the Queen's Speech is not very encouraging. The Queen's Speech at the commencement of last Session indicated various measures which it was desirable to pass into law; but the Speech at the conclusion of the Session only mentioned one of those—that with regard to the licensed victuallers—which was announced in the Speech as having been ultimately passed. What I wish to state is the course which will be taken by this side of your Lordships' House. It will not be factious. I think nobody will deny that we have no expectation of turning out the Government. I may add we have no wish to do so. I believe it is good for both Parties in turn to bear the responsibilities of office, and I also believe it is good to those in the Government that the opposition should be effectively given. We have no intention whatever of making any attack on the Government—we do not wish to do anything to embarrass them. We do not wish to press forward any measures to place them in any difficulty; but while I say this, I say also that we will keep an observant eye on the conduct and policy of the Government. I believe that is the right course for the Opposition to take, and if the Government be well conducted, that course in the end will be the more useful and honourable to them than any active opposition. If the Government bring in truly liberal
  30
  measures, dealing with the questions they raise in a manner nothing different from the policy adopted by the late Government for several years, I do believe the Session will terminate happily, and we may hope that, in the concluding words of Her Majesty's Gracious Speech, our deliberations may, under the Divine blessing, result in the happiness and contentment of the people.
  LORD REDESDALEsaid, that with reference to one of the measures announced in Her Majesty's Speech—that for completing the reconstruction of the Judicature—a very considerable change of opinion had arisen since last Session, At the present moment a great many members of the Legal Profession were taking an active course for the retention of the jurisdiction of their Lordships' House as a Court of Ultimate Appeal. He said, then, they should be extremely cautious as to what they did, for the public as well as for themselves, in this matter; and they ought to know what was the feeling of the Profession before finally determining what should be done. Last Session they had the advantage of having the opinion of the Profession in Scotland and Ireland; in both countries it was distinctly stated that the Profession was in favour of the retention of their Lordships' House as the Ultimate Court of Appeal. The Profession in England had not yet expressed a decided opinion on the subject, but he believed it would be found they were in favour of the retention of an ultimate jurisdiction by that House. Their Lordships ought also to know what the opinion of the Judges of the country was, and that also, he believed, would be found to be unfavourable to the proposed change. It was the duty of Her Majesty's Government under these circumstances to enable the House to know what was thought both by the Profession and the Judges on this important matter, and to do so before a Bill should be laid upon the Table.
  THE DUKE OF RICHMOND: My Lords, before I touch on the particular topics alluded to by my noble Friend opposite (Earl Granville), I would venture to add my tribute of regret at the very unfortunate and much lamented cause of the absence of Her Majesty on this occasion. I should not do justice to my own feelings, and, I am sure, to the unanimous sentiments of this House,

