Sitting of 19 March 1874

Preamble
The House met at Two of the clock.
Message to attend the Lords Commissioners;
The House went; and being returned; Several Members took and subscribed the Oath; and one Member, being of the People called Quakers, made and subscribed the Affirmation required by Law.

NEW MEMBERS SWORN.
Right non. Gathorne Hardy, for Oxford University; Right Hon. Sir Stafford Henry Northcote, for Devon (Northern Division); Right Hon. Richard Assheton Cross, for Lancaster (South Western Division); Right Hon. George Ward Hunt, for Northampton (Northern Division); Right Hon. Viscount Sandon, for Liverpool; Right Hon. Stephen Cave, for New Shoreham; Right Hon. George Sclater-Booth, for Southampton (Northern Division); Right Hon. Sir Michael Edward Hicks Beach, for Gloucester (Eastern Division); Donald Cameron, esquire, of Lochiel, for Inverness-shire; Sir James Dalrymple Horn Elphinstone, for Portsmouth; Sir John Burgess Karslake, for Huntingdon; Sir Richard Baggallay, for Surrey (Middle Division); Rowland Winn, esquire, for Lincoln (Northern Division); Right Hon. John Thomas Ball, for Dublin University; Sir Massey Lopes, baronet, for Devon (Southern Division); Earl Percy, for Northumberland (Northern Division); Viscount Barrington, for Eye; Lord Henry Somerset, for Monmouthshire; Right Hon. Edward Strathearn Gordon, for Glasgow University; Alexander William Hall, esquire, for Oxford City; Right Hon. Benjamin Disraeli, for Bucks.
PRIVILEGE.

  COMMITTAL OF A MEMBER BY THE COURT OF QUEEN'S BENCH FOR CONTEMPT.
  MR. SPEAKERacquainted the House, that he had received a Letter from the Lord Chief Justice of England, which Mr. SPEAKER read to the House, as followeth:—
  March 19, 1874
  Sir,—I take the liberty of troubling you with reference to the facts which I am about to bring under your notice. I am not at all sure that I am not troubling you unnecessarily. Should this be so, I trust that my motive will be deemed a sufficient excuse.
  On the 23rd of January last, Mr. George Hammond Whalley, then a Member of the late House of Commons, was adjudged by the Court of Queen's Bench, then sitting on the trial at Bar in the case of the Queen versus Castro, to have been guilty of a Contempt of that Court, in having published certain observations on evidence given on that trial, while it was still pending, and for such his Contempt was sentenced to pay a fine to the Queen of £250.
  Having in open Court declared his determination not to pay such fine, Mr. Whalley was further ordered to be imprisoned till such fine should be paid.
  In conformity with previous precedents, I should have felt myself called upon, as presiding on the occasion in question, to notify to the Mouse of Commons, in the name of the Court, the fact of one of its Members having been thus imprisoned, as soon as the House, which was at that time prorogued, should have been again sitting. But on Monday, the 26th of January, Parliament was dissolved by Her Majesty's Royal Proclamation, and in the meantime, Mr. Whalley, having paid the fine imposed on him, was in due course of law discharged.
  The case does not therefore fall within the existing precedents, in each of which the report was made to the House of which the Member imprisoned for Contempt was an actual Member.
  If I rightly apprehend the principle on which I Lord Chancellor Brougham, in the case of Mr. Wellesley, and Lord Chancellor Cottenham, in the case of Mr. Charlton, proceeded in reporting to the House of Commons the imprisonment of one of its Members—and I say so after having consulted very high authorities—it was not that there was any doubt of the power of a Court of Justice to commit a Member of the House of Commons for Contempt, but because it was thought right, out of that deference and respect which every Court of Justice would desire to manifest towards the House of Commons, to inform the House of the arrest of one of its Members, and of the reason why the Member so circumstanced was prevented from appearing in his place and discharging his duties as a Member of the House.
  This reason would not appear to apply to a case in which the House of Commons, of which the Member was a component part at the time of his arrest, had ceased to exist before any report could be made—unless, indeed, the party imprisoned having been again elected a Member of a now House of Commons, the imprisonment should be continued, and the Member should be thus prevented from taking his seat—which, however, is not the case in the present instance.
  I am therefore disposed to think that I am unnecessarily troubling you in reporting the imprisonment of Mr. Whalley when a Member of the late House of Commons, ft has, however, come to my knowledge that a different view of the matter is taken by several present and former Members of the House of Commons, for
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  whose opinions I entertain the highest respect; and as it would be matter of the deepest concern to me that the Court of Queen's Bench should by any possibility be deemed to have been wanting in respect to the House of Commons, I prefer to run the risk of appearing to do that which may be unnecessary, to the possibility of appearing to be wanting in deference to the House.
  I beg, therefore, under the circumstances, to submit the matter to your judgment; and if you should be of opinion that the fact of Mr. Whalley's commitment for Contempt by the Court of Queen's Bench, when a Member of the late House of Commons, should be notified to the present House, I beg leave, through you, to communicate the fact with the expression of my profoundest respect for the House. I have the honour to remain, Sir, your very obedient humble Servant,
  A. E. COCKBURN.
  The Rt. Hon. the Speaker of the House of Commons, &c., &c., &c.

  CONTROVERTED ELECTIONS—BOROUGH OF TAUNTON.
  MR. SPEAKER MR. SPEAKER informed the House, that he had received from Mr. Justice Grove, one of the Judges selected for the trial of Election Petitions, pursuant to the Parliamentary elections Act, 1868, a Certificate and Report relating to the Election for the Borough of Taunton.
  Mr. Speaker Mr. Speaker also informed the House, that the said Certificate having been given and the Report made before the Dissolution of the late Parliament, were not received by him until after such Dissolution, but that he thought it right that the same should be laid before the House.
  And the same was read, to the effect that Henry James, being the Member whose Election and Return were complained of in the said Petition, was duly elected and returned.
  That no corrupt practice was proved to have been committed by or with the knowledge or consent of any Candidate at such Election.
  That there is no reason to believe that corrupt practices have extensively prevailed at the Election for the Borough of Taunton, to which the said Petition relates.

  DUNDALK AND LOUTH COUNTY ELECTIONS.
  MR. SPEAKER MR. SPEAKER acquainted the House, that he had received a Letter from Philip Callan, esquire, returned as a Member for the Borough of Dundalk, and also for the County of Louth, making his election to serve for the Borough of Dundalk.
  And the said Letter was read, as followeth:—Cookstown House, Ardee, Ireland,
  March 17, 1874.
  Sir,—Having been elected to serve in Parliament for the Borough of Dundalk and for the County of Louth, I beg leave to inform you that it is my intention to sit for the Borough of Dundalk. I have the honour to remain, Sir, your obedient Servant,
  PHILIP CALLAN.
  To the Right Hon. the Speaker of the House of Commons.

  FALKIRK DISTRICT OF BURGHS.
  MR. SPEAKERacquainted the House that he had received a Letter from John Ramsay,

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  esquire, the Member returned for the Falkirk District of Burghs, which Letter Mr. Speaker read to the House as followeth:—
  140, Path Street, Glasgow,
  >17th March, 1874.
  Sir,—I take leave respectfully to explain that at the late General Election I had the honour of being returned to serve in Parliament as Member for the Falkirk District of Burghs.
  I have recently, hew ever, been made aware of a disqualification which appears to have attached to me at the date of my Election from my having then hold four sixty-fourth shares in a steam vessel, the owners of which were under an agreement with the Postmaster General for the conveyance of Her Majesty's Hails to and from the Island of May, in consideration of an annual allowance of £150.
  The proportion of that allowance which accrued to me was only £9 7s. 6d, and although I have been formally released from that agreement, and have censed to have any share or interest in that vessel, still I am advised that under the provisions of the Act 22nd George III. cap. 45, I was, at the date of my Election, disqualified, that the Election is void, and that I on thus precluded from taking the oaths and my seat.
  In these circumstances I have lost no time in bringing the matter under your consideration, and I have respectfully to request that yon will be pleased to submit this communication to the House of Commons at your early convenience. I have the honour to be, Sir, your most obedient Servant,
  JOHN RAMSAY.
  The Right Honourable the Speaker of the House of Commons, London.

  NEW WRITS.
  For the Falkirk District of Burghs, v. John Ramsay, esquire, who, having hold a Contract entered into for the Public Service at the time of his Election for the said Burghs, was incapable of being elected for the same; for Lancaster (Northern Division), v. Right Hon. Colonel Wilson Patten, called up to the House of Peers.
  OUTLA WRIES BILL.
  Bill "for the more effectual preventing Clandestine Outlawries," read the first time; to be read a second time.
  THE QUEEN'S SPEECH.
  MR. SPEAKER reported Her Majesty's Speech, made by Her Chancellor, and read it to the House.

  ADDRESS IN ANSWER TO HER MAJESTY'S MOST GRACIOUS SPEECH.
  SIR WILLIAM STIRLING MAXWELL, in rising to move that an humble Address be presented to Her Majesty in answer to Her gracious Speech, said: I am not sure that I have
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  any precise right to claim the consideration of the House in performing this duty; but I, nevertheless, stand greatly in need of its kindness and indulgence.
  The House will be glad to hear from Her Majesty that Her relations with Foreign Powers are so cordial and friendly. I am sure that the use of influence arising from these cordial relations to the maintenance of peace in Europe and the faithful observance of international obligations will be a use conformable not only to the dignity of Her Majesty's Government, but also to the interest and desire of these whom we represent in this House. Nothing can be of advantage to any great nation in Europe, or the world, which will not be found advantageous also to this country, connected, as it is, with each of these nations by tics, which every year renders stronger and more numerous.
  Sir, the late House of Commons signified its cordial approval of the then projected marriage of His Royal Highness the Duke of Edinburgh, and I am sure that the present House of Commons hears with equal joy of the completion of the marriage, and welcomes the arrival in this country of His Royal Highness and his Imperial bride. I am not saying too much, I hope, when I say that any event which promotes the domestic happiness of Her Majesty also spreads satisfaction through every household in the United Kingdom. A Royal marriage between two great Houses like these of England and Russia does not, perhaps, exercise that amount of political influence with respect to international relations which in other times it was supposed to possess and exert. But there can be no doubt that an auspicious marriage like this docs exert a social influence greater than any which ever belonged to such marriage in other days. The marriage for which London was last week illuminated will unquestionably bring more Russians to visit the Tower of London, and will send more Englishmen to visit the Kremlin of Moscow, than were formerly attracted hither or thither by that dim and distant alliance commemorated in the ode of the Poet Laureate. No event which makes England better acquainted with Russia—a nation which we and our forefathers have known, for so many generations as a cordial and valuable ally, and which we have learned during one brief period to respect as a gallant foe—can fail to

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  be productive of advantage to both countries.
  Sir, the House will bear with pleasure of the close of the war with the King of Ashantee, and will also cordially ccho the hope expressed in the Royal Speech, that the negotiations for peace will result in a better state of affairs than has hitherto prevailed upon the West Coast of Africa. The Speech docs no more than justice to the discipline, endurance, and courage, under trying circumstances, of Her Majesty's forces of both services, and of all ranks, in all the duties in which they were engaged. Indeed, Sir, I might almost venture to say that these men and their leaders have more than maintained the traditionary reputation of the British arms. There are military historians who have recorded their opinion that British soldiers can stand and fight as few can, but that they cannot march; and we know that a great commander has told us that his victories were won no less by the legs of his soldiers than by their arms. I think that the advance on Coomassie has tested in a sufficiently severe manner the marching powers of the troops engaged. Of the gallant leader of the expedition—Sir Garnet Wolseley—I may say that his energy, foresight, and military skill point him out as one of a band who will fill the places of the great leaders who are gone, and of these who are passing away. It is not necessary for me to dilate on the services of one who may probably be honoured on a future occasion by receiving the thanks of this House. But I think I ought to mention the name of Captain Glover, whose services have been hardly less remarkable than these of Sir Garnet Wolseley himself. He and his three English companions seemed to have discovered the secret of infusing something of the spirit of our northern races into the negroes of the Tropics. As a Scotchman, I hope that I may speak with feelings of national pride of the behaviour of our favourite regiment, the gallant 42nd, upon whom so much of the brunt of the fighting fell, and rejoice that in the jungles of Africa, it maintained the honour won upon the famous battle-fields of other continents. We have, it is true, to deplore the loss of many officers and men, some of them slain in battle, and
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  more smitten by the deadly climate. Many of these were volunteers. Among one of the earlier victims was the son of a noble Lord who has long hold a prominent place in the deliberations of this House (Lord Elcho), and I believe that not only his friends but all the Members of this House will sympathize with him and with his family in their great loss. But whilst we indulge in such natural emotion, it is a comfort and a pride to think that there are such men ready to die for their country, and that when the note of preparation sounded for what seemed to be an ignoble war on the shore of Africa, it could surround our flag with such volunteers.
  The Indian Famine is a subject which we must all have watched with great pain and anxiety. The House will, therefore, cordially approve of the course which Her Majesty has taken of sending orders to the Governor General of India that no cost should be spared to mitigate that dreadful calamity. The people of the three kingdoms have shown their sympathy for their Indian fellow-subjects by holding meetings and by subscribing large sums of money for their relief. Indeed, if money alone could relieve the calamity, we might be under little apprehension on the matter. There is no want of money to buy food, or of food to be bought for money; but the difficulty seems to consist in bringing the food and the starving multitudes together, and sometimes in inducing these unfortunate people employed; and still less is it to bestir themselves for their own relief. It is impossible to extemporize means of transport, or roads upon which these means are to be employed; and still less is it possible to extemporize changes in the habits of an ancient people The moral of the calamity seems to be, that we must lose no time in extending and developing the resources of India, and by completing a network of roads and railways, render the recurrence of such a calamity impossible in the future.
  There are several passages of the Speech which deal with alterations in our system of Judicature. The Bill which was passed last Session necessitated the re-modelling of the Judicature of Ireland, and, in a less degree, certain changes in the Judicature of Scotland. In these matters I have no doubt that Her Majesty may depend upon the loyal

