Sitting of 10 August 1870

MINUTES.
NEW WRIT ISSUED—For Dublin City, v. Sir Arthur Edward Guinness, baronet, void Election.
The House met at half after Twelve of the clock.

ARMY—FORTIFICATION OF FALMOUTH.

  QUESTION.
  MR. EASTWICKsaid, he would beg to ask the Secretary of State for War,

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  Whether he has any objections to state the reasons why a plan for fortifying Falmouth, which has been for some years deposited in the War Office, has not been carried out.
  MR. CARDWELL: I am informed, Sir, by the Inspector General of Fortifications that the last time the defences of Falmouth were reported upon was by a joint Naval and Military Committee in 1858. They proposed no addition to the then existing works and armaments, which they considered sufficient for its defence as a commercial port. They made some observations to the effect that, if it were considered necessary to protect Falmouth from being seized by an enemy with a view to military operations in that locality, additional defences would be necessary. They made, however, no specific proposal. Immediately afterwards the great fortifications at Plymouth were determined upon, and their execution commenced.

CIVIL SERVICE ESTIMATES.

  QUESTION.
  MR. CANDLISHsaid, he wished to ask the Secretary to the Treasury, When a Return, ordered by the House last Session, showing the increase in the Civil Service Estimates and Civil Service Expenditure since 1853, and the causes of such increase, will be ready and in the hands of Members?
  MR. STANSFELDsaid, the Return to which his hon. Friend referred had been prepared with great care and labour, and he had no doubt would prove most interesting and useful to the Members of that House. It was now in the hands of the printer, and would shortly be distributed. He might generally indicate the nature of that Return. The excess on the Civil Service Estimates since 1853 had yesterday been stated at £5,019,540. Now, it was very desirable that hon. Members should know what was the meaning of that statement. He was not speaking without book when he said that a very large portion of that increase would be found capable of complete and satisfactory explanation; and the House ought to be grateful to those members of the Civil Service who had bestowed great labour on what he believed would prove a very correct and exhaustive account. The Civil Service Estimates had increased during
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  the period referred to from a variety of causes. In the first instance, the transfers from the Consolidated Fund had, since that date, been to the amount of nearly £1,000,000. The House was also aware that a new and more distinctive form of Estimate had been obtained of late years. If his hon. Friend would compare the Estimates for the year 1854 with those of 1869–70, the net results would rather surprise him. In 1869–70 the net increase in the expenditure, as compared with 1853–4, was not £5,019,000 but £3,467,000. In Class 2 there had been an increase of £262,000, of which £150,000 had been for stationery and printing—a portion of that £150,000 being in relief of some other classes, the expenditure having formerly been paid from various Votes. In Class 3 — Law and Justice—there had been a very large increase of expenditure, an increase of no less than £1,241,000. In Class 4—Education—there had been a net increase, which he expected would be still further augmented, of £758,000. In Class 5, for Diplomatic and Consular Services, there had been an increase of £114,000. Superannuations had also increased by £138,000. Turning to the Revenue Department, there had been a decrease of £200,000 in the Customs and Inland Revenue, and an increase of £1,100,000 upon the Post Office Administration, making a net increase of expenditure in the Revenue Department of £954,000. Those various sums made up the actual excess of £3,467,000.

ZANZIBAR—LIBERATED SLAVES.

  QUESTION.
  MR. KINNAIRDsaid, he wished to ask the Under Secretary of State for Foreign Affairs, On what grounds the Committee on the East African Slave Trade have recommended Zanzibar as a suitable place for locating liberated slaves to be employed as free labourers, and whose authority weighed with them in making such a recommendation; and when the Report of the joint Committee would be presented to Parliament?
  MR. OTWAYsaid, in reply, that the Committee had recommended Zanzibar as a suitable place for locating liberated slaves—first, on account of the central position which it occupied, and secondly, because of the great and increasing demand for labour there, freedmen being

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  able to earn very good wages. The recommendation was made principally upon the advice of Mr. Churchill, Her Majesty's political agent at Zanzibar. The Report of the joint Committee would be laid upon the Table; but hon. Members would see that for obvious reasons it would be very difficult to circulate copies for some time to come.

NAVY—DEPTFORD DOCKYARD.

  QUESTION.
  MR. EYKYNsaid, he would beg to ask the First Lord of the Admiralty Questions of which he had given him private Notice, concerning two points as to which he feared that considerable misapprehension still existed in the public mind. He wished to know, Whether there is any truth in a report, which has obtained very general circulation, that the Government, since the sale of Deptford Dockyard, have entertained the idea of repurchasing the whole, or some portion of it; also, whether the First Lord of the Admiralty will make such a statement as will relieve the Solicitor of the Admiralty from imputations attempted to be cast upon him with reference to negotiations for the sale of that Dockyard?
  MR. CHILDERS: Sir, in replying to the two Questions of which my hon. Friend has been good enough to give me private Notice, I beg to say that there is no foundation whatever for the report to which he alludes, that the Government since the sale of Deptford Dockyard ever entertained the idea of repurchasing any portion of it. The sale was practically completed some time ago; the actual completion has merely been deferred, in consequence of a question as to title having arisen between the Admiralty Department and the Department of Woods and Works; but we have never dreamt of cancelling the sale, or buying back any part of the land. The second Question of my hon. Friend is whether I will make such a statement as will relieve the Solicitor to the Admiralty from imputations attempted to be cast upon him with reference to the negotiations for the sale of the dockyard. My hon. Friend and Colleague the Secretary to the Admiralty some time ago went very minutely into the matter, stated how the sale was conducted, and showed conclusively to the House that the Solicitor to the Admiralty had
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  nothing to do with it. Unfortunately, the other day—I hope in the heat of the moment, and without previous intention—my hon. Friend the Member for Portsmouth (Sir James Elphinstone), without any Notice, charged the Solicitor to the Admiralty with being the brother-in-law of the purchaser, and with having connived at or with having had some share in the purchase. I said at the time, and I repeat now, that there is not the smallest foundation for that allegation. The purchaser of Deptford Dockyard is no relative whatever of the Solicitor to the Admiralty; the operations connected with the sale of the dockyard were conducted without the privity of the Solicitor to the Admiralty. The actual negotiations for the sale were conducted by an auctioneer in the City acting as agent for the Admiralty, and the Solicitor to the Admiralty neither directly nor indirectly had anything to do with it. I may add, that until some time ago, when the purchaser of the dockyard, in connection with another transaction, came to the Solicitor's office to sign a deed of guarantee, the Solicitor to the Admiralty and the purchaser did not even know each other.

IRELAND—DUBLIN CITY WRIT.

  NEW WRIT ISSUED.
  Moved, That Mr. Speaker do issue his Warrant to the Clerk of the Crown in Ireland to make out a New Writ for the electing of a Citizen to serve in this present Parliament for the City of Dublin, in the room of Sir Arthur Edward Guinness, baronet, whose Election has been determined to be void.—(Mr. Noel.)
  MR. VANCEsaid, he was glad the House was about to do a tardy act of justice in granting the second Member—so long and so unjustly withheld—to the City of Dublin, a constituency which he himself had represented for many years. The circumstances connected with the present Motion showed that the House ought to receive with great caution the Reports both of Judges and Commissioners with regard to contested elections; for, although both Judge and Commissioners reported, with regard to this constituency, that corrupt practices had extensively prevailed among the freemen electors, the House, after long and careful consideration of the circumstances, in its wisdom determined that the constituency ought not to be disfranchised. He once more congratulated

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  the House upon the issue, even thus tardily, of the Writ for the City of Dublin.
  Motion agreed to.
  New Writ for Dublin City,—in the room of Sir Arthur Edward Guinness, baronet, void Election.

THE WELLINGTON MONUMENT.