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  of loyal attachment to the Throne, if I did not say how much we deplore the cause of Her Majesty's absence. I also join with my noble Friend opposite in his graceful expressions of approval of the manner in which my noble Friends behind me have acquitted themselves this evening; they have discharged with much ability what to my mind is one of the most difficult duties that a statesman can be called upon to discharge. Like my noble Friend opposite, I have a keen recollection of having had to undergo the same ordeal in the other House of Parliament—now, I am sorry to say, many years ago. I can endorse everything which my noble Friend has said on the subject, and whilst he was speaking my memory carried me back many years, till I fancied I was undergoing the operation which he described. It has frequently been my lot when I sat on the benches opposite to listen to the speeches of noble Lords selected by my noble Friend for the duty of moving and seconding the Address, and I have often been actuated by mixed feelings—admiration at the manner in which those noble Lords acquitted themselves, and regret that they were not connected with the Party to which I had the honour to belong. At present my feelings are of unmixed satisfaction, when I think that among those who are likely to give their support to Her Majesty's Government we shall have the assistance of my two noble Friends, whose mode of dealing with their task has proved them to be second to none of those who of late years have addressed us on such an occasion. Having thus expressed my gratitude to them for the manner in which they have acquitted themselves, I will only add that I venture to hope they will on many occasions be enabled to assist in the deliberations of the House by their speeches and advice. I now turn to a less agreeable part of my task—namely, to answer some objections taken by my noble Friend opposite, to the Speech which has been graciously addressed to your Lordships by Her Majesty. My noble Friend took some exception to the paragraph which dealt with the Conference held at Brussels; but, as I think his objections were in a great measure directed rather to the language of the paragraph than to the resolution which Her Majesty's Government have come to, I
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  need not enter very minutely into details. I venture to think, however, that when my noble Friend has had the opportunity of reading the Correspondence which Her Majesty has graciously told us will be presented to this House, he will find no fault with the course which Her Majesty's Government have taken; that he will admit that the manner in which the subject has been dealt with will add fresh lustre to the character of my noble Friend who holds the Seals of the Foreign Office (the Earl of Derby), and will ac-knowledge, I am sure, with his usual candour, that no exception can be taken to the course which the Government have thought fit to adopt. With regard to the next paragraph, which deals with the Government of Spain, I am at a loss to know how my noble Friend can object to it. In the first place he objects that your Lordships have not been informed that the Government of Marshal Serrano had been recognized by Her Majesty's Government. The answer to that objection is very clear—namely, that all interest in the matter ceased when the Government of Marshal Serrano was de facto put an end to. It was a point which might have had some interest during the existence of the Serrano Government; but when that Government came to an end, it appears to me that it was not then for the Government to advise Her Majesty to make any reference to the subject in the Speech from the Throne. Then my noble Friend takes exception to the part of the Speech which draws attention to the fact that Alfonso XII. has been called to the Throne of Spain, and says that the question of recognizing that fact ought to be dealt with on the responsibility of Her Majesty's Government, and that we ought not to have advised Her Majesty to address the House on the subject. My Lords, we do not ask advice on that matter—we shall act on our own responesibility: but we thought it a matter of such grave importance, that we should not be dealing properly with the House or the country if we did not advise Her Majesty to treat it in the manner in which She has done. Then my noble Friend takes exception to calling Spain "an unfortunate country." But, if my noble Friend will look at the paragraph, he will see that it is called "a great, but unfortunate country;" and I will venture to ask whether a country which

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  has been distracted by civil war and internal dissensions in the manner in which Spain has been, may not justly be called a great, but unfortunate country? I still think that Spain is both great and unfortunate, but I hope that before long Her Majesty's Government will be able to recognize her present Government, and I am perfectly certain of this—that as soon as we can with propriety do so, it is our desire to make that formal recognition. Then my noble Friend objects in a good-humoured manner to the language of the paragraph with regard to China and Japan. I think my noble Friend is somewhat hypercritical. The Speech from the Throne says—
  "I have learnt with pleasure that the good offices of my Minister at Pekin have been largely instrumental in bringing about this good result"—
  referring to the adjustment of the late differences between those two countries. My noble Friend says it ought to be "my good offices," and not "the good offices of the Minister." But there were good reasons for the language which has been used. At the distance of this country from China it was perfectly impossible to give the Minister there minute instructions. He had general instructions, therefore, to promote peace if he could; and I shall be corrected by my noble Friend near me (the Earl of Derby), if I am wrong when I say that it was mainly due to the personal influence of the Minister there, that the happy result alluded to was brought about, and we thought it right that it should be known here that results so desirable had been attained by the personal influence of the Minister, and that is the reason why the paragraph has been expressed as it is. My noble Friend spoke somewhat lightly of the various measures to be introduced in the course of the Session, and rallied us on their paucity. But Her Majesty's Government think the Bills they propose to introduce will be quite as many as could possibly go through this and the other House of Parliament. I can, however, add one which is not among those mentioned in the Royal Speech. I refer to a measure of the last importance to a country so commercial and manufacturing as this. On this subject—namely, the amendment of the Patent Laws—I think, if necessary, I should be able to
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  show that Her Majesty's Government are endeavouring to legislate in a manner perhaps not sensational, but quite as useful. I do not think I need go into the questions with regard to the transfer of Land and the reconstruction of our Courts of Judicature. Last year Her Majesty's Government showed that they did desire to see the measures on this subject passed through this House. It is my earnest desire that they should pass through this House again, and no effort will be wanting on our part to that end. The objections which have been urged by my noble Friend should have been raised, I think, upon a former occasion. However, I will not be seduced into a debate upon this subject. When the time comes my noble and learned Friend the Lord Chancellor will, I have no doubt, be equal to the occasion, and will be able to explain and defend the measures with the same force and success which induced your Lordships to give them a third reading last year. My noble Friend alluded to one measure which he did not name. As it was an anonymous measure, I may, perhaps, fairly pass it over. I did not understand what the measure was which he said we last year gave a pledge to introduce.
  EARL GRANVILLE: It related to Endowed Schools.
  THE DUKE OF RICHMOND: I do not say now that such a measure will not be introduced, but as it is not mentioned in the Speech, I do not think I am called upon to go into the subject—though I do not say it will not be my duty to bring forward such a measure. Next, my noble Friend spoke of the proposed Bill relating to Agricultural Tenancies, and said he trusted it would be one which would satisfy all the parties concerned. I can only say that if so it will be one of the most singular measures ever laid before Parliament. I hope, however, that at no distant date, a Bill on this subject will be submitted to your Lordships, and until that time arrives, I forbear to enter into anything like details respecting it. I do not know that there are any other topics which I am called upon to notice. I am glad to find that my noble Friend does not think it necessary to move any Amendment upon the Address. I am quite aware that such a course is by no means inconsistent with full, fair, and possibly severe criticism upon all the measures which