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  co-operation of all learned Gentlemen in this House. I am sure also that the Bill for amending the law relating to Land Eights and for facilitating the Transfer of Land will be a great been to all these who have hitherto suffered from the present defective state of these laws.
  With regard to the law of Master and Servant, the Government has announced its intention to issue a Royal Commission. It is possible that some Gentlemen in this House might have preferred that the subject should be dealt with at once by a Bill introduced into the House. But it is for the Government, which is to be responsible for such legislation, to determine whether it has or has not sufficient materials for forming a judgment. If it has not, then it has taken the legitimate and the usual course for obtaining and analyzing the necessary information. I feel sure the Commission will be composed of persons who will command the confidence of the country. The Sale of Liquors Bill will also, as the Speech informs us, be a subject for your consideration. Sir, I hope that any Bill which may be brought in will be framed, in the interest not of any particular class, but of the nation; that the liquor traffic will continue to be conducted in a proper and orderly manner; that certain grievances which have been complained of will be redressed; and especially that the defects of the licensing system may be removed.
  As a Scotch Member, it has given me great pleasure to find that a paragraph in the Speech has been devoted to Scotch subjects. From this, I infer the possibility that, in the course of the Session, some few days may be devoted to Scotch legislation. With regard to the transfer of land, we have long required remedial measures. Scotchmen may be well proud of the fact that a great desire to acquire land in that country has recently developed itself among Englishmen, and that the stream of migration which for so many generations appears to have taken a southern course has now set in the opposite direction. Her Majesty's Government will find, therefore, on both sides of the House, many Members who are not Scotchmen, who will, nevertheless, both understand and endeavour to remove the defects of the laws relating to land rights and the transfer of land in Scotland. Other
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  Scotch measures are promised in the Speech, but are not specified. Amongst these measures, I myself should wish to see one for the amendment of the Law of Entail, and another dealing with the vexed and vexing question of game.
  Sir, I think that I have now touched upon most of the more important topics of Her Majesty's Gracious Speech. Some of us, perhaps, might have desired in the Speech at the beginning of the Session some mention of other public questions in which the country is greatly interested. But we must consider the circumstances in which we are placed—circumstances which, in my humble opinion, appear to preclude the Government from touching many things with which they might have wished to deal, and with which, in due time, they probably will deal. May I be permitted to call the attention of the House to some of these circumstances? Some short time ago a great Minister, of the highest Parliamentary reputation, surrounded by Colleagues worthy of such a Chief, found himself in circumstances of considerable embarrassment, arising from the fact that he possessed a majority of only 65 in the House of Commons. Accordingly, he and his Colleagues determined—no doubt after the gravest and most mature deliberation—to dissolve the late Parliament; and they also considered it part of their duty to make that dissolution an elaborate surprise. It was obvious that the right hon. Gentleman, the late Prime Minister, by the Dissolution and by his manifesto, was determined to astonish the country. The country, not to be outdone, seemed also bent on astonishing the right hon. Gentleman. After the waste of two months of Parliamentary time power has been transferred from the hands of the right hon. Gentleman opposite to these of his rival now on the Treasury Bench. The Advisers of the Crown, instead of having the usual six or seven months in which to prepare the legislation of the coming-year, have been compelled to enter upon the administration of offices to which some of them are new, to organize the business of the Session, and to meet Parliament within the space of three weeks. The tactics of the right hon. Gentleman have taken away from Her Majesty's Government six-sevenths of the time which is usually devoted to the preparation of legislation, and one-third

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  of the time usually devoted to carrying that legislation into effect. Under these circumstances, Sir, I think that Her Majesty's Government has exercised a wise discretion in not making its programme too wide or too ambitious, and in acting upon the advice addressed to his own Colleagues and friends some few years ago by a distinguished Member of the late Cabinet, when he warned them to limit the number and bulk of the vehicles which they proposed to drive abreast through Temple Bar. If ever there was a body of Gentlemen who may be said to have had "greatness thrust upon them," it is the present occupants of the Treasury Bench. A few weeks ago they were preparing for the familiar work to which they were so much accustomed upon the left-hand side of the Speaker's Chair; but now hero they are addressing themselves to still more arduous duties on the right. Their party and friends are no doubt glad to see them whore they are. We are happy to see our political principles once more in the ascendant; but our natural feeling of gladness will not, I hope, rise into undue exultation. We must never forget the great obligations under which we he to the right hon. Gentleman opposite and his Colleagues for helping to place us whore we are. We must remember that our majority, such as it is, and considerable no doubt as it appears to us, is still below the modest minimum of 65, which was lately so contemptuously discarded. We must also remember that Parliamentary history is mainly made up of the rise and growth of majorities, and also of their decline and fall. There can be no doubt that the Liberal party will very shortly emerge from the not very profound pit which, carefully prepared for its opponents, has become the temporary resting-place of that party and its leaders. I hope that I am not taking too great a liberty when I express the satisfaction with which I have heard that the right hon. Gentleman, of whom the House of Commons is so justly proud, the Leader of that party, is not going to withdraw from his leadership. The right hon. Gentleman has been an eminent Member of many Parliaments. He has enjoyed the personal respect and esteem of both parties in all the Parliaments in which he has sat; and we might easily blot
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  from the records of his career all mention of measures, which he has passed and has aided in passing, which are still matters of party controversy, and yet leave a catalogue of public services such as few men have been able to render to the State, and such as we all must acknowledge to have been great. As to the right hon. Gentleman the First Minister of the Crown, I am sure that all his party must congratulate him upon acceding to his present position. Enjoying, as he does, the goodwill of the House, I feel sure that the whole House wishes him to enjoy health and strength to fulfil his important duties. Some of us have had the advantage of seeing his bearing under all these vicissitudes of political fortune incidental to a party leadership which has lasted longer than any other chronicled in the annals of the House of Commons. We have seen him in place and out; in majorities and in minorities; on this side of the House, and on the other; every change affording some fresh evidence of the resources of his genius. Six years ago we saw him retire from the post he now holds—after a brief and troubled Administration, defeated, decisively and signally, but neither) dismayed nor cast down—and calmly and cheerfully resume the labouring oar of what to many men might have seemed a hopeless and thankless Opposition. Sir, he has to-night received the reward of his constancy, his patience, and his courage. As his triumph and that of his Colleagues have been great; and great also and notable, I am sure, will be the practised skill and noble moderation with which that triumph will be used for the benefit and service of their country. In conclusion, I have only to thank the House for the kindness with which it has listened to my remarks. The hon. Baronet concluded by moving—
  "That an humble Address be presented to Her Majesty, to thank Her Majesty for the Most Gracious Speech delivered by Tier Command to both Houses of Parliament:
  "Humbly to thank Her Majesty for informing us that Her relations with all Foreign Powers continue to be most friendly, and that Her Majesty's influence arising from these cordial relations will be exercised for the maintenance of European peace and the faithful observance of international obligations:

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  "To assure Her Majesty that we rejoice to learn that the Marriage of His Royal Highness the Duke of Edinburgh with the Grand Duchess Marie Alexandrowna of Russia is a source of happiness to Her Majesty, and to unite with Her Majesty in welcoming it as a pledge of friendship between the two Empires:
  "Humbly to thank Her Majesty for informing us that the War with the King of Ashantee has terminated in the capture and destruction of his capital, and in negotiations which, we trust, may lead to a more satisfactory condition of affairs than has hitherto prevailed on the West Const of Africa:
  "Humbly to assure Her Majesty that we rejoice to learn that the courage, discipline, and endurance displayed by Her Majesty's Forces together with the skill and energy evinced in the conduct of the expedition, have maintained the traditionary reputation of the British Arms:
  "Humbly to assure Her Majesty that we join in Her Majesty's regret that the drought of last summer has produced scarcity amounting to actual famine in some parts of Her Majesty's Indian Empire, and that we learn with satisfaction that Her Majesty has directed the Governor General of India to spare no cost in striving to mitigate this terrible calamity:
  "Humbly to thank Her Majesty for informing us that the Estimates for the services of the approaching financial year will be forthwith submitted to us:
  "Humbly to thank Her Majesty for informing us that Her Majesty has issued a Royal Commission to inquire into the state and working of the recent Act of Parliament affecting the relationship of Master and Servant, of the Act of 1871, which deals with offences connected with Trade, and of the Law of Conspiracy as connected with these offences, with a view to the early amendment of the present law on these subjects, if it should be found necessary:
  "Humbly to assure Her Majesty 'that we will give our earnest consideration to the measures of public usefulness which may be presented to us, and that we fervently join in Her Majesty's prayer that the Almighty may guide our deliberations for the welfare of Her Realm."
  MR. CALLENDER.said, he must claim for himself that consideration which the House always extended to these who had the honour of addressing it for the first time. He did so, not as a mere matter of form, more particularly as he felt that no small responsibility
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  had been placed upon him in being selected to follow one who was no stranger to Parliamentary procedure, and whose re-appearance in the House had been so cordially and heartily and deservedly welcomed. The announcement that they were at peace with all the world, and were likely to continue so, was at all times a source of satisfaction, especially so as during the last year no treaty had been infringed, no arbitration had been given against us, and no other indemnity had to be provided out of the taxes of the year. The House would, no doubt, cordially approve a line of foreign policy which was based upon the fulfilment of international obligations, the observance of which was the best guarantee for lasting peace—obligations which we were bound to observe by honour, treaty, and duty, and the ignoring or neglecting of which would lead to national misfortune and disgrace. The union of Royal personages was no longer a matter of mere State-craft. The anticipations of great commercial advantages arising from them, such as at one time influenced public opinion, had long since been found to be illusory, as they often proved rather the cause of discord and enmity than of unity and strength. But the marriage of a son of England had far more important grounds of universal interest. That divinity which hedged in the Tudor monarchs, which kept them aloof from their subjects, and which had not been unknown in later days, had happily found no place in the mind or actions of that gracious Lady who holds sway over the affections, even more than over the persons of her subjects. On all occasions Her Majesty had shown her interest in everything which affected the public welfare, and the hour which brought a new daughter to add to the joy and happiness of the Royal Household, the union which cemented two great Families, was a fitting occasion for the House to offer to the Sovereign an expression of their respectful sympathy and hearty congratulations. Might we not hope that the calm and brilliant day which welcomed Her Royal Highness to the shores of her adopted country might be a harbinger of her future life—bright, joyous, and sunny—and could we form any better wish than that she might ever inspire and receive the affectionate loyalty which all classes of society so heartily paid to every member

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  of the illustrious Family with which she was now connected? The skill of Sir Garnet Wolseley and the courage and discipline of the forces under his command had brought to a successful termination the "unhappy war on the Gold Coast," and the ability of the General and the valour and discipline of his forces could hardly have been put to a more severe test or accomplished a more complete result. His hon. Friend had alluded, in eloquent terms, to the achievements of our forces, and he would only draw attention to one circumstance which had not been referred to. A mere handful of men, somewhere, he believed, under 1,800, had marched 100 miles in a tropical climate, overcoming the dangers of pestilence and war, and successfully encountering in many skirmishes and in two pitched battles an enemy to be numbered by tens of thousands and favoured by every advantage of position. They were now on their homeward voyage, and the whole of this had been effected in the short space of one month from the landing of the expedition. Without disparaging former services of our forces and with a full assurance that on and future occasion our Army and Navy would be found adequate and prepared for any duty to which they might be called, he ventured to think that no work could compare with this for brilliancy of conception and completeness of execution. Our rejoicing on the success and safe return of our forces would have been largely increased had we received the assurance of the completion of a treaty which would have served the interests of humanity and freedom, and perhaps secured for the future the safety of our native allies. In India a large district, comprising 30,000,000 or 40,000,000 persons, was exposed to the greatest calamity which could befal a nation—an evil immense, inevitable, and fatal. The Census Commissioners, without any anticipation of the coming calamity, had reminded us that, in depending on a single article of vegetable diet, the inhabitants of Bengal closely resembled the people of Ireland. In 1846–7 we had to deal with a population so close to our own shores that escape seemed no difficult matter for a largo part of the population; private liberality was not stinted, and £10,000,000 of public money were expended, yet, in spite of all our public and private efforts, famine and
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  pestilence decimated the country. "We had now to deal with a larger population, a wider district, and difficulties of transport which could hardly be overestimated. One of our highest Indian authorities, Sir Bartle Frere, stated last December at the Society of Arts that to multiply the difficulties of the Irish famine by five would give a very imperfect idea of what must at the lowest computation happen in Bengal; and this prediction had certainly not been falsified. We were told that a population of 3,000,000 would have to be supplied with their daily food for many months to come, but it was significantly added that the condition of a large part of the population had not yet been reported upon, and it must not be forgotten that this was the optimist view of the official mind, private accounts from all sources giving much more appalling details. We heard in one district of 85,000 famished and emaciated people wandering along the highways, and it was computed on good authority that 100,000 were in imminent danger of starvation. Deaths from famine had already been recorded, and its extent and severity were rapidly increasing. This was not the time to discuss the wisdom or efficiency of the measures already taken. Time would show whether it would not have been wise to prohibit the exportation of grain, and whether efficient means of transport could have been prepared in due time. It was a satisfaction to be informed that the Government had instructed the Viceroy to spare no cost in mitigating the calamity, as also to know that the interests of our vast dependency were intrusted to a Minister who knew hew and when to act with promptitude and decision. Whether the Government might suggest a grant from the Imperial Treasury, or the guarantee of a loan to be raised by the Indian authorities for the direction and extension of public works, the House, he felt confident, would cordially support any measure, provided it was speedy and efficacious. Considerable surprise had been expressed at the course taken by these great Northern towns which were so intimately connected with the commerce of our Indian possessions, and he wished to state that their action had not been dictated by any feeling of parsimony or indifference, but by a desire to know what steps the Government proposed to

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  adopt and to supplement to the greatest advantage any measure on which the House might determine. A meeting, which he thought had been too long delayed, was hold yesterday in the city which he represented (Manchester). It was presided over by the Mayor, and was largely and influentially attended, more than £2,000 being subscribed at the time, while he had no doubt the fund would reach a sum commensurate with the wealth of the city and the importance of the object. He hoped that when the present calamity had passed away attention would be directed to the prevention of these frightful visitations, five of which had happened in India during the last 12 or 14 years—4,000,000 human lives having, it is said, been sacrificed. It was surely the province of the Government to care for the preservation of human life, and we ought not to be so entirely unprepared for an emergency like this. Owing to political circumstances to which his hon. Friend had adverted, the measures to be brought before the House were comparatively few, but they were of special importance, particularly what were called working men's questions, though in using that term he would guard himself from being supposed to imply that they would not affect and be equally beneficial to all classes of society. The delay and cost in the transfer of land had long been a just cause of complaint, greatly injuring that large and increasing class who desired to find a safe and profitable investment for their savings. Any measure simplifying and cheapening the system would promote health by encouraging the building of better dwellings, and would be Conservative in the best sense of the term by giving a larger number of persons an interest in the welfare of the country. The proposal to apply to Ireland the Judicature Act of last Session—contemplated, he believed, by the late Government—was a just and necessary sequence of legislation cordially approved by the highest legal authorities. No question was of greater importance than that affecting capital and labour, referring especially to the Master and Servant Act and the Law of Conspiracy. The working classes alleged, and he believed justly, that these laws, the remains of barbarous and obsolete enactments, interfered with their independence and caused many cases of hardship, and with
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  remarkable unanimity they demanded that legislation should take a different course, and that the common law of the land should regulate all such matters. So far from the appointment of a Royal Commission being intended to delay or impede a speedy settlement of these questions, he believed it would have a contrary effect. A Commission enjoying, as this would doubtless do, the confidence of both parties, would be able to sift evidence and form a public opinion which he hoped would insure a speedy and lasting solution of the question. The value of Friendly and Provident Societies had been greatly impaired by legal incapacities. Any measure which rendered the present system more secure and involved only the minimum possibility of loss would no doubt be hailed with satisfaction. He would venture to express the opinion that the present time was most favourable for discussing and bringing to a settlement these and other kindred questions. The Government, possessing the confidence of the country, with a large majority in both Houses of Parliament, and untrammelled by pledges, commanded advantages which few of its predecessors had enjoyed; and there could be no doubt that every Member of the House would most cordially promote any measure that would improve the health, gladden the homes, stimulate the activity, and maintain the independence of these great industries which formed so large a part of the intelligence and added so much to the wealth, and greatness of this country. The hon. Member concluded by seconding the Motion.
  Motion made, and Question proposed, "That,"&c. [See page 62.]
  MR. W. M. TORRENS, in moving an Amendment, at end of sixth paragraph, to add the words,
  "Conscious of the obligation of Parliament to take especial care of the condition of India, we desire to assure Your Majesty of the interest and anxiety with which we shall be ready to consider any measure that may be brought before us tending; to mitigate the distress which now prevails in that portion of the Umpire, and to avert such calamity in future."
  said, that concurring as he did in nearly all that had been said by the hon. Gentleman who had just sat down (Mr. Callender), and not desiring to take exception to any statement in the Address which had been moved, he nevertheless