  MOTION FOR CORRESPONDENCE.
  MR. NEWDEGATE, in rising to call the attention of the House to the Correspondence relating to the Wellington Monument in St. Paul's Cathedral, and to move a Resolution on the subject, said, the circumstances of the present time naturally directed the attention of the country to anything connected with the memory of the late Duke of Wellington, who, after having proved himself the foremost general of his age, afterwards, during the remainder of his life for 35 years and more, was the great conservator of peace. It was not until the Duke of Wellington was laid in his grave that the Crimean War broke out. The monument which that House had voted to the Duke did not stand in its due position in St. Paul's Cathedral, and it was natural that there should be impatience in the public mind at a circumstance so strange. The Papers relating to the monument, although ordered to be printed on the 22nd of July, were not accessible to Members of the House even yesterday. He did not wish to throw blame on any particular Department, or any particular individual, for the delay that had taken place in the erection of the monument; but if he moved a Resolution, it would be to the effect that the correspondence laid on the Table of the House did not furnish sufficient data to warrant the House in expressing any opinion whatever upon the circumstances of the case. It was within his knowledge that on the 6th of August a memorial was presented to the Prime Minister by the sculptor employed, Mr. Stevens, stating his side of the case, which did not appear fairly in the documents submitted to the House; and, as the First Commissioner of Works had informed the House that legal proceedings were about to be instituted against that gentleman and against Mr. Penrose, the surveyor of St. Paul's, he (Mr. Newdegate), in the cause of justice and according to the practice of the
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  House, when judicial proceedings were pending, trusted that the House would decline to express any opinion, in order that the case might not be prejudiced in the public mind, or before the Courts of Law. He had taken up this matter simply in the cause of justice. This much was now known. Mr. Stevens was desired to supply plans for a monument which should cost £20,000; but he was afterwards induced by the then head of the Board of Works to attempt to erect that monument for £14,000. Nor was that all, for the Board of Works required him to erect a full-sized model of the monument at an additional cost of £4,000, a great part of which came out of his pocket. Mr. Stevens, however, actuated by a feeling of honour toward his brother artists, whom he had surpassed in the competition for a plan of a monument specified to cost £20,000, and, perhaps, by other feelings, rather than mar the effect of the monument, resolved to carry out the work even to some extent at his own cost. He (Mr. Newdegate) was credibly informed that Mr. Stevens had already spent £2,000 of his own money on the monument; and, to obtain this money, had been obliged to take other orders, which accounted, in a great degree, for the delay; but it was clear, from the Papers before the House, that the Board of Works had lost six years before they finally directed Mr. Stevens to commence the work. He begged to move for the Correspondence.
  Motion made, and Question proposed,
  "That the Correspondences with respect to the Wellington Monument, as laid upon the Table of this House, does not furnish sufficient data whereby this House can form an opinion upon the circumstances of the case."—(Mr. Newdegate.)
  MR. AYRTONsaid, the hon. Member would probably have done more wisely if he had adhered to the rule he had prescribed when he commenced his remarks—namely, that nothing should be said to prejudice the case of Mr. Stevens; but, instead of saying nothing on the subject-matter in dispute, the hon. Member had invited him to state the case of the Government against Mr. Stevens in answer to his remarks. He would be more generous to Mr. Stevens than the hon. Member, and, instead of following the hon. Gentleman's remarks, would content himself with referring to the Papers on the Table. From these

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  it would be seen that the hon. Member was in error in almost every observation that he had made. Any hon. Member who chose to read the letters printed in pages 1 and 3 would see how entirely the hon. Gentleman had been misled. He was afraid the hon. Member could not have read the Papers to which he referred, or he would not have made the remarks he had done. The hon. Member thought that this correspondence did not furnish all the information necessary to enable the House to understand the responsibilities of Mr. Stevens to the Crown. The Papers, as far as they went, contained the most accurate information on the subject. The hon. Member had not hinted that any Paper had been kept back, but had informed the House that the Papers laid on the Table came down only to the 23rd of July, whereas Mr. Stevens had drawn up a memorial in the beginning of August which he desired to have added. There would not be the slightest objection to lay that Paper on the Table, and also the letters of Mr. Penrose, which would give all the information up to the present hour. But that would not, in the slightest degree, support the Resolution which the hon. Member had moved, suggesting that the correspondence was imperfect, because the circumstances to which he alluded had all occurred since those Papers had been laid on the Table. If the hon. Member, therefore, would withdraw his Resolution, and move that the further letters of Mr. Penrose and Mr. Stevens be laid on the Table, he had not the slightest objection to offer. But that, of course, would not interfere with the proceedings which were necessary to establish the rights of the Crown.
  MR. NEWDEGATEsaid, he would be satisfied with that course if all the documents connected with the subject would be submitted to the House.
  MR. AYRTONsaid, if the hon. Member wished for the anterior documents which had passed between the First Commissioner and Mr. Penrose and Mr. Stevens he was quite at liberty to move for their production also.
  Motion, by leave, withdrawn.
  Copy ordered, "of all further Correspondence relative to the Wellington Monument between Mr. Penrose or Mr. Stevens with any Department of Her Majesty's Government up to the present time."—(Mr. Newdegate.)

NEUTRALITY OF BELGIUM.

  OBSERVATIONS.
  MR. GLADSTONE: As I understand, Sir, that during my absence in the discharge of other duties yesterday a desire was expressed by some hon. Gentlemen to make observations upon the recent proceedings of Her Majesty's Government with respect to affairs abroad, I think it is desirable that the House should be in possession of the facts up to the present time—that is to say, precisely as they will presently receive them in the Speech from the Throne. I therefore wish to mention that the Treaty proposed by Her Majesty's Government to the belligerent Powers has been actually signed by Count Bernstorff on the part of the North German Confederation, as well as by Earl Granville on the part of Her Majesty's Government, and also that M. de Lavalette, the Ambassador of the Emperor of the French at this Court, has, in a letter dated yesterday, stated that he is now in a position to announce to Earl Granville that he is authorized by the Government of the Emperor to adhere to the Treaty proposed by the British Government, for the more effective guarantee of the neutrality of Belgium. He adds, I shall sign the Treaty as soon as I shall receive the full powers which I expect for that purpose. With regard to the instrument itself, perhaps it would be convenient for the better understanding of what has been done that I should simply read the principal articles, omitting, for the sake of clearness, the ordinary preamble. The first Article is this—
  "His Majesty the Emperor of the French having declared that, notwithstanding the hostilities in which France is now engaged with the North German Confederation, it is his fixed determination to respect the neutrality of Belgium so long as the same shall be respected by the North German Confederation; Her Majesty the Queen of the United Kingdom of Great Britain and Ireland, on her part, declares that if during the said hostilities the armies of the North German Confederation should violate that neutrality, she will be prepared to co-operate with His Imperial Majesty for the defence of the same in such manner as may be mutually agreed upon, employing for that purpose her naval and military forces to insure its observance; and to maintain, in conjunction with His Imperial Majesty, then and thereafter, the independence and neutrality of Belgium. It is clearly understood that Her Majesty the Queen of the United Kingdom of Great Britain and Ireland does not engage herself by this Treaty to take part in