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  Her Majesty's Government may here-after introduce. The course pursued by my noble Friend in not opposing the Address by no means precludes him from opposing either in principle or in detail any or all of these measures, if he thinks fit to do so upon becoming acquainted with their provisions. But I quite concur with him in thinking that it is better on an occasion of this sort, when it is possible to do so, to approach the Crown in a unanimous spirit, and that there should be no division of opinion upon the Address which has been moved by my noble Friend behind me. I also gratefully acknowledge the statement that my noble Friend will offer no factious opposition to the measures which Her Majesty's Government may introduce. He is possibly right in his remark that pledges given are not always observed; and I am also aware that the word "factious" is differently understood from different points of view. For example, my noble Friend might oppose some measures, and I should, perhaps, call his opposition factious, while he would say he was bound to offer such opposition from an earnest conviction that the passing of such measures would be injurious to the country. But I accept with pleasure his assurance that he will not be "factious" in his opposition, and I trust that the unanimity which has prevailed this evening is an earnest that we shall approach these measures during the Session with the calm deliberation which has always characterized, and, I hope, will always characterize your Lordships' House.
  Address agreed to, nemine dissentiete, and ordered to be presented to Her Majesty by the Lords with White Staves.

SUPREME COURT OF JUDICATURE ACT (1873) AMENDMENT BILL.
  LAND TITLES AND TRANSFER BILL.

    OBSERVATIONS.
    THE LORD CHANCELLOR: It may be convenient to some of your Lordships to know that I propose on Tuesday next to lay again upon the Table the Bill to amend the Judicature Act of 1873, and the Bill with regard to the Transfer of Land, setting forth in detail any alterations which may be proposed in these Bills. On Thursday next I shall call attention to a consideration of
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    the question of Letters Patent for Inventions, and will lay upon the Table a Bill to consolidate and amend the law upon that subject.

CHAIRMAN OF COMMITTEES.
The LORD REDESDALEappointed, nemine dissentiente, to take the chair in all Committees of this House for this Session.
COMMITTEE FOR PRIVILEGES—Appointed.
SUB-COMMITTEE FOR THE JOURNALS—Appointed.
APPEAL COMMITTEE—Appointed.

CHAIRMAN OF COMMITTEES.

  JUSTICES OF THE PEACE QUALIFICATION BILL [H.L.]
  A Bill to amend the qualification required by persons acting' as Justices of the Peace—Was presented by The Earl of ALBEMARLE; road 1a. (No. 5).
  House adjourned at a quarter past Seven o'clock, to Monday next, Eleven o'clock.