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  ventured to ask the House to hear a few words in addition, which it appeared to many hon. Gentlemen around him would not be inappropriate on the present occasion. They had to deal with a great and unusual exigency. The largest and most populous part of the Queen's dominions was threatened not merely with dearth, but with absolute famine; and these charged with the administration of affairs had not concealed from the Government, and the Government had not concealed from the public, the pressing nature of the difficulty and the danger. He was one of these who in former Parliaments had frequently and earnestly sought to direct attention to the condition of India, and had endeavoured with others more competent to do so, to anticipate something of the evils which had now arisen. Without easting stones behind, without laying blame any whore, or lowering that question to the level of party politics, he would venture respectfully to say both to the old and the new Members of that House, that it would be of evil augury for the credit of that Parliament if a day were allowed to pass without an audible and intelligible expression of their united opinion that more attention and care than ever was necessary to save India from the recurrence of such grave calamities. He was old enough to remember that their predecessors on these benches had been brought face to face with another terrible exigency in another portion of the Empire. As he looked round him he could recognize the features of hardly a score of these now on that (the Opposition) side of the House who sat in the Parliament of 1847. They were then led by a man of great experience, integrity, and courage, to whom none need object to be compared; and on the first day of the Session in that former Parliament, when famine threatened a large portion of the people of Ireland, Lord Russell did not hesitate to ask the House to assent to an expression of its utmost interest and anxiety in the adoption of measures not only for the alleviation of famine, but for its prevention in future. There then sat in that House the late Sir Robert Peel, whose opinion he wished to recall, as to what it behoved Parliament to do with famine looking them in the face. So far from congratulating himself that subscriptions of a few thousand pounds in
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  the capital of Lancashire and other sums in other towns of the Empire had been collected; so far from looking merely to the raising of money by loan—as he understood from his noble Friend the Under Secretary for India it was intended to do in this case—to alleviate the pressure and provide the means of relief through public works; so far from thinking that such a resource might be relied on and that then the country might slumber in security, Sir Robert Peel stated that—
  "The first object to which we ought to direct our attention is, the restoring to its natural state the relation between labour and these who employed it. When there are 430,000 persons employed in Ireland by the State, at the enormous expense of £158,000 a week, it is clear that something should at once he done. We should endeavour to direct this labour first to the immediate cultivation of the soil, in order that we may have the prospect of a future harvest; and then, when this prospect shall be tolerably certain, to the permanent improvement of the soil."—[3 Hansard, Ixxxix. 161.]
  That was the statesmanlike view urged by the late Sir Robert Peel on Parliament, and which was afterwards followed up by legislation, in order to avert the recurrence of shame and peril. With great respect, therefore, he would now say it was their duty to set about these things in respect to India. Let no man imagine that they could afford, even on selfish grounds, to let the people of India starve to death by millions. It would be a disgrace to a great Empire, revelling in untold and unexampled wealth, and with no foreign war or domestic trouble, to shrink from the performance of the sacred duty of endeavouring to redeem the past and to justify before the world the assumption and the retention by force of our sovereignty over 200,000,000 of people. Therefore, he thought they might with propriety add to the Address some words to the effect he had already stated. As the Address would become part of the proceedings of the House, he thought it would not be presumptuous if an individual on that (the Opposition) side of the House should make a proposition of the kind. He had no doubt of the disposition and the high and honourable ambition of the now First Minister, who, he cordially hoped, would act in a manner worthy of his position. That right hon. Gentleman was, no doubt, about to tell them something of his policy and intentions. The long-anticipated day had come at last when

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  the right hon. Gentleman would speak, and they should hear him; and believing as he did that it was most essential for the honour of the Minister, as well as for their own, that his policy should be strengthened and fortified by a declaration that that House was ready to do anything in reason to relieve India from her miserable plight, he wished to see such an addition made to the Address as he had suggested. What was the conduct of the Government of Earl Russell in 1847? Why, not content with merely providing loans, a Motion was immediately submitted to the House to waive the Standing Orders for the purpose of abolishing for thee time being the Navigation Laws, which stood in the way of the importation of cheap food into Ireland. There was not an hour lost in hesitation by the Government, but they at once proceeded to deal with measures of legislation. The late Secretary for India had told them the perils that were impending over that country. They had heard much on questions of Indian finance and trade, they had seen Gentlemen who were high authorities on these subjects, some no longer here, but some still in their places, who had directed their attention to these things. The dreadful consequences of famine it was impossible to exaggerate. It meant the loss not only of the present crop, but of one or more future harvests. It meant the wasting away by disease of untold numbers of the population beyond those who actually starved. It meant a stampede of large numbers of the native population from their homes. In Ireland the last famine was followed by three years of dreadful disease and suffering, and all these things the history of British India showed would take place if a great effort were not made by that House, supported, as he well knew it would be, by public opinion out-of-doors. They had elsewhere heard the policy of the Viceroy denounced, which had, it was and, tended to make food scarce. They had a right to ask what was the judgment of Ministers on that question. Was it not also a fact that the duty on salt in India was a matter of a very serious character, salt being an article of as much importance as rice? And what, again, was the state of things with respect to the export, of food? What he asked the House was, whether it could
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  not put aside other business in order to deal with such questions, and to show how real and earnest was the interest it took in the affairs of India? Time was when the East India Charter left a Joint Stock Company to govern Bengal as they liked, but in 1858 the Ministers who now sat on the benches opposite advised the Crown to assume the government of India, and the Queen issued a Proclamation, which spoke gracious and promising words to her subjects in India, assuring them that they should have the same care and the same justice as was enjoyed by her people in England. Had Parliament acted up to its responsibility? For his own part, he wished the Crown to feel as proud of its administration of the dependencies of the Empire as of its home government; but it would be the merest affectation to pretend that that pride could be legitimately claimed for it in a country which had seen Pagan, Moslem, and Mahratta works designed for the collection of rain for purposes of irrigation left to go to ruin under British indifference and neglect. India was perfectly tranquil now. There was nowhere any sign of discontent, or of sedition; and there could therefore be no excuse for any perpetuation of hard treatment of the population in their present misfortune. When they had done in India all they could do, when they had restored reproductive works and made the soil as prolific as it might be—and when they had ceased to levy fifty per cent of the produce of the land in the shape of land tax—to defray civil and military charges to the amount of millions annually—money raised in India and spent in England—when they had done all this, and when they had cut down their home charges to a reasonable amount, they might talk with a clear conscience of causes of distress which were beyond their control. Meanwhile it was the bounden duty of a Christian Legislature to put on record its views upon a matter so important, and to prove its sincerity in desiring to relieve such a terrible calamity. The hon. Gentleman concluded by moving his Amendment.
  MR. RICHARDseconded the Amendment.
  Amendment proposed, at the end of the sixth paragraph, to add the words—

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  "And that, conscious of the obligation of Parliament to take especial care of the condition of India, we desire to assure Your Majesty of the interest and anxiety with which we shall be ready to consider any measure that may be brought before us tending to mitigate the distress which now prevails in that portion of the Empire, and to avert such calamity in future." (Mr. Torrens.)
  Question proposed, "That these words be there added."
  MR. GLADSTONE: Sir, the House will, I am sure, forgive me—and I may ask for your forgiveness—if I forbore to rise from my seat until the words of the Question had actually passed from your lips; because I felt it was possible that other Gentlemen, Members of this House might think fit to follow the example which was set by my hon. Friend the Member for Perthshire (Sir William Stirling-Maxwell), the Mover of the Address, and question the conduct of the late Government in advising Her Majesty to dissolve Parliament; and I was not only desirous, but considered it my duty to give an opportunity, so far as lay in my power, for any observations of that hind, believing that, inasmuch as I must of necessity bear, not indeed the exclusive, but a special responsibility for that advice, it would be convenient and advantageous to the House that I should hear the criticisms made on our conduct, which any hon. Member might desire to make, before I took notice of the subject. As the immediate question which has been submitted to the House is not the adoption of the Address, but an Amendment to it, I will in the first place say a few words with respect to that Amendment, and I am sure my hon. Friend the Member for Finsbury (Mr. W. M. Torrens) who has proposed it will admit that we approach, at some disadvantage, the consideration of words which have been heard for the first time from the Chair in a debate of this character. Listening to these words as read by you, Sir, I can have no doubt that they do the greatest credit to the humane sentiments of my hon. Friend the Member for Finsbury. He is not satisfied with the statements of the Speech, but desires, if I gather rightly the purport of his Amendment, to have a more emphatic repetition of the sentiments suggested by the Speech, or contained in the Address which has been moved and seconded. In that Address
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  we are called upon to express the regret with which we have heard of the calamity in India, and the satisfaction with which we learn that measures have been adopted without reference to the cost, for the purpose of mitigating that terrible calamity. We are also called upon, in the closing passages of the Address, to assure Her Majesty that we shall give our careful and earnest consideration to all the proposals which may be made to us by Her Majesty's Government in relation to the subjects mentioned in the Speech. Well, Sir, that being so, it is matter for the Government to decide whether it will be necessary or politic for us to proceed on the present occasion beyond these assurances. For my own part, I feel bound to say that I do not think insufficient provision has been made by the terms of the. Address, as it stands, on the subject of the Amendment. At the same time, should it be the view of the Government that this more emphatic language should be used—even though it may seem to savour of tautology—I certainly should not be the man to rise and object to its adoption on a question of this character. But this, I must, however, observe in passing—that it cannot be the object of my hon. Friend, or of any other hon. Member of this House, through the medium of words introduced by way of Amendment into an Address in answer to a Speech from the Throne, in any manner to commit the judgment of this House, or to bind it to adopt any particular course, with regard to the calamity of the Indian Famine. It must be understood, I think, on all hands, that if the Government deem it right to adopt the Amendment, they will be doing so simply by way of giving further assurance of the strength of our feelings on the subject to the Sovereign, and not by way of asking for an expression of our judgment with regard to any proposals which they may hereafter make—an expression which, it seems to me, would be somewhat hasty and premature, and for which I do not suppose my hon. Friend the Member for Finsbury himself would now ask.
  Now, Sir, I will refer very briefly to one or two points in the Speech, and I am glad to say that I have little, or almost nothing, to observe in the way of criticism. First, I will make reference

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  to a subject which has been most becomingly touched on by the hon. Mover and Seconder—I mean the marriage of the Duke of Edinburgh with the Grand Duchess Marie Alexandrowna. It was my fortune last Session to make a proposal to the late House of Commons with reference to this marriage, and the House of Commons showed on that occasion a ready and zealous loyalty by making a becoming provision towards the support of the Royal pair. The union has now, happily, been solemnized, and I am bound to say that I believe there has been no case in the whole history of marriages, Royal or other, whore the bride left a home more characterized by the strength and warmth of affection binding its inmates than that which the Duchess of Edinburgh has quitted. I only hope that in leaving an atmosphere so enlivened and warmed by domestic love, the Grand Duchess may find that she comes among a people not only ready to greet her on her first arrival with demonstrations of loyalty and interest, but so to surround her with every token of love, that in time she may come, not to forget, indeed, but scarcely to miss, all the attractions of that home which she has been content to forego for the sake of her illustrious husband.
  We next come to the subject of hostilities in Africa, which have now been brought to a happy termination, and I am bound to say that I think it has been most becoming and judicious on the part of the Government to advise Her Majesty to refer in terms of marked approbation to the conduct of all these who have been engaged in vindicating not only the honour of the English arms on the West Coast of Africa, but likewise the interests of humanity at large. It might seem invidious, whore all have served and all have done so admirably well, to draw distinctions. It has been every arm of the service and every rank of men who have the roughly deserved the honour of the national name they bear. But, of course, in every case of this kind the responsibility of the commander is something special and exclusive, and I wish to say one word relative to the conduct of Sir Garnet Wolseley, inasmuch as there are many persons—chiefly, perhaps, out of this country—who can scarcely be expected to understand or be prepared to believe the
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  arduous nature of the task which was committed to the hands of that officer. This is not the time nor the place to enter into the details of that task, but I may venture very briefly to say that it included a combination of difficulties such as has rarely attended military operations even when they were on a far wider scale, and made far more ostentatious claims upon the interest and approval of the world, and that in no military operation, I believe, in the history of this country during the last half century—perhaps I might go still further back—have the results more completely corresponded with the aims of the commander or done greater credit to his sagacity. That task included difficulties of various kinds, and all of them presenting themselves in the highest possible degree. There was in the first place a want of information with regard to the circumstances in which any expedition into the interior would find itself, which, I confess, surprised the Government; there was a want of detailed knowledge of the country which had to be penetrated; there was a formidable danger arising from the climate, with regard to which we were not able, till Sir Garnet Wolseley reached the coast, to tell whether we should be justified, under the circumstances, in exposing the lives of Her Majesty's subjects by a march to Coomassie; and lastly, the whole of these formidable difficulties were complicated by a limitation of time so strict that the smallest error of computation on the part of Sir Garnet Wolseley must necessarily have led to consequences which the House would have regarded with the deepest pain and anxiety. It is right that I should here say a word with regard to a subject which has been touched from time to time during the discussions which have occurred during the recent elections with regard to the conduct of the Government. It has been maintained that the military operations undertaken by Sir Garnet Wolseley ought not to have been sanctioned by the Government without the consent of Parliament. Now, some may think it was on account of the limited scale of these operations that we did not deem it fit to advise Her Majesty to call Parliament together for the consideration of the subject. That would be an entire error. It is perfectly true that the scale of these operations was a very limited