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  any of the general operations of the war now carried on between France and the North German Confederation beyond the limits of Belgium, as defined in the Treaty between Belgium and the Netherlands of April 19, 1839."
  The second Article is this—
  "His Majesty the Emperor of the French agrees, on his part, in the event provided for in the foregoing Article, to co-operate with Her Majesty the Queen of the United Kingdom of Great Britain and Ireland, employing his naval and military forces for the purpose aforesaid, and, the case arising, to concert with Her Majesty the measures which shall be taken separately or in common to secure the neutrality and independence of Belgium."
  The third Article is this—
  "This Treaty shall be binding on the High Contracting Parties during the continuance of the present war between France and the North German Confederation, and for twelve months after the ratification of any Treaty of Peace concluded between those parties; and, on the expiration of that time, the independence and neutrality of Belgium will, so far as the high contracting parties respectively are concerned, continue to rest as heretofore on the first Article of the Quintuple Treaty of the 19th of April, 1839."
  Sir, such is the Treaty which we have proposed to the belligerent Powers, mutatis mutandis. There is some correspondence on the subject; but I think the reading of the principal Articles will give the House all the information that is necessary.
  MR. OSBORNE: I do not know whether it is competent to any Member to make remarks on this extraordinary document. I will only say that there never has been a more extraordinary document, or a more extraordinary manner of producing such a document on a great crisis like this in the history of the British House of Commons. Now, we have had recently so many strange revelations of diplomatic proceedings that I have myself lost all faith in diplomacy. Indeed, Sir, I am very much inclined to think that if our other weapons are not in better order we are very badly off, as the weapons of our diplomatists are not remarkable as arms of precision. For what a Treaty is this! For my own part I would sooner have no Treaty at all, because I think this Treaty involves hidden dangers which nobody can foresee. In the first place, this Treaty is entirely superfluous if the Treaty of 1839 is worth anything at all. In the eyes of Austria and Russia that Treaty of 1839 is entirely superseded by this. You have struck a blow at that Treaty, which you can
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  never put in the same position again. Where is the article? Now, do look as men of common sense, and not as versed in diplomacy—
  MR. GLADSTONE: The observation of the hon. Member causes me to think that I must have given the third Article somewhat imperfectly. The third Article contains these words—
  "This Treaty shall be binding on the high contracting parties during the continuance of the present war between France and the North German Confederation, and for twelve months after the ratification of any Treaty of Peace concluded between those parties; and, on the expiration of that time, the independence and neutrality of Belgium will, so far as the high contracting parties respectively are concerned, continue to rest as heretofore on the first Article of the Quintuple Treaty of the 19th of April, 1839."
  MR. OSBORNE: Well, if either belligerent violates the neutrality of Belgium, England binds herself to co-operate with the other to repel the invader, but not to take part in the general operations of the war. Was there ever such a stipulation as that? Her Majesty's Government appear to think that you can conduct the operations of war, if Belgium is attacked, on the homœopathic principle. Do you think that if any power should violate the neutrality of Belgium they will not strike at the most vulnerable point; and do you propose to tie up your hands by saying that you will not strike at the most vital part of the enemy? This does appear to me the most extraordinary instrument in the whole history of diplomacy. If I were a member of the numerous party which consists of the seven wise men we saw the other night, I should resist this Treaty on those grounds. I think it increases the present dangers; and now Parliament is about to separate, here is an instance of what we call secret diplomacy! Would it not be much better and safer for this country if we had known before what the Articles of this Treaty were—if, in fact, they had been laid upon the Table of this House? I am sure if it had been brought before the House as a substantive Motion, the House would not have assented to such a Treaty being signed. I will not go into the reasons for preserving the neutrality of Belgium. Like my hon. Friend below me (Mr. Taylor), I am as much against war as any man; but circumstances may occur in which it may be necessary for this country to undertake war, in order to maintain not

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  only our honour, but our liberties. How will this Treaty do that? If, as may happen, this conjecture should arise; if both of the contending parties should outer Belgium, what, then, becomes of your Treaty? It may be a necessity of their position; and your Treaty would be useless, although, no doubt, these two Powers, being now engaged in a life and death struggle, may be ready enough to sign anything to keep you quiet. I wish to say a words about this Belgian question, as I do not wish to be misunderstood. There appears to be a party in this country who, overlooking the situation of Belgium and Antwerp and the long seaboard of that country, think it is a matter of indifference to us to whom Belgium belongs, and that we should take no step to maintain its neutrality and independence. Have these people over pictured to themselves that if Belgium were in the hands of a hostile Power, the liberties and the position of this country would not be worth 24 hours' purchase? And is it not better to regard Belgium as an outwork of our own liberties and independence than to take a narrow view and say we will not go to war for any purpose whatever? It is because I hold, that not only our honour, but our interests are concerned, that I would support the Government in maintaining the Treaty of 1839. But by the course they have pursued in laying this childish perpetration of diplomatic folly before us, I think they are absolutely imperilling the independence of Belgium and placing England in a very inferior position.
  MR. WHITE: I move that the House be now prorogued.
  MR. BUXTON: I think, Sir, that the speech of the hon. Gentleman who has just sat down (Mr. Osborne) does not at all express the feelings of the people of this country. I believe their universal feeling will be one of gratitude to the Government for taking a course which, above all others, is calculated to preserve peace.
  SIR HENRY LYTTON BULWER: I am glad, Sir, to see the right hon. Gentleman the Member for Buckinghamshire (Mr. Disraeli) in his place, for I think that opposition is the salt of politics, and that any speech of my right hon. Friend at the head of the Government has always more flavour when seasoned by a speech from my right
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  hon. Friend opposite. However, if the salt has not yet come from the quarter opposite, it has come from that behind me. Sir, I agree with some of the observations of my hon. Friend the Member for Waterford (Mr. Osborne); but I agree also with some that fell from the hon. Member for East Surrey (Mr. Buxton). The object of this country and every country should be peace; but when war is necessary, I am not, as my hon. Friend said, for a war on homœopathic principles. Neither is war a thing that can be limited or restrained. "It slips"—to use a phrase now historical—"through one's fingers;" and if our soldiers were being shot down by Chassepôts on shore, I doubt whether our sailors would preserve strict neutrality on the ocean. But let me point out that which I did not myself know until the new Treaty was just read to us. It merely engages us to defend the soil of Belgium—this is true—but it does not engage us not to do anything more. In all other respects we are as free as if it had never been signed, and this refutes many of the arguments which ought otherwise to have been urged against it. I will not deny that it is still open to objections. But, in great affairs we must look at great effects and overlook minor questions of doubt and controversy. The main effect to produce at the moment when this Treaty was entered into was to convince Europe and the world that we were keenly alive to our honour and were determined to stand by our engagements. That effect this Treaty did produce, and therefore, without being critical as to its provisions, I think it entitles Her Majesty's Government to the thanks of its friends and the confidence of the country. But events pass so rapidly in these telegraphic times that our care at this moment need not be so much to preserve Belgium from France, as to preserve France from the consequences of the rash enterprize into which it so heedlessly and so needlessly entered. And this, Sir, seems to me the moment when I may say that we are not wholly to forget that the Ruler of that country—whatever his faults, wrong, I grant you, in provoking this disastrous conflict—has been, nevertheless, for many years our firm and friendly ally, that he has stood by our side on the field of battle, that he has sat by our side in the great Councils of Europe, and that during