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  one, but it is also true that the moment when we determined upon the despatch of several battalions to the "West Coast of Africa, it would have been over-confidence, it would have been even rashness and presumption on our part to have assumed that the scale of operations contemplated at that moment was certain to prove adequate to the fulfilment of the objects we had in view. Therefore, it was not on the ground I have just mentioned that we refrained from taking the constitutional course of calling Parliament together for the consideration of the subject. It was entirely and exclusively on account of the question of time. I have referred to the limitations under which Sir Garnet Wolseley found himself as to time on his arrival. Had there been even a few days' delay, that boundary of time would have been passed, and a point would have been reached when it would have been most unsafe and unwise to expose our troops to the action of the climate. Had we thought fitting to recommend Her Majesty to summon Parliament, some time would have been lost in bringing it together, some time would have been lost in the consideration of the Papers we should have felt it our duty to lay before Parliament, and some time would have been lost also in the consideration of the Vote we should have had to propose. Although consisting only of small portions, the time thus spent would have so abridged the season available for military operations as to have converted a project which we thought to be warrantable and wise into one which I think it would not have been desirable for Parliament to sanction. Either it would have been necessary to postpone military operations for another year; and to endure a continuance of all the evils attending the actual state of things, or to expose our troops, not to risk only, but almost to the certainty of losses, which I am sure the House will appreciate our anxious desire to avoid. We were aware that we were taking on ourselves a great responsibility, and in a matter of which Parliament was always most careful; but we felt that the limitations of time were too urgent and too serious to admit of any different course being taken, and it was under the circumstances I have named we acted otherwise. Nothing can, as a general rule,
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  be more imprudent or more dangerous than that Government should be encouraged lightly to undertake military operations without the direct assent and approval of Parliament; but I believe that when the circumstances connected with the limitation of time are taken into consideration, the course we pursued will meet with the approval of the House.
  Now, with respect to the paragraph of the Speech which touches on the subject of the Indian Famine I will only express my hope that when the House comes to consider the facts of the case, whether in conformity with the Amendment of my hon. Friend, or in conformity with the terms of the. Address—and the measures which have been adopted by the Governor General of India and by my noble Friend who lately hold the seals of the India Department, they will find that not only has there been no indifference and neglect, no want of a due appreciation of the gravity of the emergency, but that every means has been taken which could properly be adopted for the mitigation of a very grievous calamity.
  Sir, I shall venture here to pass a few words of criticism on the paragraph of the Speech which refers to the recent Act of Parliament affecting the relations of master and servant. I do not intend to give any distinct or positive opinion upon that paragraph. I must confess, however, that I entertain a doubt as to the wisdom of the course; which has been pursued in advising Her Majesty to issue a Royal Commission instead of bringing the subject, as circumstances might admit, under the consideration of Parliament. This is a matter which touches in the nicest and most intimate manner the feelings of classes which are placed in the closest daily relations of goodwill or conflict, as the case may be. In this House the people of the country are accustomed to repose perfect confidence, and I greatly doubt whether a Royal Commission can from its nature command the same kind and amount of confidence as the House must ever obtain. Moreover, I am certainly not aware that there is anything so difficult or complicated in this matter as to make it necessary to pursue the course which is now proposed. We have had on former occasions a most accurate investigation of the facts, the documents on the subject

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  have accumulated in enormous proportions, and I should certainly have been glad if it had been possible for Her Majesty's Government to act on their own responsibility in the matter.
  And now a few words upon the reference which has been made by my hon. Friend to the late Dissolution of Parliament. My hon. Friend (Sir William Stirling-Maxwell) has not adverted to a variety of objections which have been taken here and there in the public journals or in speeches connected with the elections to the advice which was given by the late Ministers, and I certainly will not occupy the time of the House in meeting objections that have not now been raised. I will address myself directly to the point urged by my hon. Friend, and it seems to me that he has opened a field which is considerably wider than we are usually called upon to enter in the discussion of such questions. I congratulate my hon. Friend upon the opportunity he has obtained for displaying his great powers, and amongst others, his powers of sarcasm, but I am by no means certain whether he is equally to be complimented upon the prudence of that course, or upon the precedent which now, for the first time, after a series of years, he has thought fit, so Jar as it depends upon him, to set. I am grateful to him for the kind terms in which he has spoken of me. I have not the slightest objection to the substance of his remarks, unless, indeed, as being connected with the rather responsible office of Mover of the Address. I think that that question is one most fairly to be raised, and I will address myself to it from that point of view in which he presented it to the House. I think that there was one observation in which he was not so happy as in the rest, and that was with reference to his own Friends among whom and behind whom he sits, for he described it as a lamentable waste of time that we should have lost the weeks between the 5th of February and the 19th of March in transferring powers from a set of men whom he regards as incompetent and dangerous, to a sot of men whom he regards as possessed of every title to his confidence and to the confidence of the country in the work of legislation. I certainly cannot avail myself of what I should have thought was the more natural position of my hon. Friend. I
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  should have thought he would have said that "there has been a loss of six weeks "—which by some process of arithmetic which I do not understand, he says is the loss of one-third of the Session—"in connection with the change of Government, but the advantage of having a sounder and more trustworthy Government installed, entirely diminishes any regret which I might otherwise have had." I think I am now making for my hon. Friend, in this point of view, a rather better case than he himself presented to the House. But, Sir, my hon. Friend says that the late Government dissolved the Parliament because it had only a majority of 65; and he very properly observed that, according to repute, the majority of the present Government does not quite attain that figure. He said that it does not reach—I think he used the expression—the despised minimum majority of 65. My hon. Friend seems to think that there is but one important element in the position of a Government, and that is the numerical amount of its majority. Now, upon that point I join issue with my hon. Friend. I think he fundamentally misunderstands the Constitution of this country, if he supposes that the actual majority that a Government may possess in an existing House of Commons is sufficient to give it more moral and political strength for the discharge of its arduous duties, after it has become apparent or when it is becoming clear that the possession of that majority is not agreeable to the sense and the convictions of the country. Now, Sir, there is the whole difference between my hon. Friend and myself. We have seen in other countries at former periods—I will not speak of the present—too much reliance placed upon a Parliamentary majority. There was a magnificent majority in Franco in the years 1847 and 1848. That majority was relied upon, not only by a Ministry, but by a Dynasty, and that reliance was continued so long that at length the legitimate event of an election being denied, the popular dissatisfaction burst through its bounds, and what in this country would have been a Ministerial crisis ended in a revolution. I do not think that we are in the habit in this country of carrying matters to such extremes. But why? Because in this country we watch the signs and currents

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  of public opinion. We recognize the general title of the country to be governed in conformity with its wishes and its intelligence; and the mere possession of a Parliamentary majority, satisfactory as it is when it is a true indication of the actual current of feeling and opinion of the country, is no adequate support and no adequate warrant for the continuance of a Government in office if it has become clear, or when there is reasonable ground for supposing that the desires of the country are in an opposite direction. I will endeavour now, Sir, to state broadly and strongly the propositions on which I think my hon. Friend has proceeded:—that the simple possession of a party majority entitles a Government to continue in office, irrespective of all other circumstances, until the day has come for the Parliament to naturally expire. None of these propositions apply to the late Government. I will tell my hon. Friend that, as far back as two years ago I observed to an intimate friend with whom I was in daily communication at the time when the indications of single elections in the country were becoming considerably marked that, if they continued to run in a similar direction, and to maintain a great degree of force, they must end in abbreviating the existence of the late Parliament. That was my opinion, and it was an opinion which, I think, warranted and justified the advice that we have given to the Crown. Well, Sir, it cannot be said by my hon. Friend, or by any one else, that a majority of 65—or whatever it may have been—it cannot be said the Government of the Queen possessed any exuberant strength during the late Session of Parliament, or that at its close its condition and its relation to the House was entirely satisfactory. I must now refer, not for the purpose of controversy, but simply for the purpose of history, and in justification of my own conduct, to a circumstance which bears materially upon the case, the ugh it has not been observed upon by my hon. Friend. It is the duty, as I hold, of the Administration in this country never to continue to carry on the business of the country unless it is convinced that it is possessed of the strength necessary for carrying it on with dignity and with credit. That is a duty never in abeyance; but ordinarily when a Government finds that it docs not possess that
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  adequate and necessary minimum of strength, there are two alternatives before them. It may advise a Dissolution, or it may tender a resignation of office. Under the circumstances of last year we did not possess that choice of alternatives. We knew that in the late Parliament there was not a party ready to take our place to administer the affairs of the country. After what had occurred in the Spring it was not in our power to place Her Majesty in the position in which she would have been compelled again to call upon the Party opposed to us to undertake the administration of the affairs of the country, for that had been done once before, and, I do not say whether rightly or wrongly, had been refused. That being so we had no alternative to consider except the question of Dissolution. Well, then, hew did we stand with respect to the course of affairs in the Recess? If hon. Gentlemen, and especially my hon. Friend, will examine the course of the elections during the Recess, they will find that until the close of last year these elections were not very unequally balanced. There were in the months of October, November, and December nine elections of Members of Parliament. Three supporters of the Government were returned without a contest. There were six contests for seats in the House of Commons, and of those six, three were won by the Government and three were won by their opponents. There was nothing of a very formidable character in these elections taken as a whole. In the beginning of January, however, things began to assume a more or less critical and adverse aspect, and I think it was impossible for us to put out of our view the indications of opinion given by the single elections in that month. There were in the first few days of that month two vacancies which were at once occupied by Members of the party opposite without contest. A third vacancy occurred in the borough of Stroud—a stronghold of the Liberal party, whore the Liberal candidate was defeated by a large majority. The fourth vacancy occurred in Newcastle, whore the Liberal majority had been enormous, and there the Liberal candidate carried the scat, but it was a doubtful contest. Moreover, two more vacancies immediately afterwards occurred, with respect to which it was clear that

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  they would go as the two opening vacancies of the month had been disposed of, and undoubtedly the position of the Government, so far as it could be estimated by single elections, was very considerably worsted in the month of January. But it was only at that time that we were in a position to judge of the important measures which we should have to propose with reference to one of the greatest departments of administrative and legislative duties—I mean with reference to the finances of the country, for it is not until the fourth quarter of the financial year that, compatible with usage or compatible with safety, an estimate can be safely formed as to the finances of the coming twelve months. It was then found that we had an immense surplus with which we would have to deal. From the time when I assumed the office of Chancellor of the Exchequer in the summer I had entertained the hope that it would be in our power to propose the abolition of the income tax. Circumstances would not have warranted our making the proposal at that time; but in the month of January we saw that we should be enabled to make what we thought would be the greatest and most beneficial propositions of finance to the country that it had over been our lot, I may say, to submit. But we saw, likewise, that these propositions would require the possession of considerable authority, and we felt that, under the circumstances of the time, we did not possess that authority. It was not, therefore, from the theatrical motive which my hon. Friend was kind enough to impute that we disturbed the ordinary course of business by a Dissolution. It was upon that careful comparison of the work we bad to do with the strength we possessed for doing it, that we arrived at the conclusion which my hon. Friend says surprised him—a surprise which I do not think was exclusively felt on his side of the House. For that advice we are responsible. We do not repent of having given it. We think that if any justification is required for having advised a Dissolution, the justification is to be found in the result. I do not investigate causes. I will not ask to what combination this change is due. I can look, constitutionally, at nothing except the voice of the constituencies represented as an aggregate in the returns to Parliament. So regarding them, and avoiding
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  all invidious analysis, I point out that a greater number of seats has been transferred from the one party to the other in the late General Election than has been single occasion since the critical years 1831–1832, more than 40 years ago. And, Sir, although I cannot pretend not to wish it were otherwise, and although, while wishing my right hon. Friend the Chancellor of the Exchequer all imaginable good luck with his finance, I cannot pretend to be as well satisfied at its being in his hands as in ours; yet, as an Englishman, as one attached to the institutions of the country, and as one who hold an office which bound him to regard the principles of the Constitution, I cannot regret a Dissolution which has given to the people of this country an opportunity of pronouncing their opinion upon the conduct of affairs, though I think the judgment which has been passed is an erroneous one. Hon. Gentlemen opposite can hardly suppose that my satisfaction with the result of the Dissolution was likely to be absolute, and not relative. I am ready to go far, but I cannot consent to go quite so far as that in speaking of this result. We found that the suspicions we entertained, arising from a course of single elections, and gradually gathering strength, were confirmed by the actual results, and I do not regret a Dissolution—whatever its result to us, whatever its result for the moment to the party with which I am associated—which has given to the people of this country a constitutional opportunity of declaring what its convictions were with respect to the conduct of public affairs, and which has ended in a transfer of responsibility to these who are designated by public opinion as the favoured objects of their affection. I have thus far confined myself strictly to a reference to what has been said in the course of debate, and will not detain the House by touching upon any points which have not been particularly mentioned this evening. Of course, there will be other occasions for vindicating the no of conduct pursued by my Colleagues and myself. For the present I will only say one thing. The expression of opinion and the transfer of power which has lately been made have, I admit, been of a very emphatic character. An issue was most distinctly raised. It was raised, I admit, by us. It was

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  raised in the form which we thought most favourable to ourselves, as well as to the country. It was raised at the time which at any rate was fixed by us, and for which we are responsible. Presenting that issue in our own way, time and form, the constituencies have rejected our proposals. Under these circumstances I agree with my hon. Friend that the Gentlemen who have succeeded to power are not to be considered as if the change which has been made were the result—I will not say of any intrigues, but of any operations of their own. Their accession to power is the act of the country, and as it is the act of the country I feel that they have every title to be fairly tried in the exercise of power; that every factious objection should be avoided, that every fair opportunity should be given to them, that they should have an open space given them for the development of their plans and the application of their principles. In this way the country will be able to judge as to the wisdom of the choice it has made; and if it finds cause to approve that choice, the result of such approval will be a new term of power to the Gentlemen who now hold it. Should that be so, well and good; but if on the contrary, further consideration should lead the people of this country to a different conclusion, I have no doubt the constitution will be found ultimately to provide a remedy for any dilemma in which they may find themselves.
  MR. DISRAELI: Sir, it will be gratifying to Her Majesty's Government that the objections to the Address, which has been moved and seconded with such great ability, have met with slight favour to-night. There appear, however, to be two points which have been urged against it which I will at once notice. The first refers to the passage in which we have alluded to the terrible calamity which now exists in parts of India. The hon. Gentleman the Member for Fins-bury (Mr. Torrens) seems to think that our expressions with reference to this circumstance are somewhat imperfect; and he has moved an Amendment which, unluckily, is not before mo, but the spirit of which, I think, I record with tolerable accuracy. I understand that my hon. Friend thinks we ought to call upon the House vaguely to pledge itself to do something which he does not define, in order to prevent the recurrence
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  of calamities like these we now have to contend with. My hon. Friend refers to the conduct on previous occasions of Ministers who were placed in similar situations, and particularly to that of Lord John Russell—an eminent statesman, of whom I shall always speak with respect—when he had to deal with an Indian famine nearly a quarter of a contury ago. [Several hon. MEMBERS: No, with Ireland.] I thought the remarks of my hon. Friend applied to an instance in India of a similar kind, illustrating it by reference to what had occurred in Ireland; but I did not catch Treaty accurately his expressions, as he spoke just then in a very low tone. The fact, however, is this—The hon. Gentleman says that Lord John Russell proposed the suspension of the Navigation Laws. Well, that I cannot do. But the hon. Gentleman says you can deal with the duty on salt. Now, the duty on salt has very little to do with thee calamity with which we are now threatened in India. That is occasioned very largely by the imperfect means of communication existing in the country. I do not think, therefore, that to deal with the duty on salt would be a satisfactory remedy, or one which ought to be noticed in a Speech from the Throne, and in an Address from this House in answer to that Speech. Then the hon. Gentleman says—" Why not speak decisively on the subject of the export and import of food?" Well, that is a subject of grave controversy on which eminent men hold very different opinions, and I doubt the policy at the present moment of introducing any discussion of the kind. The hon. Gentleman says he has moved this Amendment with the view of strengthening the hands of Government. I confess for myself that Amendments of this kind never strike me as being a particularly felicitous mode of strengthening the hands of the Government. If they do not directly involve, they imply censure, while they purport to be friendly. I should say that my hands would be stronger if the hon. Gentleman were not to pursue the Amendment. It is extremely undesirable that at a moment like this there should be any difference of opinion in this House as to the policy which ought to be followed generally with respect to this great calamity. And I cannot help thinking that if the hon. Gentleman calls for a

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  division, the result would not be one which any candid mind could deem satisfactory. Now, the hon. Gentleman says we have called upon the House in only vague, and, apparently, to his mind, meagre terms, in our reference to this terrible state of things. I think the expressions used are adequate. They are not extravagant, but adequate to the occasion. They were expressions counselled by those who deeply felt the responsibility of their position upon these subjects, and who were deeply impressed with the great calamity which has affected an important part of the dominions of the Queen. The Under Secretary of State for India has given Notice that on the first practicable night of the Session he will submit an important Motion, bearing immediately upon the subject. That would be a convenient occasion on which the Government might express their general views as to the remedies which ought to be pursued, and it would also supply a convenient opportunity for hon. Gentlemen opposite to make any suggestion which may occur to them. I trust, therefore, that the hon. Gentleman will not persist in his Amendment. Another objection has been urged by the right hon. Gentleman who has just addressed us to another paragraph in the Address. The right hon. Gentleman regrets that we propose a Commission to inquire into the relations, and the various laws which affect the relations, between master and servant. That is a matter of opinion. It would be impossible on an occasion like this to go into the details which would be necessary to satisfy the House as to the course which, on the whole, we thought it the wisest and most expedient to pursue But if the right hon. Gentleman or any other Member of the House supposes for a moment that we advised this paragraph in Her Majesty's Speech with the view of evading the difficulty, or of merely gaining time, I can assure him he is under a very erroneous impression. We did not take that step until we were convinced that the time necessary for attaining so great a public advantage as this investigation will furnish would not, in all probability, be of such duration as would prevent our legislating this year, if the investigation sanctions such a course, and if in our opinion such a course is necessary. Nor can I admit the position which the right
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  hen. Gentleman took up, that because for other reasons it may be advisable to recommend the Crown to issue a Commission to investigate a subject, the Government is bound and Parliament is tied down by the conclusions at which the Commission may arrive. The influence of that Commission, if it consist of men commanding the public confidence, would be considerable, but it would be a legitimate influence. But Parliament is not deprived of its proper functions because a Royal Commission is appointed on any subject. If we are to legislate, the matter is brought before this House, and this House will have an opportunity of giving its decision on the merits of the ease. These are the names we have recommended to Her Majesty to adopt for this Royal Commission—the Lord Chief Justice of England, Lord Winmarleigh, Mr. Bouverie (long a Member of this House), the Recorder of London, Sir Montague Smith, Mr. Roebuck (a Member of this House), Mr. Goldney (a Member of this House), Mr. Macdonald (a Member of this House), and Mr. Thomas Hughes, a Member of the last Parliament. These Gentlemen represent different political opinions, they are men of ability, experience, and learning, and several of them of a class not influenced directly or immediately by any controversy on the subject. I feel assured, therefore, that this Commission will possess the confidence of the country, and that they will really assist the Government and the House in arriving at a satisfactory conclusion. And, after all, we cannot legislate without an appeal to Parliament, and without the Members of this House having an opportunity of expressing their opinions. These are the only two points, I believe, on which objection has been taken to the Address which has been moved and seconded by my hon. Friends. I am glad that the House has indicated that they will agree to the Address and to many of the subjects therein referred to. I am glad that there are such sincere congratulations offered to the Crown upon the late Royal Marriage, which was first introduced to our notice under the Government of the right hon. Gentleman opposite. I think I may say, with perfect truth, that it is a marriage of pure affection between the children of two houses, in which, though Royal and

  89
  Imperial, the domestic principle is as much reverenced and cherished as in any home in Russia or Great Britain. "With regard to the position of affairs in Ashantee, the right hon. Gentleman has raised a point which I would not myself have introduced, but as he has raised it I cannot leave it unnoticed—I refer to the conduct of the late Government in not calling Parliament together when that war commenced. It appeared to me as I listened to the statement of the right hon. Gentleman that there was a fallacy in the position which he took up—namely, that the summoning of Parliament involved the postponement for another year of warlike proceedings. I do not understand that to be so. I understand that the Crown, by the exercise of its prerogative, could have commenced and pursued the war when time was so valuable, and yet that Parliament might have been called together and Ministers might have explained the circumstances under which they advised the Crown to go to war; and no doubt from the circumstances peculiar to this case, Parliament would have given them the indemnity they required. It does appear to me that the position of the right hon. Gentleman, that the summoning of Parliament involved the postponement of warlike proceedings for a year, is not consistent with the principles of the Constitution, or Parliamentary practice. The war, however, has now been brought to a successful termination, and we are willing to give the right hon. Gentleman and his Government every praise for the preparations they had made. I certainly am not disposed to indulge in captious terms with reference to a subject which I, for my own part, would not have introduced. We must now look upon that war as concluded, and although anxiety may hereafter arise as to the consequences, I will not touch upon them now. I will only ask the House to join in the Address which has been proposed, to do justice to the spirit and energy of the eminent commander of the forces employed, and to the gallantry and endurance and admirable qualities which, by both officers and men, were signally displayed in an expedition, which, though not on a largo scale, will, nevertheless, rank in the future among our glorious deeds of arms. The right hon. Gentleman occupied a great portion of his interesting
  90
  speech by a narrative, which, really, it is not necessary for me to follow. It must, no doubt, be peculiarly interesting to his friends; and he himself, in common with all men liking an opportunity for self-justification, had every light to avail himself of this occasion. But I will not follow him. I am not dissatisfied, naturally, with the result. I have an opinion on the matter myself, and I accept the constitutional view which the right hon. Gentleman has taken, cordially and cheerfully. I thought, however, the right hon. Gentleman was a little unfair on my hon. Friend the Mover of the Address (Sir W. Stirling-Maxwell). My hon. Friend the Mover of the Address is not in the position in which Movers of Addresses generally are;. He has returned to a House in which he has sat for years, which he long adorned, and whore he was respected by both sides. My hon. Friend, therefore, naturally took a more general view of the circumstances than these novices who gain their first laurels by a speech on the Address, and he seems to have made some general observations probably without consultation with anybody. Of course, in his position consultation would have been totally unnecessary. At the same time, I think the right hon. Gentleman opposite was a little ungrateful to my hon. Friend. I understood from the right hon. Gentleman that he came down to the House; prepared to headman observations from his own Friends and his own side in consequence of the policy he pursued in dissolving Parliament Put they were silent, and I must confess I admire their taste and feeling. If I had been a follower of a Parliamentary Chief as eminent as the right hon. Gentleman, even if I thought he had erred, I should have been disposed rather to exhibit sympathy than to offer criticism. I should remember the great victories which he had fought and won; I should remember his illustrious career, its continuous success and splendour, not its accidental or even disastrous mistakes. I think, therefore, the right hon. Gentleman scarcely did justice to the generous feelings of his Friends when he anticipated any criticism respecting the Dissolution to come from them. But it appears to me that if my hon. Friend who moved the Address had not touched on the subject there would hardly have been an opportunity for the

  91
  right hon. Gentleman to refer to it. Therefore, though on the whole the observations of my hon. Friend the Mover of the Address may have travelled out of the ordinary routine of speeches made on an Address, I think the House has not any cause to regret that they have been made, since they brought from the right hon. Gentleman so interesting a reply. I think I have now touched upon the very few points that it is necessary for me to notice to-night. The criticism from the hon. Gentleman the Member for Finsbury (Mr. Torrens) has not been considerable. I collect that the House generally approves the Address, and I hope, therefore, the hon. Gentleman will not persist in calling for a division on the Amendment, which I should certainly feel it my duty to oppose. The Address was brought forward with remarkable ability by my hon. Friend, and seconded by the hon. Member for the City of Manchester (Mr. Callender) in a mode which makes me hope it will not be the last time he will address the House. Under these circumstances, I trust the hon. Gentleman the Member for Finsbury will save us from a division, and that it will go forth that in the House of Commons there is perfect sympathy for the condition of India, and perfect unanimity in our resolution in every way to bring forward measures and adopt means by which the misery which now prevails in that country will receive all the assistance which it is in the power of Parliament to give.
  MR. W. M. TORRENSsaid, he would withdraw his Amendment.
  Amendment, by leave, withdrawn.
  MR. PELLdesired, before the Question was put, to make one or two remarks on the subject of local taxation, which was not referred to in her Majesty's Speech. That subject, he trusted, would not be neglected by Her Majesty's Government. He hoped something would be done to remedy the injustice which many people believed they were labouring under, although, at the same time, he trusted the Government would not follow the example of the late Administration by imposing new charges on the owners of land and houses before disposing of the general question as to whether the balance were hold evenly between the owners of personalty and the owners of realty.
  Main Question put, and agreed to.
  Committee appointed, to draw up an Address to be presented to Her Majesty upon the said Resolution:—Sir "WILLIAM STIRLING MAXWELL, Mr. CALLENDER, MR. DISRAELI, Mr. CHANCELLOR of the EXCHEQUER, Mr. Secretary CROSS, Mr. Secretary HARDY, Mr. HUNT, Sir CHARLES ADDERLEY, Mr. SCLATER-BOOTH, Viscount SANDON, Mr. ATTORNEY GENERAL, Mr. SOLICITOR GENERAL, Lord GEORGE HAMILTON, Mr. WILLIAM HENRY SMITH, and Mr. DYKE, or any Five of them:—To withdraw immediately:—Queen's Speech referred.
  House adjourned at Right o'clock.

MINUTES.
PURLIC BILL—First Reading—Magdalen Hall Properly *(3).

THE QUEEN'S SPEECH.
Five of the Lords Commissioners, namely—The LORD CHANCELLOR, The LORD CHAMBERLAIN OF THE HOUSEHOLD (The Marquess of Hertford), The LORD STEWARD OF THE HOUSEHOLD (The Earl Beauchamp), The EARL OF BRADFORD (The Master of the Horse), and The LORD SKELMERSDALE, being in their Robes, and seated on a Form between the Throne and the Woolsack, commanded the Yeoman Usher of the Black Rod to let the Commons know "The Lords Commissioners desire their immediate Attendance in this House."
Who being come, with their Speaker—
The LORD CHANCELLOR delivered HER MAJESTY'S Speech to both Houses of Parliament, as follows:—
"My Lords, and Gentlemen,
"I RECUR to your advice at the earliest period permitted by the arrangements consequent on the retirement of the late Administration.
"My relations with, all Foreign Powers continue to be most friendly. I shall not fail to exercise the influence

23
arising from these cordial relations for the maintenance of European peace, and the faithful observance of international obligations.
"The marriage of my son, the Duke of Edinburgh, with the Grand Duchess Marie Alexandrowna of Russia, is at once a source of happiness to myself and a pledge of friendship between two great Empires.
"The war with the King of Ashantee has terminated in the capture and destruction of his capital, and in negotiations which, I trust, may lead to a more satisfactory condition of affairs than has hitherto prevailed on the West Coast of Africa.
"The courage, discipline, and endurance displayed by my forces, both of the land and sea service, together with the energy and skill evinced in the conduct of the expedition, have brilliantly maintained, under the most trying circumstances, the traditionary reputation of the British arms.
"I deeply regret that the drought of last summer has affected the most populous provinces of my Indian Empire, and has produced extreme scarcity, in some parts amounting to actual famine, over an area inhabited by many millions. I have directed the Governor-General of India to spare no cost in striving to mitigate this terrible calamity."
"Gentlemen of the House of Commons,
"THE Estimates for the expenditure of the coming financial year will be forthwith submitted to you."
"My Lords, and Gentleman,
"THE delay and expense attending the transfer of land in England have
24
long been felt to be a reproach to our system of law, and a serious obstacle to dealings in real property. This subject has, in former Sessions, occupied the attention of Parliament, and I trust that the measures which will now be submitted for your consideration will be found calculated to remove much of the evil of which complaint has been made.
"You will probably be of opinion that the re-arrangement of the Judicature, and the blending of the administration of law and equity, which were effected for England by the enactment of last Session, ought, on the same principles, to be extended to Ireland, and you will be asked to devote some part of your time to the accomplishment of this object.
"The greater part of these changes would be inapplicable to the Tribunals of Scotland; but you will be invited, as to that part of my Kingdom, to consider the most satisfactory mode of bringing the procedure upon appeals into harmony with recent legislation, and, among other measures relating to her special interests, a Bill for amending the Law relating to Land Rights and for facilitating the Transfer of Land will be laid before you.
"Serious differences have arisen, and remonstrances been made by large classes of the community, as to the working of the recent Act of Parliament affecting the relationship of Master and Servant, of the Act of 1871, which deals with offences connected with trade, and of the law of conspiracy, more especially as connected with these offences. On these subjects I am desirous that, before attempting any fresh legislation, you should be in possession of all material

25
facts, and of the precise questions in controversy, and for this purpose I have issued a Royal Commission to inquire into the state and working of the present law with a view to its early amendment, if it should he found necessary.
"A Bill will be introduced dealing with such parts of the Acts regulating the sale of intoxicating liquors as have given rise to complaints which appear to deserve the interference of Parliament.
"Your attention will also he directed to the laws affecting Friendly and Provident Societies.
"All these matters will require your grave consideration, and I pray that the Almighty may guide your deliberations for the welfare of my realm."
Then the Commons withdrew.
Several Lords—Took the Oath.
His Royal Highness the Duke of Edinburgh—singly took the Oath.

SAT FIRST.
The Lord de Clifford, after the death of his Great Uncle.
The Earl of Hardwicke, after the death of his Father.