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  his reign France and England have lived in closer terms of amity and intimacy than at any former period. I say this, because, as I never worshipped him in his prosperity, I can respect him in his adversity. But, apart from all questions of persons—whoever may rule over a neighbouring people—let us not forget that the land which is now, not unjustly, menaced by the sword of an invader, is the land to whose graceful civilization Europe is so much indebted. Thus, Sir, whilst it is far from my wish or advice that we should intermeddle inopportunely in this quarrel, I cannot help saying that if an occasion should arrive, at which, with the consent of both parties, my right hon. Friend at the head of Her Majesty's Government should be able, by a friendly mediation, to arrest the horrors of war in a country so eminent in the arts of peace, and save from the still greater horrors of tumult and revolution a capital that is the pride and ornament of the whole world, he will achieve a task as glorious as any that ever illustrated a Minister of England.
  MR. WHITE: It is not often that I venture to say anything in praise of the Government, because they ordinarily receive plenty of praise from hon. Members sitting behind them; but as an independent Member, sitting below the Gangway, I must say I think this is a proposition in respect to which, as an economist, I ought to express my heartfelt gratitude for the course which the Government have taken. Even if there had been no Treaty of 1831 or of 1839, I hold that it would have been the duty of England to sustain the neutrality and independence of Belgium. Anyone with even a superficial knowledge of political events could not but feel sure the absorption by France of that model and, I must say, beloved kingdom—because, from the admirable manner in which it is governed, it appeals to our best and warmest feelings—must cause an annual addition of £10,000,000 to our War Estimates; and even then we should be in perpetual apprehension as long as a neighbouring nation was living under the personal rule of any one man. I deeply regret that the right hon. Gentleman (Sir Henry Lytton Bulwer) who spoke last has made the remarks he did, with reference to our Government interfering with the object of bringing about peace between the combatants. I think that
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  this is a very grave matter; and, although a friendly mediation may, sooner or later, be acceptable, I doubt whether it would be wise to proffer or tender it until it is asked for. The right hon. Gentleman has said that France has been our consistent and hearty ally for some years; and this provokes a remark which I should not otherwise have made. Now, it must be recollected that there is also something to be set down on the other side of the account. It was through France that we engaged in the Crimean War—["No, no!"]—it was for French interests that we embarked in the Russian War—it was, undoubtedly, for the sustentation of the Napoleonic dynasty that we were led into it. Again, who was it that instigated the British Government so insidiously and persistently to acknowledge the independence of the Southern States of America? Was it not the Monarch who was so much lauded by the right hon. Gentleman? May I remind the right hon. Gentleman that it was the same Monarch that projected the Mexican Expedition, in which we were at first allied; and it was only when we saw the personal ends which he had in view that we retired, and retired with honour, from that disastrous expedition. I only mention this because, while I feel that it is very desirable we should have amicable relations with foreign potentates, yet I think it is possible to be too intimate with them, and I do not wish that we should be so very intimate as to be thereby led into future entanglements. As to the course which the Government has adopted, I think it is wise, prudent, and circumspect to a degree for which it deserves the highest praise, expressly limiting, as it does, the operation of this Supplementary Treaty, as I may call it, to the attainment of the object this country has in view, and I firmly believe it will secure the independence and neutrality of Belgium. The hon. Member for Waterford (Mr. Osborne) asks how it will be if it should happen that both of the belligerents should violate the neutrality of Belgium. Now, it is but justice to say that the Belgians have had no apprehension whatever from Prussia; in all the diplomatic correspondence which has passed there is no reference to Prussia as a Power from which Belgium has hitherto had any cause to fear. The Belgian lamb has only been—alas, too often—

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  frightened by the French wolf. No instance whatever can you find in which any allusion is officially made to the aggrandizement of Prussia at the expense of Belgium. There were apprehensions in many quarters that the British Government would not rise to the height of the occasion. I rejoice it has risen to the full height of the present emergency, and I confidently rely that it will secure the object this country has at heart—namely, the neutrality and independence of Belgium. I do not belong to that party which thinks England has but one duty, and that is to take care only of herself. I deny that such an exclusive and selfish policy would even effect what is wished by those who advocate it. I hold, and I believe the Government rightly recognizes, with Edmund Burke, that to a people who have once been proud and great, and great because they were proud, the decay of national spirit would be the most terrible of all revolutions.
  COLONEL BARTTELOT: Sir, I must express my opinion that anyone speaking in the House of Commons now ought be careful of what he says; and I think it a very foolish thing to do what my hon. Friend the Member for Brighton (Mr. White) has just done—to go into matters which are much better left alone. I am perfectly satisfied that the English nation sympathizes with both belligerents. I am sure it is sorry they have gone to war, and that it hopes England may be kept out of hostilities. There was one subject on which this country did feel anxiety—I mean the subject of Belgium. The First Minister of the Crown, in his wisdom, did not think it right to give us such an explanation as would reassure the mind of the country; but since that time he has reconsidered the point—[Mr. GLADSTONE: "No."]—and we now know that we are going to act on Treaties we entered into, and that we intend to maintain the neutrality of Belgium. I will not allude to the new Treaty now on the Table of the House, further than to say that I think it would have been better to adhere to the Treaty of 1839. I think if the Government had stated boldly that we adhered to the Treaty of 1839, and intended to maintain the neutrality of Belgium, that would have been sufficient. The country would have known what was meant by that, and would have been
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  ready and willing to fulfil its obligations. All I hope now is, that we shall not be called on to go to war for Belgium. I trust the neutrality of that kingdom will be preserved, and that the war between France and Prussia will soon be at an end. If the First Minister of the Crown should have any hand in putting an end to it, we shall meet him here with great pleasure next Session.
  MR. SOMERSET BEAUMONT: I should like, Sir, to know whether Belgium herself approves this Treaty; and whether Austria and Russia have given their consent to this preliminary Treaty, and if not, in what position we shall find ourselves as regards the other neutral Powers joined in the guarantee of 1839? I feel myself unable to give an opinion on this Supplemental Treaty. It would require stronger arguments than we have heard to-day to prove that the Treaty of 1839 needed any substitute; and I think it would have been for the public interest if the Government had not prorogued Parliament till ample time had been given for the communication of this Treaty, and for the House and the country to consider it. A good deal has been said about the unadvisability of expressing any feeling of sympathy for one side or the other; but it was impossible to avoid it, because no one can shut his eyes to the fact that the object of the war on one side was the safety of a dynasty, and on the other the consolidation—the building up of Germany. In that latter object I take, and the people of England must take, a great interest; but we are very little interested in the safety of the Imperial dynasty. I hope the First Minister of the Crown will be able to answer these questions, with the view of clearing up points that seem to require explanation.
  MR. GLADSTONE: As far as I understand, my hon. and gallant Friend the Member for Waterford (Mr. Osborne) has complained that we have destroyed the Treaty of 1839 by this instrument. As I pay so much attention to everything that falls from him, I thought that by some mistake I must have read the instrument inaccurately; but I have read it again, and I find that by one of the Articles contained in it the Treaty of 1839 is expressly recognized. But there is one omission I made in the matter which I will take the present opportunity to supply. The House, I think, have