NEW PEERS.
The Earl of Breadalbane, in that part of the United Kingdom called Scotland, having been created Baron Breadalbane of Kenmore in the county of Perth—was (in the usual manner) introduced.
The Right Honourable William Mon-sell having been created Baron Emly of Jervoe in the county of Limerick—was (in the usual manner) introduced.
The Right Honourable John Wilson Patten having been created Baron Winmarleigh of Winmarleigh in the county palatine of Lancaster—was (in the usual manner) introduced.

SELECT VESTRIES.
Bill, pro formâ, read 1a,
The QUEEN'S SPEECH reported by The LORD CHANCELLOR.

ADDRESS IN ANSWER TO HER MAJESTY'S MOST GRACIOUS SPEECH.
THE MARQUESS OF LOTHIAN: My Lords—In rising to move, "That an humble Address be presented to Her Majesty in answer to Her Majesty's gracious Speech from the Throne," I have to ask for that indulgence which your Lordships have always hitherto afforded to these who address you for the first time. My Lords, I feel that I have undertaken a grave responsibility in venturing to address your Lordships at all upon this occasion. Since your Lordships last met for the transaction of Public Business, a great political change has taken place. An appeal has been made by the late Government to the country, and the answer to that appeal has been such that the administration of the affairs of the nation has been intrusted to these with whom, on political subjects, I generally agree. I do not, however, think that this is an occasion for me to enter upon that change, or the circumstances which have led to it, or to discuss the principles which may animate Her Majesty's pro-sent Government. Her Majesty's Speech from the Throne is addressed to every section of your Lordships' House, and I venture to ask your unanimous approval of my Motion for an humble Address in answer to that Speech.
My Lords, I am sure that it is with great satisfaction that you will notice the prominent position which is given to the announcement that Her Majesty's relations with all Foreign Powers continue to be most friendly:—for nothing can stand so much in the way of satisfactory domestic legislation as a feeling of uneasiness with regard to our foreign relations; and I attribute, on the other hand, to the present happy condition of our relations with other Powers the high place of respect and esteem which this country holds in the family of nations. My Lords, scarcely anything could be more lamentable than that any misunderstanding should arise between this country and a Foreign Power with which we ought to be in friendly alliance; and, therefore, the first assurance of Her Majesty's Speech will, I am sure, be received by your Lordships with very

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great pleasure. In the second paragraph, Her Majesty seems to me to announce a definite foreign policy which must commend itself to the judgment of all your Lordships. It appears to me that while Her Majesty is determined to fulfil in their integrity all the duties and responsibilities which belong to a great European Power, she will adopt a policy of non-interference, and without entering into any entangling engagements, she will faithfully act up to any international obligations into which she may already have entered, and that, while respecting the right of others, Her Majesty will take care that the rights of this country are also respected.
My Lords, Her Majesty next graciously announces to us the marriage of His Royal Highness the Duke of Edinburgh to the Grand Duchess Marie Alexandrowna, a daughter of the Emperor of Russia. This announcement will be a matter of personal congratulation to many of your Lordships; for His Royal Highness is a Member of this House, and no matter affecting the interests of the Royal Family can over be a matter of indifference to your Lordships or to the country. The most cordial welcome which was given to the Members of our Royal Family who went to St. Peters-burgh to be present at the nuptials of His Royal Highness with the Grand Duchess, and the enthusiastic reception afforded to Her Majesty and the Duke and Duchess of Edinburgh when they entered London on Thursday last, is a proof of the attachment of the people of this country to the monarchical principle, and shows the affectionate esteem in which Her Majesty and Her Family are regarded both in this country and abroad; and your Lordships, knowing the loyal affection of the people of this country, must feel gratified that the Emperor of Russia has confided the interests of his only daughter to an English Prince, and her future domestic happiness to the security of an English home. Her Majesty refers in Her Speech to the political aspect of this alliance. The days, my Lords, have gone by when the destinies of two great nations can be directly affected by the union of their Royal Houses, but the indirect effects of such alliances may, perhaps, be greater at the present day than they have been at any former period. It is with nations as with individuals.
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Former disputes between nations, as between individuals, frequently arose from ignorance and misunderstanding of the wants, wishes, and aspirations of each other, and these, as opportunity arose, were developed into animosity and hostility. This alliance cannot but create a greater interest between England and Russia, and from that interest will follow that mutual knowledge and appreciation which is the best guarantee of true and lasting peace.
My Lords, although the late period at which the present Session commences is attended with some obvious disadvantages, yet there is one advantage that may be cited in its favour—namely, that in the Speech from the Throne Her Majesty is able to announce the conclusion of the war with the King of Ashantee. I will not attempt to discuss the causes of that war, but I cannot refrain from calling it an unhappy war—unhappy in the first place as regards the losses which Her Majesty's forces have sustained, and the lives of young and valuable men it has cost; and unhappy in the next place in the legacy of embarrassment and difficulty which has been left to the present Government. I think, however, I ought to congratulate your Lordships upon the comparatively little loss with which the campaign has been brought to a successful conclusion. I need not refer to the perils arising from the nature of the country and the climate, but I will remind our Lordships of the anxiety which prevailed in this country during the few days before we received intelligence of the fall of Coomassie. This was "a little war"—little in its results—small when we consider the number of troops engaged; but there never has been a war in which the high qualities of the British troops have been more fully tried or more signally displayed. But the triumphant conclusion of this "little war" is a great relief, and all branches of the two services which have been engaged in it are sure of a warm welcome on their arrival home again. The noble Earl the Foreign Secretary (the Earl of Derby), when speaking some time ago on the subject of the Ashantee War, said it would be chiefly "a war of engineers and doctors." No doubt there was much truth in that statement; but it had also proved to be a war of marching, for

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much of its success depended upon the celerity of the movements of our troops. All our officers and all our men, both of land forces and seamen and marines engaged in the war, deserve our thanks, and without doubt on their return they will receive the thanks they have so nobly earned. I will not enter into the policy which should guide us in our future relations with the West Coast of Africa. I have already observed that it must be a question of difficulty and embarrassment to Her Majesty's Government, and one which will require their most anxious consideration. It will, at any rate, be one satisfactory result, if the heavy blow which has been inflicted on the Ashantee kingdom by Sir Garnet Wolseley, in the taking of Coomassie, should lead to the destruction of the ghastly foundations of blood and superstition on which this rule was founded, and be the means of inducing in their stead a more humane and civilized system of government.
My Lords, in regard to the Famine in India it is to be regretted, that Her Majesty has been compelled to announce to us that it has been so severe and so wide-spread—and I fear that it is extending rather than diminishing—and that Her Majesty is unable to hold out to us any prospect of its immediate alleviation. The announcement made by Her Majesty must, however, cause some satisfaction—that Her Majesty has instructed the Governor General to spare no cost in endeavouring to mitigate this terrible calamity. Your Lordships are aware that in the task of relieving the people of India we are obstructed by two great difficulties—from the difficulty of obtaining means of transport into the interior of the country; and, secondly, the difficulty arising from the apathy of the Natives. Notwithstanding, it is our duty to alleviate their sufferings—indeed there is all the more reason for doing so because of that apathy. This famine, like most other calamities, carries with it two lessons. The one is that we should facilitate more than we have yet done the means of transport with these districts in the interior of India which are liable from time to time to be threatened by drought and famine; and the other lesson is the means of artificial irrigation throughout these districts should be increased.
My Lords, Her Majesty, in her Speech
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from the Throne, has laid before you for your Lordships' consideration proposals for several measures. I shall not attempt to go into the details of the measures promised by Government, because of these details I am necessarily ignorant. I think Her Majesty's Government have exercised a wise discretion in proposing no more measures than they can reasonably expect to deal with within the short limits: of the time at their disposal—but the measures they intend to introduce are such as I feel sure your Lordships will consider useful and necessary. With reference to Scotland, I have to express gratification that Her Majesty's Government propose legislation in behalf of that country. There are other measures affecting Scotland besides those enumerated in the Speech, which I hope they will bring forward if the time at their disposal should permit of their introduction. There is one loss which your Lordships' House has sustained to which I feel it incumbent upon me to make some reference. I refer to the death of a noble and learned Lord—Lord Colon-say—who devoted a most assiduous attention to matters relating to the interests of Scotland especially, and whose ability and experience in reference to Scotch law was of the greatest assistance to the Law Lords in transacting the judicial business and legislation of your Lordships' House.
My Lords, Her Majesty has congratulated you on the happy event of the marriage of her son, and the successful conclusion of the Ashantee War. She has asked your sympathy in the calamity which has overtaken an important portion of the Empire, and she has laid before you several measures on which she asks your counsel and advice. My Lords, the history of your Lordships' House has been one continuous record of loyal devotion to the Throne, and it is therefore with the utmost confidence that I venture to ask your Lordships' unanimous assent to the Motion I have the honour to submit to you. I feel sure your Lordships will allow me to add that, notwithstanding the great political changes which have taken place, and the press of business which, owing to the lateness of the Session, will come upon your Lordships' House, it will be in no party or hurried spirit that your Lordships will enter upon your deliberations, but, with the sole and single object

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of enabling Her Majesty to carry out that which she most earnestly desires—namely, the governing of her great Empire to the welfare and contentment of all her people. The noble Marquess concluded by moving the following humble Address to Her Majesty, thanking Her Majesty for Her Most Gracious Speech from the Throne.
"MOST GRACIOUS SOVEREIGN,
"WE, Your Majesty's most dutiful and loyal subjects, the Lords Spiritual and Temporal, in Parliament assembled, beg leave to offer our humble thanks to Your Majesty for the gracious Speech which Your Majesty has commanded to be made to both Houses of Parliament.
"We humbly thank Your Majesty for informing us that Your relations with all Foreign Powers continue to be most friendly, and that Your Majesty's influence arising from these cordial relations will be exercised for the maintenance of European peace, and the faithful observance of international obligations.
"We rejoice to learn that the marriage of His Royal Highness the Duke of Edinburgh with the Grand Duchess Maric Alexandrowna of Russia is a source of happiness to Your Majesty and we join with your Majesty in welcoming it as a pledge of friendship between the two Empires.
"We humbly thank your Majesty for informing us that the war with the King of Ashantee has terminated in the capture and destruction of his capital, and in negotiations which, we trust, may lead to a more satisfactory condition of affairs than has hitherto prevailed on the West Coast of Africa.
"We rejoice to learn that the courage, discipline, and endurance displayed by Your Majesty's forces, together with the energy and skill evinced in the conduct of the expedition, have maintained the traditionary reputation of the British arras.
"We humbly join in Your Majesty's regret that the drought of last summer has produced scarcity, in some parts amounting to actual famine, in the most populous provinces of Your Majesty's Indian Empire, and we learn with satisfaction that Your Majesty has directed the Governor-General of India to spare no cost in striving to mitigate this terrible calamity.
"We humbly thank your Majesty for informing us that Your Majesty has issued a Royal Commission to inquire into the state and working of the recent Act of Parliament affecting the
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relationship of Master and Servant, of the Act of 1871, which deals with offences connected with trade, and of the law of conspiracy as connected with these offences, with a view to the early amendment of the present law on these subjects, if it should be found necessary.
"We humbly assure Your Majesty that we will give our earnest consideration to the measures of public usefulness which may be presented to us, and we fervently join in Your Majesty's prayer that the Almighty may guide our deliberations for the welfare of Your Majesty's realm."
EARL CADOGAN: My Lords—In rising to second the Address which has been so ably moved by my noble Friend, I venture, like him, to plead for a share of that indulgent forbearance which your Lordships never deny to these who address you for the first time. I cannot but feel, my Lords, that I stand in especial need of such forbearance—inasmuch as I am called upon to intrude myself upon your attention on the first occasion of my having the honour of occupying a seat in your Lordships' House.
My Lords, my noble Friend, in moving the Address, has touched on the principal topics in the Speech from the Throne; but I can not allow my noble Friend to monopolize the opportunity of expressing the satisfaction with which your Lordships will have heard of the marriage of the Duke of Edinburgh with the Grand Duchess Marie Alexandrowna. I am well aware that matrimonial alliances between illustrious Houses of Europe no longer possess that political importance which formerly attached to them; but I venture to hope that your Lordships will join with me in the expression of a fervent hope that the auspicious alliance which has just been celebrated may not only be productive of happiness to the illustrious Personages immediately concerned, but will tend to cement and perpetuate our amicable relations with that friendly power which has confided so important a charge to our keeping.
My Lords, it will be a source of congratulation to your Lordships and the whole country, that recent events have enabled Her Majesty to announce to us the successful termination of the war on the Gold Coast. In the discharge of the special duty which has devolved upon me, it is my desire to avoid, as much as possible, all controversial topics. I will

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not therefore enter upon the causes which may have led to that war, nor into the geography of these distant Straits which contemporary historians and poets have been discussing during the recent elections. Neither will I attempt to solve the mystery which appears to enshroud the authorship of those treaties, or drafts of treaties, of which we have heard so much lately. I shall even decline to enter into the question of whether Her Majesty's late Government have or have not laid themselves open to the charge of dilatoriness in their preparations at the outset of the campaign. Put, my Lords, I may venture to affirm one thing—namely, that from the moment that war appeared to be inevitable and it became evident that an expedition must be fitted out, Her Majesty's late advisers did display an energy and an activity which must have largely contributed to the brilliant success of our arms. My Lords, I think that credit is also due to the noble Viscount opposite (Viscount Cardwell), and to those with whom he acted, for the great wisdom and discrimination they exercised in the choice they made of Sir Garnet Wolseley, as the Commander-in-Chief of our Forces. It was with deep pain that we read that Sir Garnet Wolseley, on his arrival in Africa, was obliged to describe his position as a "humiliating" one, owing to a want of that support which might have enabled him to conclude his operations with a lesser sacrifice of time, and perhaps even of valuable lives; but this deplorable state of affairs has only exhibited in a still brighter light these noble qualities of which our small band of soldiers and sailors have given us so conspicuous an example. My Lords, upon the future results of this Ashantee War I should wish to say a few words. I believe that it will bring other results besides the addition of a brilliant page to that history of triumphs of which we English are so justly proud. I believe the war on the Gold Coast will act as a warning to the statesmen to whom in the future the affairs of this country may be committed to avoid a multiplication of engagements which may, and constantly do, lead us into complications which it is impossible to foresee, and into entanglements which it is next to impossible to avoid. I hope also that this war may bring home to the minds
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of the people of this country the fact that the most peaceful nation in the world, under the guidance of a Ministry which certainly cannot be accused of any undue partiality for war, is at all times liable to be called upon to face sudden emergencies which render it vitally essential that our military forces, whether defensive or offensive, should be maintained in a state of thorough and permanent efficiency.
My Lords, if I allude to that terrible famine which has already caused so much misery in India, and which threatens to extend its ravages, it is because no one of your Lordships could, I am sure, find it in his heart to speak on this Address without endeavouring to express the deep sympathy which has been excited in the minds of the people of this country by so dire a calamity. Your Lordships will recall with pleasure the generous words of praise in which the Prime Minister alluded lately to the efforts of the Governor General to alleviate the threatened misery. I can only hope that we may accept these generous expressions as an earnest of that cordial mutual understanding and confidence between the authorities at Home and these in India, so indispensable at such a crisis.
My Lords, we have lately been told by a high authority that the attention of Parliament has been directed too much to domestic legislation, to the exclusion of matters affecting our relations with Foreign Powers. We may, therefore, suppose that to these questions the attention of the present Government, and of the Department over which the noble Earl opposite (the Earl of Derby) presides will be specially directed, and we may expect that the good relations which now exist with Foreign Powers Mill be maintained, while the faithful observance of international obligations will be firmly insisted on.
At the same time, your Lordships will observe with pleasure that Her Majesty's present advisers do not neglect domestic legislation. The appointment of a Commission is announced to inquire into the present law of the relation between master and servant, with a view to the early amendment of the Act of 1871, if necessary. I trust that great care will be exercised in the appointment of these who may have to serve on that Commission, with the object of securing the

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confidence especially of these classes who are most deeply interested in the matter.
My Lords, with regard to the other measures of legislation mentioned in the Queen's Speech, I am well aware that they are not so wide and comprehensive as some of your Lordships might desire; I will even admit that there are some other subjects with which the Government may feel obliged to deal, although they are not included in the Royal Speech. But, my Lords, I for one should have looked with some suspicion upon any large and comprehensive measures framed by a Government which has been in office barely three weeks; and agreeing, as I do, with my noble Friend the Mover of the Address, that Administrations have of late hold out more promises than there was a reasonable hope of performing, I cannot help saying that her Majesty's Government has exercised a sound discretion in not leading us to expect during this Session measures which there is no reasonable hope of bringing to a satisfactory issue, and although much may no doubt be expected of a year which in its infancy has brought us to the end of the great Tichborne trial, I fear it is not reasonable to calculate upon any largo addition being made to the statute-book in a Session which began with a new Ministry on the 19th of March.
My Lords, the great political crisis through which we have just passed, although it docs not affect the composition of your Lordships' House, must materially influence and modify the course of legislation for some time to come. I am aware that in endeavouring to interpret the political feeling of the country, as expressed on a recent occasion, I am treading on somewhat delicate ground; but, my Lords, as I have had an opportunity, within a very few months, of testing the opinion of one portion, at least, of the electoral community, I may venture, in the character of "a young man from the country" to express the result of my experience, and that in one sentence. I am not one of these who think that the people of England wish the Legislature to stand still and do nothing. I believe it is anxious and willing to support practical measures of administrative reform that are calculated to promote the welfare and prosperity of the community. It is
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because I see this disposition reflected in the measures announced in the gracious Speech from the Throne, that I have willingly consented to assist in inviting your Lordships to agree to this Address. I feel I owe your Lordships an apology for trespassing, perhaps unduly, upon your time and attention. I have but one more duty to perform—and that the most difficult of all—namely, to tender to your Lordships my heartfelt thanks for the kindness and patience with which you have listened to me. I have deeply felt my unworthiness to perform this task; but I have undertaken it, relying solely on that generosity and forbearance which has been extended to me beyond all expectation, and for which I cannot adequately express my gratitude. The noble Earl concluded by seconding the Address. [See page 31.]
EARL GRANVILLE: My Lords, before I venture to make a few observations to your Lordships permit me to say that I should be very unwilling to interpose between the House and any other noble Lord who may wish to speak. The first duty I have to perform is the agreeable one of congratulating my two noble Friends on the manner in which they have performed one of the most difficult tasks I know of—that of moving and seconding the Address in reply to a Speech from the Throne. I speak not as a mere matter of form when I express my opinion that, as regards both substance and tone, it would not have been easy to perform these tasks better than they have been accomplished by my noble Friends. When I refer to tone, I refer to that tone which I have always found it to be the desire of your Lordships to observe on occasions of the discussion of an Address in answer to a Speech from the Throne, and I am sure your Lordships will feel it especially desirable that that tone should be observed in the discussion of an Address moved at the first meeting of a new Parliament, and immediately after the assumption of office by a new Government—a consequence of what I must admit to be the unmistakeable verdict of the country. And now, my Lords, in rising to address you from the Opposition benches, after five years of leadership in this House, I cannot do so without expressing my grateful sense of the kindness and forbearance extended to me by your Lordships throughout that

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period. Had it not been for the good feeling manifested towards me by the majority in your Lordships' House, it would have been impossible for me to have conducted the business of the Government in this House, in which your Lordships are not bound by laws such as prevail in the other House of Parliament. A General Election has caused great changes in the composition of the other House. It is not so in the composition of your Lordships' House—we have sustained no loss here except loss occasioned by death. The noble Marquess who moved the Address made a graceful allusion to the loss sustained by your Lordships' House since last Session by the death of Lord Colonsay. I join in the regret expressed by the noble Marquess at the death of a noble and learned Lord whose high character as a Judge and a gentleman entitled him to every respect, and who was undoubtedly a most useful Member of your Lordships' House. With regard to the Speech from the Throne—I cannot omit to observe that the Members of the late Government owe their thanks to Her Majesty's Ministers for a handsome compliment paid them in the framing of that Speech—because it so happens that the first paragraph is word for word the same as the first paragraph in the Speech from the Throne six years ago when that Government had come into office. Though not so full of the future as some, the Speech goes on to treat of matters of great importance in reference to our foreign relations, and to the condition of our Indian and Colonial Empires. As to home topics, nearly all the measures mentioned are not of a party character, but are objects of great national importance, and most of them relate to questions of legal reform. My noble and learned Friend behind me (Lord Selborne) has given them all very considerable attention, and I am sure the noble and learned Lord on the Woolsack is aware of the willingness of my noble and learned Friend to co-operate with him on all questions of law reform, and to facilitate all measures of that kind. Speaking for myself, and I may also say with confidence for my noble Friends, that our object will be not to obstruct but to facilitate. I believe that none of the measures indicated in the Speech are likely to give rise to so much controversy as the administration of licences
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to persons who sell intoxicating liquors; but all I can say on this subject is, that I shall be very glad if Her Majesty's Government should find themselves able to give within reasonable limits to the members of that important and most powerful body relief from the inconvenience of which they complain. With reference to our relations with Foreign Powers, it is a matter of satisfaction to me, that the noble Earl opposite (the Earl of Derby) who is now charged with these affairs, has always carried out the same principles that were adopted by Her Majesty's late Government. With regard to the marriage of the Duke of Edinburgh, the House has already had an opportunity of expressing its congratulations to Her Majesty; and it is perhaps unnecessary for me to do more on this occasion than repeat what was so well said by a noble Marquess (the Marquess of Salisbury) last Session—that, though the Royal matrimonial alliances do not, as in past times, affect the policy of this country so that they could be the means of dragging us into war, it is by no means so clear that they may not be the means of conducing to the maintenance of peace. The question of the Ashantee War is a very large one, and it is impossible that Parliament can meet without discussing the course of that war, and the still more important question as to what led to it and as to what is to come out of it. I shall not enter on these topics to-night, but shall follow the example of the two noble Lords who moved and seconded the Address in declaring that it is a matter, not of party feeling, but rather of national pride, that an expedition which was so reluctantly entered into has been so successfully carried out. It is impossible that Her Majesty could have used too strong words in recognizing the services of the officers and men, both of the military and naval forces who were engaged in this expedition, it was about the middle of August when it was first thought necessary to combine the political functions of the Governor of the Cape with the military duties of a Commander-in-Chief, and to consider whether it would be necessary to enter into extended military operations. Sir Garnet Wolseley, although at that time holding high office in this country, at once signified his willingness to accept the double responsibity, and he has discharged

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his duties in a most remarkable manner. Time was a most important element. Sir Garnet Wolseley had, before leaving this country, to consult the military authorities and also the Medical and Supply Departments. He had to make arrangements as speedily as possible for counteracting the deadly climate in the interior, to make himself perfectly acquainted with the whole case, to make the necessary preparations, and to report home in time for the despatch of troops. The whole affair had to be carried out between December and March, and the operations of Sir Garnet Wolseley were facilitated by the arrangements at home, which enabled the troops to be despatched a month earlier than it was anticipated would be possible Although we have lost many distinguished officers, I am happy to say that every comfort was provided for the troops and that every care was taken of the sick and wounded, owing to which the number of actual deaths was very small. I now come to a very melancholy subject—that of the impending famine in India. It is one of the misfortunes of a large empire that calamities of this kind will occur in some parts of it from time to time, and it may be some sort of consolation to us to know that whore one man dies in the course of such a visitation under our Government, thousands would have died under the former bad Government of India. This fact, how-ever, in no way relieves the Government from the responsibility of taking every possible care to diminish the evil effects of the calamity, if it cannot altogether prevent its occurrence. I regret that my noble Friend the Duke of Argyll is prevented by indisposition from being in his place this evening, for I know that he was anxious to take the earliest opportunity of paying a just tribute to Lord Northbrook for the foresight, the kindliness, and the completeness of the measures he has taken for the relief of the sufferers. I said at the commencement of my remarks that I had only a few observations to make, and I now beg to thank your Lordships for your kindness in listening to what I have said.
THE DUKE OF SOMERSET: My Lords, I do not wish for a moment to interfere with the harmony and unanimity with which it appears to be the feeling of the House that this Address
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should be received; but I rise to make a few observations upon the recent political events and changes that have taken place. I find myself now placed on the Opposition side of the House instead of on the benches behind the Government. We have heard it said that the Members of this House were so far removed from their countrymen that they were in total ignorance of public opinion—that they were so far removed from all sensible men in the country, that they were in a manner "up in a balloon." Since that statement was made, the opinion of the country has been taken, and I should like to ask who it was that was "up in a balloon?" The high official who told us that we were "up in a balloon," was himself, with his companions, "up in a balloon," and what a tumble they have had Many of them, however, by the gracious favour of the Sovereign, have fallen upon the soft cushions of this aristocratic assembly. My Lords, it must be remembered also that the same high authority said that he should consider three times whether or not he should abolish this House altogether. I am glad to see that, instead of abolishing this House or thinking of doing so, he has desired to strengthen and invigorate it. In the discussions in this House many of these who have been recently created Peers will be of great advantage in assisting our deliberations—they will not only be of great use to these who sit on this side of the House, but they will also be of great use to these who sit opposite us, because, should any noble Lord on the opposite side of the House be tempted in a moment of weakness to mis-apply any public money, or to disregard the vote of Parliament in making some departmental improvement, he will look across the House and will see sitting among us the late Postmaster General, and take warning. Again, if under the impulse of popular clamour any noble Lord should be tempted to interfere with the vested interests of a largo and powerful body in this country, let him look across at the late Home Secretary sitting among us, and he will be very careful hew he ventures to meddle with the interests of the licensed victuallers. Again, if any noble Lord thinks that by making large concessions, and by taking the property from one class of the community to give it to another he can conciliate the Irish

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people, let him look across the House, and he will see an example of hew the warm hearts of the Irish boiled over with gratitude towards a Minister who made every effort to satisfy the unreasonable demands of the Irish priesthood and the insatiable rapacity of the Irish tenantry. These are the lessons we shall derive from the recent accessions to this House. The Liberal party in the other House owe to the House of Lords the "minority clause" which has saved many of them their seats, and I should expect that many Liberal Members of that House, if they are capable of feeling gratitude, will come to the noble and learned Lord on the Woolsack, who moved the insertion of that clause, with a testimonial of their regard and affection. I do not complain of being on this instead of on the other side of the House; but I do complain of the manner in which the late Government brought about this change I consider that the conduct of the late Prime Minister in issuing a proclamation, and, even before the proposal had been formally sanctioned by the Sovereign, sending down to his constituents the information that an appeal was to be made to the country immediately, was most objectionable. I also consider that the Prime Minister adopted a most unusual course in submitting a Budget to the country before it had been discussed in Parliament. Such a course would have been objectionable under any circumstances, but it was doubly mischievous as a precedent, when it was adopted by a man of the ability and financial reputation of the late Prime Minister. I trust, however, that the precedent will not be followed. We were not only told of the changes which were to be made—and which ought never to have been brought forward, except in Parliament whore they could have been discussed in connection with the whole financial scheme of the Government; but besides we were told that there was to be a re-adjustment of taxation. The effect of this was that people began to distrust the bribe offered to them. Some, no doubt, approved the abolition of the income tax; some may have approved the reduction of custom duties, or the "free breakfast table;" but all were curious to know what the re-adjustment of taxes meant—what, in fact, if I may use a well-known Parliamentary
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phrase, was concealed under the other thimble. My noble Friends sitting below me, who must have seen the conjuring trick performed in Downing Street, can perhaps tell us, as a matter of history, what there was under the other thimble. The game is now over, and if my noble Friends will only favour us with that information, I am sure it will be of great interest, both to the House and the country. But, my Lords, I desire to call your attention to a letter which has been published—not the letter addressed to "Dear Lord Granville," but the letter addressed by Mr. Gladstone to "Dear Lord Fermoy "—the purport of that letter was at such a time most objectionable—Mr. Gladstone stated that he could not altogether make up his mind to oppose Home Rule, because he did not know what it meant. Now, other Ministers knew very well what it meant, and they spoke out clearly and distinctly about it; but Mr. Gladstone could not make up his mind. He would not support the movement, but he would not give it a denial. This was a most unfortunate and improper proceeding. Here is a Minister enjoying the command of the patronage of the Crown, to whom the interests and the integrity of the Empire are intrusted, and who on one of the most vital questions is unable to express a distinct opinion for fear that by so doing he may lose some votes. My Lords, is there any one of you who had any difficulty in finding out what this Home Rule meant? Is there any one who doubts that by means of this cry candidates have been able to gain the popularity of treason without incurring its dangers? And now, my Lords, Mr. Gladstone says he will only lead if he has an united party to back him. But who has prevented ours being an united party if it be not Mr. Gladstone himself? Has he not continually taken part with the extreme sections of the Liberal party, and driven the moderate Liberals from him? He has shown favour towards the advocates of the most extravagant changes and condescended to lick the very dust off the feet of democracy. It is owing to this that he has lost the support of so largo a portion of the Liberal party, and I feel confident that he will not regain it, for a very large section of the Liberal party will not unite in any way with these, either in