  1785
  clearly understood that this instrument expresses an arrangement between this country and France; but an instrument has been signed between this country and the North German Confederation precisely the same in its terms, except that where the name of the Emperor of the French is read in one instrument, the name of the German Confederation is read in the other, and vice vensâ. I have listened with much interest to the conversation which has occurred, and I think we have no reason to be dissatisfied at the manner in which, speaking generally, this Treaty has been received. My hon. Friend the Member for Brighton (Mr. White) speaking, as he says, from below the Gangway, is quite right in thinking that his approval of the course the Government have taken is gratifying to us, on account of the evidently independent course of action which he always pursues in this House. The hon. and gallant Gentleman opposite (Colonel Barttelot) has expressed a different opinion from ours on the great question of policy, and he asks whether we should not have done well to limit ourselves to the Treaty of 1839. We differ entirely on that subject from the hon. and gallant Gentleman; but we cannot complain of the manner in which he has expressed his opinion and recognized the intentions of the Government. From Gentlemen who sit behind me we have had more positive and unequivocal expressions of approval than fell from the hon. and gallant Gentleman. The only person who strongly objects to the course taken by the Government is my hon. and gallant Friend the Member for Waterford; and I do not in the least object to his frank method of stating whatever he feels in opposition to our proceedings in a matter of so much consequence, though I do think it necessary to notice some of his objections. In the first place, he denounces this Treaty as an example of the mischiefs of secret diplomacy. He thinks that if the Treaty had been submitted to the House it would not have been agreed to. My hon. and gallant Friend is a man much, enamoured of public diplomacy. He remembers, no doubt, that three weeks ago the Due de Gramont went to the Legislative Body of France and made an announcement as to the policy which the French Government would pursue with respect to Prussia. The result of
  1786
  that example of public diplomacy no doubt greatly encouraged my hon. and gallant Friend. Then we have a specimen in the speech of my hon. and gallant Friend of the kind of public diplomacy which we should have in this case if his hopes and desires were realized. He says that if Belgium were in the hands of a hostile Power the liberties of this country would not be worth 24 hours' purchase. I protest against that statement. With all my heart and soul I protest against it. A statement more exaggerated, a statement more extravagant, I never heard fall from the lips of any Member in this House. [Mr. OSBORNE: Napoleon said it.] Whatever my hon. and gallant Friend's accurate acquaintance with the correspondence of Napoleon may induce him to say, I may be permitted to observe that I am not prepared to take my impression of the character, of the strength, of the dignity, of the duty, or of the danger of this country from that correspondence. I will avail myself of this opportunity of expressing my opinion, if I may presume to give it, that too much has been said by my hon. and gallant Friend and others of the specially distinct, separate, and exclusive interest which this country has in the maintenance of the neutrality of Belgium. What is our interest in maintaining the neutrality of Belgium? It is the same as that of every great Power in Europe. It is contrary to the interest of Europe that there should be unmeasured aggrandizement. Our interest is no more involved in the aggrandizement supposed in this particular case than is the interest of the other Powers. That it is a real interest, a substantial interest, I do not deny; but I protest against the attempt to attach to it the exclusive character which I never know carried into the region of caricature to such a degree as it has been by my hon. and gallant Friend. What is the immediate moral effect of those exaggerated statements of the separate interest of England? The immediate moral effect of them is this—that every effort we make on behalf of Belgium on other grounds than those of intorest—as well as on grounds of interest, goes forth to the world as a separate and selfish scheme of ours; and that which we believe to be entitled to the dignity and credit of an effort on behalf of the general peace, stability, and

  1787
  interest of Europe actually contracts a taint of selfishness in the eyes of other nations because of the manner in which the subject of Belgian neutrality is too frequently treated in this House. If I may be allowed to speak of the motives which have actuated Her Majesty's Government in the matter, I would say that while we have recognized the interest of England, we have never looked upon it as the sole motive, or even as the greatest of those considerations which have urged us forward. There is, I admit, the obligation of the Treaty. It is not necessary, nor would time permit me, to enter into the complicated question of the nature of the obligations of that Treaty; but I am not able to subscribe to the doctrine of those who have held in this House what plainly amounts to an assertion, that the simple fact of the existence of a guarantee is binding on every party to it irrespectively altogether of the particular position in which it may find itself at the time when the occasion for acting on the guarantee arises. The great authorities upon foreign policy to whom I have been accustomed to listen—such as Lord Aberdeen and Lord Palmerston—never, to my knowledge, took that rigid and, if I may venture to say so, that impracticable view of a guarantee. The circumstance that there is already an existing guarantee in force is of necessity an important fact, and a weighty element in the case, to which we are bound to give full and ample consideration. There is also this further consideration, the force of which we must all feel most deeply, and that is the common interest against the unmeasured aggrandizement of any Power whatever. But there is one other motive, which I shall place at the head of all, that attaches peculiarly to the preservation of the independence of Belgium. What is that country? It is a country containing 4,000,000 or 5,000,000 of people, with much of an historic past, and imbued with a sentiment of nationality and a spirit of independence as warm and as genuine as that which beats in the hearts of the proudest and most powerful nations. By the regulation of its internal concerns, amid the shocks of revolution, Belgium, through all the crises of the age, has set to Europe an example of a good and stable government gracefully associated with the widest possible extension of the
  1788
  liberty of the people. Looking at a country such as that, is there any man who hears me who does not feel that if, in order to satisfy a greedy appetite for aggrandizement, coming whence it may, Belgium were absorbed, the day that witnessed that absorption would hear the knell of public right and public law in Europe? But we have an interest in the independence of Belgium which is wider than that—which is wider than that which we may have in the literal operation of the guarantee. It is found in the answer to the question whether, under the circumstances of the case, this country, endowed as it is with influence and power, would quietly stand by and witness the perpetration of the direst crime that ever stained the pages of history, and thus become participators in the sin? And now let me deal with the observations of the hon. Member for Waterford. The hon. Member asks—What if both these Powers with whom we are making this Treaty should combine against the independence of Belgium? Well, all I can say is that we rely on the faith of these parties. But if there be danger of their combining against that independence now, unquestionably there was much more danger in the position of affairs that was revealed to our astonished eyes a fortnight ago, and before these later engagements were contracted. I do not undertake to define the character of that position which, as I have said, was more dangerous a fortnight ago. I feel confident that it would be hasty to suppose that those great States would, under any circumstances, have become parties to the actual contemplation and execution of a proposal such as that which was made the subject of communication between persons of great importance on behalf of their respective States. That was the state of facts with which we had to deal. It was the combination, and not the opposition, of the two Powers which we had to fear, and I contend—and we shall be ready on every proper occasion to argue—that there is no measure so well adapted to meet the peculiar character of such an occasion as that which we have proposed. It is said that the Treaty of 1839 would have sufficed, and that we ought to have announced our determination to abide by it. But if we were disposed at once to act upon the guarantee contained in that Treaty, what

  1789
  state of circumstances does it contemplate? It contemplates the invasion of the frontiers of Belgium and the violation of the neutrality of that country by some other Power. That is the only case in which we could have been called upon to act under the Treaty of 1839, and that is the only case in which we can be called upon to act under the Treaty now before the House. But in what, then, lies the difference between the two Treaties? It is in this—that, in accordance with our obligations, we should have had to act under the Treaty of 1839 without any stipulated assurance of being supported from any quarter whatever against any combination, however formidable; whereas by the Treaty now formally before Parliament, under the conditions laid down in it, we secure powerful support in the event of our having to act—a support with respect to which we may well say that if brings the object in view within the sphere of the practicable and attainable, instead of leaving it within the sphere of what might have been desirable, but which might have been most difficult, under all the circumstances, to have realized. The hon. Member says that by entering into this engagement we have destroyed the Treaty of 1839. But if he will carefully consider the terms of this instrument he will see that there is nothing in them calculated to bear out that statement. It is perfectly true that this is a cumulative Treaty, added to the Treaty of 1839, as the right hon. Gentleman opposite (Mr. Disraeli), with perfect precision, described it. Upon that ground I very much agree with the general opinion he expressed; but, at the same time, peculiar circumstances call for a departure from general rules, and the circumstances are most peculiar under which we have thought it right to adopt the method of proceeding which we have actually done. The Treaty of 1839 loses nothing of its force even during the existence of this present Treaty. There is no derogation from it whatever. The Treaty of 1839 includes terms which are expressly included in the present instrument, lest by any chance it should be said that, in consequence of the existence of this instrument, the Treaty of 1839 had been injured or impaired. That would have been a mere opinion; but it is an opinion which we thought fit to provide against. The hon. Member
  1790
  has said that this is a most peculiar method of bringing a Treaty before the House I admit it. There is no doubt at all that it is so. But it is not easy to say what circumstances there are that will justify the breaking up of general rules in a matter so delicate and important as the making of communications to Parliament upon political negotiations of great interest. The rule which has been uniformly followed in this country is this—that no Treaty is communicated to Parliament unless it becomes binding; and it does not become absolutely binding upon the signatories until it has been ratified; and, by the law and usage of all civilized countries, ratification requires certain forms to be gone through which cannot be concluded in a moment. Under these circumstances, we had only this choice—whether we should be contented to present a Treaty to Parliament without the usual forms having been gone through, or whether we should break down the rule which we think it is, on the whole, most desirable to observe, and we thought it best to adopt the course we have followed in the matter. The hon. Member for Wakefield (Mr. Somerset Beaumont) has asked whether this Treaty has been concluded with the sanction of Belgium. My answer is that I do not doubt the relevancy of that inquiry, but that the Treaty has not been concluded with the sanction of Belgium, for we have advisedly refrained from any attempt to make Belgium a party to the engagement. In the first place, Belgium was not a party to the Treaty of 1839. But that is a matter of secondary importance. What we had to consider was, what was the most prudent, the best, and the safest course for us to pursue in the interest of Belgium. Independently of Belgium, we had no right to assume that either of the parties would agree to it, and we had also to contemplate the case in which one party might agree to it and the other might not. If we had attempted to make Belgium a party we should have run the risk of putting her in a very false position in the event of one of the parties not agreeing to the proposal. It was, therefore, from no want of respect or friendly feeling towards Belgium, but simply from prudential considerations, that we abstained from bringing that country within the circle of these negotiations. The hon. Member