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England or Ireland, who are seeking to effect the dismemberment of the Empire. Mr. Gladstone also writes to Lord Granville and tells him what he means to do. It seems that he moans to retire very much from political life, but every now and then to assist by what he calls his advice Now, my Lords, I delight as much as anyone does in Mr. Gladstone's great talent and eloquence, and in his vigorous energy and dexterity in debate; bat his advice and judgment I believe to be the least valuable product of his fruitful mind. The Liberal party see now whore his advice has brought them. The power is transferred to noble Lords opposite, and I hope they will take warning by the errors of this side, and, by avoiding our faults, find better success in conducting the affairs of the country.
LORD COLCHESTERbriefly addressed the House, but some confusion prevailing, was almost inaudible.
LORD SELBORNE: I should have wished, my Lords, that the course indicated by the speeches of the two noble Lords who moved and seconded the Address would have been followed; and I fully agree that on an occasion like the present, unanimity should prevail, and that no topic of an irritating character should be introduced. I have heard with very great pain and regret the speech which has been delivered this evening by the noble Duke near me—a speech which, if delivered at all, ought to have been delivered at some other time, and in a place whore the person, attacked would have been able to make his own reply. Of that great man, with whom I have had the honour for some short time to be associated, I cannot trust myself to attempt to speak, as my sense of his uprightness, and of his intention to do justice to all interests and classes in the country, and of his high character would prompt me to do; but I am bound to say that if it were proved of the late Prime Minister, as the noble Duke suggested, that he had tampered or coquetted—or some such expression—with these who seek to dismember the Empire, or if it were proved that he had licked the very dust off the feet of democracy, it would be impossible for the grave disgrace to rest with him alone. Such disgrace would have to be shared by every Member of the late Government. I repudiate—I must
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say with indignation—the suggestion that the late Government or its head tampered, or attempted to tamper, at any time, with the question of the dismemberment of the Empire, or did at any time anything that could be construed into licking the dust off the feet of democracy, and I am sure that there is no member of the late Administration to whose mind and character such acts are more wholly foreign than its illustrious head. The noble Duke has referred to a letter written to Lord Fermoy by Mr. Gladstone;—and it would, perhaps, be as well that notice should be given of such attacks as that made by the noble Duke, so that we might be prepared with copies to refer to. In that letter Mr. Gladstone appeared to have used the expression that he did not know what Home Rule meant, or something equivalent, and the noble Duke, in the very next sentence, confirmed the manifest meaning and intention of Mr. Gladstone in so expressing himself, for the noble Duke said that 50 different people took up the expression and meant 50 different things by it. Before, therefore, any person would be justified in interrogating Mr. Gladstone on this subject, he ought to explain what he means by Home Rule, and then Mr. Gladstone would be able to give his opinion upon a thing so understood. But your Lordships have probably not forgotten that Mr. Gladstone has in reality left no doubt about his opinion of Home Rule as generally understood—namely, as a cry, whether taken up in earnest or not, and by this man or by that man, which can have but one practical tendency, the dismemberment of the Empire. Upon that point Mr. Gladstone has left no doubt at all, for when—I think less than a year ago—he received the freedom of the city of Aberdeen he went even out of his way to state that that notion of the dismemberment of the Empire was one which no statesman of this country could ever possibly entertain. It was impossible for anybody with even the smallest grain of charity to doubt after this Mr. Gladstone's sentiments on the subject of Home Rule. Surely, in such a correspondence it was only natural he should wish to call attention to the fact that various people meant various things by the expression "Home Rule," and that it was used by many persons not insincerely

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to signify things as far remote from treason and the dismemberment of the Empire as Mr. Gladstone's own mind would be. I hope that Mr. Gladstone did not do injustice to this particular nobleman by this correspondence, and that he thought him one of these who echoed the cry of Home Rule, not with a view to the dismemberment of the Empire, but in some narrow, shallow, and unpractical sense, doubtless totally different from that which constitutes its real importance and danger. I do not think I should act in a manner of which your Lordships would approve if I were to follow the noble Duke in any explanation of the course taken by the late Government in the dissolution of the last Parliament. It is quite a mistake to suppose that Mr. Gladstone issued an address to the Electors of Greenwich before Her Majesty's pleasure had been taken on the subject. Her Majesty had signified her will and pleasure that the dissolution should take place before that or any other step had been taken by Mr. Gladstone or any other person on that subject. "Whether it was right or not for Mr. Gladstone in his address to his constituents to state as openly, frankly, and candidly as he did state the views he entertained upon the great opportunity that presented itself of turning to account the largo and extraordinary surplus in the public Exchequer, may be a matter upon which the opinions of your Lordships may differ. But if, as a matter of fact, the existence of the opportunity did constitute the whole and sole ground for not waiting for the expiry of the Parliament, and for ascertaining at once in whom the country placed its confidence—if, as a matter of fact, that was the express ground for the Dissolution, I do not know hew anyone could abstain from explaining the grounds of that step. Nor do I believe, if the procedents were examined, it would appear so wholly unprecedented to refer to financial measures and changes affecting the incidence and the burden of taxation upon the people. I cannot but think that is a point upon which any Minister who appeals to the country as to whether it has confidence in him or not has a right to express himself, and since it was the will of the country that the Government should be conducted by others it was far better for the country that we should at once leave the conduct of affairs,
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with that great financial opportunity, to these in whom the country had confidence. I trust that they will use that opportunity well. But of this I am sure—that if Mr. Gladstone's intended policy was a wise and sound policy he would not have been doing justice to it if he had attempted to bring it forward in the last Session of an expiring Parliament, in which parties were very much disorganized, and which had shown proofs of want of confidence in the late Government. Mr. Gladstone acted on that, as on all other occasions, with the sincere and honest intention to serve the Queen and country, and in every act of his Administration he was determined to maintain these great interests which he is supposed to be capable of undermining. That I am confident he will continue to do to the end; not tampering at any time with any principle or opinions which, in his judgment have any tendency to undermine the security of the Throne or the integrity of the Empire Of that I am assured. I do not, however, ask your Lordships to pass any testimony of approbation upon the late Administration. I deeply lament that anything has been said that has made it necessary for me to appear in the character of the apologist of Mr. Gladstone, and it is the last occasion that I should have chosen for that purpose. But after what has been said by the noble Duke it was impossible for all Mr. Gladstone's Colleagues on this side of the House to sit still and allow what has been said to go forth to the world in silence, without a single syllable to show that we shared the responsibility with him, and we wholly repel and repudiate the suggestion that we are prepared to encourage or countenance in the smallest degree these who would shake the stability of the Throne or dismember the integrity of the Empire.
EARL GREY: My Lords, it is all very well to say that Mr. Gladstone did not mean what the Home Rulers meant. No doubt it is very true that Home Rule signifies different things to different people; but no one can watch what has been going on in Ireland during the last few months without being aware that Home Rule is used in a sense most dangerous to the permanence and stability of the Empire. It conveys to the minds of ignorant men a measure which might sooner or later tend to the

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destruction of the Empire. And that being the ease, when Mr. Gladstone was called upon to express an opinion on that subject, was it fit and proper that he should ride off upon an assumed ignorance as to what was meant by Home Rule, and abstain from speaking out in plain and distinct language, asserting in language equally plain and distinct his determination to resist to the utmost any step tending to such calamitous results? The noble and learned Lord (Lord Selborne) said that this was unnecessary, because the year before, at Aberdeen, Mr. Gladstone had expressed a very strong feeling on this subject, and had distinctly condemned the project of Home Rule. Reference to a speech, made more than a year ago, would have been more satisfactory if, unfortunately, Mr. Gladstone's opinions had not been for forty years in a state of constant and progressive change, and too often, in my opinion, in a direction highly dangerous. Further, that speech was made before the corporation of a distant town, and it might never have been heard of in Ireland. Such a speech was not sufficient to exempt the Prime Minister from the duty of stating clearly the real opinions of the Government. I will only say a single word as to the Dissolution of Parliament. That was a measure which gave me the most complete astonishment I ever felt throughout my public career. Remembering the time and manner in which it was adopted, it seemed not only unjustifiable, but likely to lead to the very results which occurred. It can only be described as an act of political suicide, and if it were the practice to hold coroners' inquests on deceased Administrations, I have no doubt the jury would have brought in the customary verdict of "temporary insanity."
THE EARL OF DERBY: My Lords, it certainly is not my wish to take any part in the controversy that has been carried on upon the benches opposite:—the only remark which I will make with reference to it is that, when the noble and learned Lord opposite (Lord Selborne) told us, in reply to the noble Duke, that he did not think it fitting that the leader of the Liberal party in the other House should be attacked in a place whore he was not present to defend himself, he lays down an argument which would carry him a little
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further than he probably intended to go. It would be a doubtful precedent, because it would load to this—that no man who has a seat in this House is entitled to criticize the character and policy of a political leader who may happen to have a seat in the other House.
EARL GRANVILLEobserved that Mr. Gladstone's personal character had been attacked.
THE EARL OF DERBY: His political character is all that I understood to be questioned. However, I will not pursue that subject farther. Whatever has been done, whatever has been left undone, by these who preceded us in office, a judgment has been passed upon their policy which, whether it be right or wrong, is at all events final and indisputable. I, for one, do not wish, either at this or at any other time, to revive the controversy which has been carried on during the last few weeks in every part of the country, and which we may hope has been satisfactorily sot at rest by the result of the General Election. My Lords, I am bound to express the sense I entertain of the spirit of courtesy and fairness with which the Speech from the Throne and the present position of affairs have been commented on by the noble Earl (Earl Granville), lately leader of this House. My Lords, there was nothing in the observations that fell from the noble Earl from which I could dissent, and therefore it is not necessary that I should take up any portion of your Lordships' time in any comment on his remarks. I am sure your Lordships will concur in offering most sincerely your congratulations to Her Majesty upon that Royal marriage which has excited so much public attention, and drawn forth an expression of feeling so genuine and spontaneous. No event can be politically unimportant which tends to bring together in any degree two Empires having great interests in the same quarter of the globe; and no event can be socially unimportant which contributes to the domestic happiness of these who from their high station are objects of attention and sympathy on the part of thousands who never even saw their faces. With regard to my noble Friends, the Mover and Seconder of the Address, I think I shall express the unanimous feeling of your Lordships when I say that

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both the noble Marquess and the noble Earl have discharged their duty—a duty not free from difficulty—in a manner which must have been satisfactory both to themselves and to your Lordships, and which should encourage them to take an active part in our future discussions. With reference to the measures indicated in the Speech from the Throne, your Lordships are aware that from the short interval which elapsed between the period at which the present Government acceded to office, and that at which the present Session has begun, the Government have had but little time for the preparation of any great legislative scheme. Nothing, perhaps, is more inconvenient—nothing could be more inconvenient than to bring forward such schemes without ample preparation—and we were equally anxious to avoid a fault which has not been uncommon of late years, that of bringing in and keeping before Parliament a larger number of measures than there could be any reasonable expectation of carrying. I hope with reference to measures connected with law reform that important progress may be made, and when we remember the manner in which the measures proposed by the noble and learned Lord opposite (Lord Selborne) were received by my noble and learned Friend on the Woolsack, I trust we, in our turn, may confidently rely on the valuable assistance which the experience and ability of the noble and learned Lord can give upon this subject. With refer once, my Lords, to Foreign Affairs—the Department with which I am specially connected—I certainly do not intend to utter anything in the nature of a prophecy. If I were inclined to do so I should certainly take warning from what happened three and a half years ago, when the noble Earl (Earl Granville), on the very eve of the breaking out of the Franco-German War, congratulated himself on the fact that the aspect of foreign affairs was so absolutely unruffled there was not a cloud in the horizon. [Earl GRANVILLE interposed a remark.] All I can say is that at the present moment the position of the country in regard to our foreign relations is most satisfactory. There is no State whatever with which our relations are not most cordial. I do not think it will be expected that I should make any declarations as to the principles on which the
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foreign policy of the Government will be based. I do not think that such general declarations have much practical value, because in regard to foreign policy there is very little difference of opinion among us; the only real difficulty is as to the practical application of principles on which we are all agreed. I think it right to say that my noble Friend the noble Marquess who has charge of Indian Affairs (the Marquess of Salisbury) will take the very earliest opportunity of placing before your Lordships the actual position of matters, and the steps which it is proposed to take with reference to that lamentable event—the famine in India. I do not think it would be my duty in any way to anticipate my noble Friend's statement; but I may say this—that, as I believe, the real difficulty with which our Indian Administration has to deal is not the want of funds—because funds will be amply and liberally supplied—not the want of food—because food in large, and I. hope sufficient quantities, exists—but the real difficulty we have to deal with is one not so easily met—that of taking the food to the people. It is the means of transport that are deficient, and the machinery for that purpose cannot be extemporized in a day. With regard to the policy to be pursued on the Gold Coast, as a consequence of the Ashantee War—now happily terminated—I do not suppose your Lordships would wish to express any opinion until after full and deliberate consideration; and, above all, until you have had the advantage of perusing the official despatches of these gallant officers who took so distinguished a part in the operations on the Coast. We may not be—we probably are not—any of us very anxious to extend or to maintain our possessions in that part of the world; but we are bound, in dealing with that matter, to consider the treaties we may have entered into, and the duties which we may have incurred, in regard to the native tribes who have acted as our allies in the war. As to the way in which the war has been carried out, I can only repeat what has been already said as to the gallantry and endurance of our troops. As there is no question under discussion, and no difference of opinion on any matter actually before us, it would be unpardonable in me to trespass longer on your Lordships' time.

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Address agreed to, nemine dissentiente, and ordered to be presented to Her Majesty by the Lords with White Staves.

CHAIRMAN OF COMMITTEES.
The LORD REDESDALE appointed, Nemine Dissentiente, to take the chair in all Committees of this House for this Session.
COMMITTEE FOR PRIVILEGES—Appointed.
SUB-COMMITTEE FOR THE JOURNALS—Appointed.
APPEAL COMMITTEE—Appointed.
RECEIVERS AND TRYERS OF PETITIONS—Appointed.

CHAIRMAN OF COMMITTEES.

  PRIVATE BILLS.
  Ordered, That this House will not receive: any petition for a Private Bill after Monday the 30th day of this instant March, unless such Private Bill shall have been approved by the Curl of Chancery; nor any petition for a Private Bill approved by the Court of Chancery after Monday the 12th day of May next:
  That this House will not receive any report from the Judges upon petitions presented to this House for Private Bills after Monday the 12th day of May next:
  Ordered, That so much of Standing Order No. 179. section 3. as requires that "no such Bill shall be read a second time earlier than the fourth day nor later than the seventh day after the First Reading thereof be suspended during the present Session, and that every such Bill shall be read a second time on the fourth day after the First Reading thereof, whether thy Standing Orders applicable thereto have or have not been complied with; and that so much of the Order of the 15th day of March 1859 as requires two clear days notice of the day on which any Bill shall be examined shall also be suspended during the present Session in respect to Bills originating in this House:
  "That so soon as the List of Bills in either of the two classes of Private Bills which are to commence in this House shall, be settled, all such Bills which the promoters intend to proceed with must be read a first time on the next day on which the House shall sit: and that all such Bills in the case of which the Examiners shall have certified that the Standing Orders have not been complied with shall be referred to the Standing Orders Committee on the third day after such First Beading.

  MAGDALEN HALL PROPERTY BILL.
  A Bill for vesting property hold in trust for Magdalen Hall in President and Scholars of
  Hertford College; and for other purposes—Was presented by The Marquess of SALISBURY; read 1a". (No. 3.)
  House adjourned at a quarter past Seven o'clock, 'till To-morrow, half-past Ten o'clock.