  1791
  has also asked whether Austria and Russia have been consulted upon the subject of the Treaty, but upon that point I have nothing to add to what I communicated to the House the other day. Both those parties have been invited—as Her Majesty has been advised to announce from the Throne—to accede to the Treaty, and I said on Monday that the reception of the Treaty as far as those Powers were concerned had been generally favourable. I have no reason to alter that statement; but, on the part of Russia, a question has arisen with regard to which I cannot quite say how it may eventually close, especially from the circumstance that the Emperor and his chief advisers upon foreign affairs do not happen to be in the same place. That question, so raised, is whether it might be wise to give a wider scope to any engagements of this kind; but if there is any hesitation on this point, it is not of a kind which indicates an objection of principle, but, on the contrary, one which shows a disposition to make every possible effort in favour of the Treaty. We are in full communication with friendly and neutral Powers on the subject of maintaining neutrality, and upon every side the very best dispositions prevail. There is the greatest inclination to abstain from all officious intermeddling between two Powers who, from their vast means and resources, are perfectly competent for the conduct of their own affairs; and there is not a less strong and decided desire on the part of every Power to take every step at the present moment that can contribute to restrict and circumscribe the area of the war, and to be ready, without having lost or forfeited the confidence of either belligerent, to avail itself of the first opportunity that may present itself to contribute towards establishing a peace which shall be honourable, and which shall present the promise of being permanent.
  1792
  That is the general state of the case, with regard to which I do not, in the least degree, question the right of any hon. Member behind me to form his own judgment. I cannot help expressing the opinion that, allowing for all the difficulties of the case, and the rapidity with which it was necessary to conduct these operations, we have done all that appeared to be essential in the matter; and the country may foci assured that the conduct which we have pursued in relation to this matter has not been unworthy of the high responsibility with which we are intrusted.

PROROGATION OF THE PARLIAMENT.
Message to attend The LORDS COMMISSIONERS.
The House went;—and the ROYAL ASSENT was given to several Bills.
And afterwards Her Majesty's Most Gracious Speech was delivered to both Houses of Parliament by The LORD CHANCELLOR, in pursuance of Her Majesty's Commands.
Then a Commission for proroguing the Parliament was read.
After which,
THE LORD CHANCELLORsaid—
My Lords, and Gentlemen,
By virtue of Her Majesty's Commission, under the Great Seal, to us and other Lords directed, and now read, we do, in Her Majesty's Name, and in obedience to Her Commands, prorogue this Parliament to Thursday the 27th day of October next, to be then here holden; and this Parliament is accordingly prorogued to Thursday the 27th day of October next.

PROTESTS.
  HOUSE OF LORDS,
  Friday, 17th June, 1870.
  HOUSE OF LORDS,
    HIGH COURT OF JUSTICE BILL.

      THIRD READING.
      DISSENTIENT:

      "1. Because in Clause 2, the division of the so-called High Court of Justice for the convenient despatch of business into five divisional courts, to be styled respectively the Court of Chancery, the Court of Queen's Bench, the Court of Common Pleas, the Court of Exchequer, and the Probate, Divorce, and Admiralty Court (excluding the name of the Rolls Court), and the uncertainty caused by the words in the third line of the second page, "or to be otherwise styled in such manner as Her Majesty may, by Order in Council, from time to time determine," and "each of the said courts shall be presided over by a Lord President," is no improvement on the well known division of business now relied upon by suitors; whilst the grouping together of judges, several of whom at present sit alone, is a waste of power which is unnecessary, and because the names of the heads of each court are now well known, and their duties defined, the transfer of equity jurisdiction to them may induce the framers of rules to introduce the system of Bill and Answer into courts in which the pleadings have become every year less complicated, and in such case the alteration of the system of our ancient courts will cause great delay and uncertainty.

      "2. Because some such improvement as the procedure in petitions of right (simplified by Lord Westbury) is needful to be known by the public before a sweeping change in Common Law Procedure is hastily projected.

      "3. Because if only one judge sit at all times to try civil causes, and only one judge for criminal causes at all times of the year, with the exception of legal vacations, there will be danger of having a divided bar, unless great care be taken to prevent the clashing with circuits.

      "4. Because the Report of the Commission upon which this Bill was founded was considered by the Law Amendment Society as the production more of a small cabinet of lawyers than of representatives of the general feelings of the Bench, the Bar, and the Legal Profession.

      "5. Because the Incorporated Law Society, in their last petition, attach great importance to the formation of a code which should inform the profession what course should be adopted in procedure, and do not desire indefinite improvement.

      "6. Because also the Incorporated Law Society have just fears of the provision for compulsory arbitration, especially by men unacquainted with the law, whose awards may not be made in a binding form; and the temptation to refer causes being very great, some check should be imposed, if not equal to the present right by either side to refuse his consent to a reference, yet sufficient to prevent the plaintiff from wishing in vain to withdraw his record, and the defendant from submitting to injustice rather than incur the expense and delay of arbitration.

      "DENMAN."

    IRISH LAND BILL.

      SECOND READING.
      DISSENTIENT:
      "Because some of the provisions of this Bill are opposed to the just rights of property, and are admitted by its advocates to be unfit to be made the law in England and Scotland, and to be only justified in Ireland on account of the existing relations between landlord and tenant in some parts of that country, which they consider exceptional, and hope may be removed under the operation of this measure.
      "Because it is proposed that these provisions, instead of being imposed for a limited period to meet an exceptional state of things, are to be enacted permanently, and thereby appear to be established, as principles which ought to exist by law at all times between landlord and tenant, and any attempt to repeal them, although the exceptional reason for their introduction may have passed away, will be attended with serious opposition and discontent.
      "Because this enactment of them as principles is likely to lead to agitation for the extension of similar provisions to England and Scotland, in order that one system of permanent law on the subject may be established throughout the United Kingdom.
      "REDESDALE, LUCAN, MALMESBURY, KILMAINE, GRINSTEAD, SALTOUN, ORANMORE & BROWNE, SOMERHILL, SALTERSFORD, CLEMENTS, DUNSANY, for first and second Reasons; MOORE, TEMPLETOWN, MANCHESTER, DUNSANDLE & CLANCONAL, for first and second Reasons; DIGBY."

  HOUSE OF LORDS,
  Tuesday, 5th July, 1870.
  HOUSE OF LORDS,

    IRISH LAND BILL.—REPORT.
    DISSENTIENT:

    "1. Because the provisions of this Bill involve an interference with the acknowledged rights of property, to an extent without precedent in the legislation of any civilized country.

    "2. Because this Bill has been founded on an alleged exceptional state of affairs as to the relations between landlord and tenant, which allegations are not founded on facts, it having been satisfactorily shown that the land in Ireland is rented at a lower rate than that in any part of Central Europe, and that evictions, other than those for non-payment of rent, have been inconsiderable.

    "3. Because exceptional legislation is calculated to create an exceptional state of circumstances, and to interpose a barrier to the future improvement of the country.

    "4. Because the liberty of contract upon which all transactions between man and man ought to be based, is improperly interfered with, restricted, and violated, to the disadvantage of the Commonwealth, and destructive to personal responsibility.

    "5. Because the effect of this Bill will be to promote litigation between the owners and occupiers of the soil, and to interfere with those reciprocal feelings of cordiality and good will on which the welfare of an agricultural community so much depends.

    "6. Because the imposition of a tax in Ireland which is not imposed on a like article in England, as is done by this Bill, is a direct violation of the Treaty of Union between Great Britain and Ireland.

    "7. Because, while professing to give security of tenure to the small farmers, the obvious consequence of this Bill will be to promote the consolidation of farms, and the removal of the Irish peasantry from their small holdings.

    "CLEMENTS.
    "TALBOT DE "MALAHIDE.
    "For 1st, 4th, and 5th Reasons—"SALTERSFORD.
    "For 1st, 4th, and 5th Reasons—"CLONBROCK.
    "For 1st, 3d, 4th, and 5th Reasons—"ROSSE.
    "For 1st, 2d, 3d, 4th, 5th, and 6th Reasons— "DUNSANY.
    "For 1st, 2d, 3d, 4th, 5th, and 6th Reasons— "KILMAINE.
    "For the 1st, 3d, and 4th Reasons—"SOMERHILL."

  HOUSE OF LORDS,
  Thursday, 7th July, 1870.
  HOUSE OF LORDS,

    SLIGO AND CASHEL DISFRANCHISEMENT BILL.
    DISSENTIENT:
    "Because in dealing with Bills of this character this House, which is a Court of Appeal, ought not to refuse to hear what the Counsel of these Petitioners may have to say in their behalf before it decides against them.
    "REDESDALE."

  HOUSE OF LORDS,
  Friday, 8th July, 1870.
  HOUSE OF LORDS,

    IRISH LAND BILL.—THIRD READING.
    DISSENTIENT:

    "1. Because property has its rights as well as its duties, and the present Bill is the greatest violation of them in modern times.

    "2. Because the interests of landlord and tenant are identical, and whatever injures the one cannot fail to injure the other.

    "3. Because this Bill is contrary to all the received principles of political economy.

    "4. Because this Bill will be more severe against the improving and indulgent landlord than the harsh and inconsiderate one.

    "5. Because it will produce a great amount of litigation, and necessarily produce collisions between parties who have hitherto been on the most friendly terms.

    "6. Because it will paralyze the attempts of landlords to improve the condition of their tenantry and to introduce a good system of husbandry.

    "7. Because no legislation will settle the land question as long as successive Governments, under the influence of party exigencies, encourage professional agitators to disturb the minds of the people.

    "TALBOT DE MALAHIDE, HAWARDEN, DENMAN, CLONBROCK, SALTERSFORD, DIGBY, CLEMENTS, CLANCARTY."

  SITTINGS OF THE HOUSE, SESSION 1870.
  RETURN to an Order of the Honourable The House of Commons, dated 3 August 1870;—for,
  A RETURN "of the Number of DAYS on which THE HOUSE SAT in the Session of 1870, stating, for each Day, the Date of the Month, and the Day of the Week, the Hour of Meeting, and the Hour of Adjournment; and the Total Number of Hours occupied in the Sittings of The House, and the Average Time; and showing the Number of Hours on which The House Sat each Day, and the Number of Hours after Midnight; and the Number of Entries in each Day's Votes and Proceedings (in continuation of Parliamentary Paper, No. 0.101, of Session 1868–9)."
  (Mr. Charles Forster.)

  Month.

  Day.

  House met.

  House adjourned.

  House of Sitting.

  Hours after Midnight.

  Entries in Votes.

  1870

  H.M.

  H.

  M.

  H.

  M.

  H.

  M.

  Feb.

  8

  Tu

  1½

  8

  30

  7

  0

  -

  -

  63

  Feb.

  9

  W

  12

  1

  15

  1

  15

  -

  -

  155

  Feb.

  10

  Th

  4

  8

  15

  4

  15

  -

  -

  170

  Feb.

  11

  F

  4

  6

  30

  2

  30

  -

  -

  71

  Feb.

  14

  M

  4

  11

  0

  7

  0

  -

  -

  120

  Feb.

  15

  Tu

  4

  10

  0

  6

  0

  -

  -

  116

  Feb.

  16

  W

  12

  12

  30

  0

  30

  -

  -

  43

  Feb.

  17

  Th

  4

  10

  15

  6

  15

  -

  -

  61

  Feb.

  18

  F

  4

  9

  15

  5

  15

  -

  -

  57

  Feb.

  21

  M

  4

  12

  15

  8

  15

  0

  15

  77

  Feb.

  22

  Tu

  4

  7

  15

  3

  15

  -

  -

  71

  Feb.

  23

  W

  12

  3

  30

  3

  30

  -

  -

  46

  Feb.

  24

  Th

  4

  7

  0

  3

  0

  -

  -

  61

  Feb.

  25

  F

  4

  10

  30

  6

  30

  -

  -

  53

  Feb.

  28

  M

  4

  1

  0

  9

  0

  -

  -

  63

  Total

  15

  - -

  -

  -

  73

  30

  0

  15

  1,227

  Mar

  1

  Tu

  4

  12

  45

  8

  45

  0

  45

  78

  Mar

  2

  W

  12

  5

  15

  5

  15

  -

  -

  30

  Mar

  3

  Th

  4

  12

  30

  8

  30

  0

  30

  48

  Mar

  4

  F

  4

  12

  45

  8

  45

  0

  45

  77

  Mar

  7

  M

  4

  12

  30

  8

  30

  0

  30

  76

  Mar

  8

  Tu

  4

  1

  15

  9

  15

  1

  15

  64

  Mar

  9

  W

  12

  5

  50

  5

  50

  -

  -

  51

  Mar

  10

  Th

  4

  1

  15

  9

  15

  1

  15

  65

  Mar

  11

  F

  4

  1

  30

  9

  30

  1

  30

  71

  Mar

  14

  M

  4

  1

  30

  9

  30

  1

  30

  74

  Mar

  15

  Tu

  4

  12

  30

  8

  30

  0

  30

  76

  Mar

  16

  W

  12

  5

  50

  5

  50

  -

  -

  49

  Mar

  17

  Th

  4

  12

  45

  8

  45

  0

  45

  81

  Mar

  18

  F

  4

  1

  0

  9

  0

  1

  0

  71

  Mar

  21

  M

  4

  12

  30

  8

  30

  0

  30

  99

  Mar

  22

  Tu

  4

  1

  0

  9

  0

  1

  0

  71

  Mar

  23

  W

  12

  5

  45

  5

  45

  -

  -

  65

  Mar

  24

  Th

  4

  1

  15

  9

  15

  1

  15

  77

  Mar

  25

  F

  2

  1

  0

  11

  0

  1

  0

  81

  Mar

  26

  S

  1

  4

  30

  3

  30

  -

  -

  21

  Mar

  28

  M

  4

  12

  30

  8

  30

  0

  30

  101

  Mar

  29

  T

  4

  1

  15

  9

  15

  1

  15

  68

  Mar

  30

  W

  12

  5

  50

  5

  50

  -

  -

  64

  Mar

  31

  Th

  4

  1

  15

  9

  15

  1

  15

  102

  Total

  24

  - -

  -

  -

  195

  0

  17

  0

  1,660

  Month.

  Day.

  House met.

  House adjourned.

  House of Sitting.

  Hours after Midnight.

  Entries in Votes.

  1870

  H.

  M.

  H.

  M.

  H.

  M.

  Apr.

  1

  F

  2

  1

  15

  11

  15

  1

  15

  62

  Apr.

  4

  M

  4

  12

  45

  8

  45

  0

  45

  112

  Apr.

  5

  Tu

  2

  1

  0

  11

  0

  1

  0

  83

  Apr.

  6

  W

  12

  5

  50

  5

  50

  -

  -

  48

  Apr.

  7

  Th

  4

  12

  30

  8

  30

  0

  30

  94

  Apr.

  8

  F

  2

  3

  30

  13

  30

  3

  30

  94

  Apr.

  11

  M

  4

  1

  45

  9

  45

  1

  45

  116

  Apr.

  12

  Tu

  2½

  5

  15

  2

  45

  -

  -

  63

  Apr.

  25

  M

  4

  1

  30

  9

  30

  1

  30

  110

  Apr.

  26

  Tu

  4

  1

  30

  9

  30

  1

  30

  79

  Apr.

  27

  W

  12

  5

  45

  5

  45

  -

  -

  54

  Apr.

  28

  Th

  4

  3

  15

  11

  15

  3

  15

  92

  Apr.

  29

  F

  4

  2

  15

  10

  15

  2

  15

  105

  Total

  13

  - -

  -

  -

  117

  35

  17

  15

  1,112

  May

  2

  M

  4

  2

  0

  10

  0

  2

  0

  84

  May

  3

  Tu

  4

  1

  0

  9

  0

  1

  0

  65

  May

  4

  W

  12

  6

  0

  6

  0

  -

  -

  56

  May

  5

  Th

  4

  2

  0

  10

  0

  2

  0

  79

  May

  6

  F

  4

  2

  0

  10

  0

  2

  0

  121

  May

  9

  M

  4

  2

  0

  10

  0

  2

  0

  104

  May

  10

  Tu

  4

  1

  45

  9

  45

  1

  45

  80

  May

  11

  W

  12

  5

  50

  5

  50

  -

  -

  60

  May

  12

  Th

  4

  2

  0

  10

  0

  2

  0

  84

  May

  13

  F

  4

  1

  45

  9

  45

  1

  45

  101

  May

  16

  M

  4

  1

  45

  9

  45

  1

  45

  99

  May

  17

  Tu

  4

  8

  45

  4

  45

  -

  -

  74

  May

  18

  W

  12

  5

  55

  5

  55

  -

  -

  75

  May

  19

  Th

  4

  1

  30

  9

  30

  1

  30

  101

  May

  20

  F

  4

  3

  0

  11

  0

  3

  0

  101

  May

  23

  M

  4

  1

  15

  9

  15

  1

  15

  99

  May

  24

  Tu

  4

  2

  0

  10

  0

  2

  0

  73

  May

  25

  W

  12

  5

  55

  5

  55

  -

  -

  64

  May

  26

  Th

  4

  1

  45

  9

  45

  1

  45

  73

  May

  27

  F

  4

  2

  0

  10

  0

  2

  0

  72

  May

  30

  M

  4

  2

  45

  10

  45

  2

  42

  124

  May

  31

  Tu

  4

  1

  15

  9

  15

  1

  15

  87

  Total

  22

  - -

  -

  -

  196

  10

  31

  45

  1,876

  Month.

  Day.

  House met.

  House adjourned.

  House of Sitting.

  Hours after Midnight.

  Entries in Votes.

  1870

  H.

  M.

  H.

  M.

  H.

  M.

  June

  9

  Th

  4

  1

  15

  9

  15

  1

  15

  92

  June

  10

  F

  4

  1

  0

  9

  0

  1

  0

  85

  June

  13

  M

  4

  1

  0

  9

  0

  1

  0

  103

  June

  14

  Tu

  4

  7

  15

  3

  15

  -

  -

  53

  June

  15

  W

  12

  6

  0

  6

  0

  -

  -

  57

  June

  16

  Th

  4

  12

  45

  8

  45

  0

  45

  95

  June

  17

  F

  2

  3

  45

  13

  45

  3

  45

  68

  June

  20

  M

  4

  1

  45

  9

  45

  1

  45

  109

  June

  21

  Tu

  2

  1

  30

  11

  30

  1

  30

  71

  June

  22

  W

  12

  5

  55

  5

  55

  -

  -

  63

  June

  23

  Th

  4

  2

  45

  10

  45

  2

  45

  75

  June

  24

  F

  2

  9

  15

  7

  15

  -

  -

  62

  June

  27

  M

  4

  1

  15

  9

  15

  1

  15

  97

  June

  28

  Tu

  2

  1

  45

  11

  45

  1

  45

  76

  June

  29

  W

  12

  5

  55

  5

  55

  -

  -

  61

  June

  30

  Th

  4

  2

  0

  10

  0

  2

  0

  73

  Total

  16

  - -

  -

  -

  141

  5

  18

  45

  1,240

  July

  1

  F

  2

  9

  5

  7

  5

  -

  -

  53

  July

  4

  M

  4

  2

  15

  10

  15

  2

  15

  95

  July

  5

  Tu

  2

  1

  45

  9

  45

  1

  45

  64

  July

  6

  W

  12

  5

  55

  5

  55

  -

  -

  67

  July

  7

  Th

  4

  2

  45

  10

  45

  2

  45

  70

  July

  8

  F

  2

  1

  15

  11

  15

  1

  15

  54

  July

  11

  M

  4

  2

  30

  10

  30

  2

  30

  76

  July

  12

  Tu

  2

  2

  0

  12

  0

  2

  0

  70

  July

  13

  W

  2

  5

  55

  3

  55

  -

  -

  43

  Month.

  Day.

  House met.

  House adjourned.

  House of Sitting.

  Hours after Midnight.

  Entries in Votes.

  cont.

  H.

  M.

  H.

  M.

  H.

  M.

  July

  14

  Th

  4

  5

  15

  13

  15

  5

  15

  63

  July

  15

  F

  2

  9

  10

  7

  10

  -

  -

  40

  July

  18

  M

  4

  2

  30

  10

  30

  2

  30

  93

  July

  19

  Tu

  2

  2

  45

  12

  45

  2

  45

  75

  July

  20

  W

  12

  5

  50

  5

  50

  -

  -

  50

  July

  21

  Th

  4

  2

  30

  10

  30

  2

  30

  94

  July

  22

  F

  2

  2

  45

  12

  45

  2

  45

  62

  July

  25

  M

  4

  2

  15

  10

  15

  2

  15

  82

  July

  26

  Tu

  2

  2

  45

  12

  45

  2

  45

  47

  July

  27

  W

  12

  5

  58

  5

  58

  -

  -

  52

  July

  28

  Th

  4

  2

  0

  10

  0

  2

  0

  73

  July

  29

  F

  2

  2

  15

  12

  15

  2

  15

  67

  Total

  21

  - -

  -

  -

  205

  23

  37

  30

  1,390

  Aug.

  1

  M

  4

  3

  30

  11

  30

  3

  30

  86

  Aug.

  2

  Tu

  2

  3

  0

  13

  0

  3

  0

  65

  Aug.

  3

  W

  12

  5

  50

  5

  50

  -

  -

  46

  Aug.

  4

  Th

  4

  11

  15

  7

  15

  -

  -

  55

  Aug.

  5

  F

  2

  1

  45

  11

  45

  1

  45

  64

  Aug.

  6

  S

  12

  1

  0

  1

  0

  -

  -

  24

  Aug.

  8

  M

  3

  8

  0

  5

  0

  -

  -

  59

  Aug.

  9

  Tu

  12½

  2

  45

  2

  15

  -

  -

  82

  Aug.

  10

  W

  12½

  Prorogation.

  -

  -

  78

  Total

  9

  - -

  -

  -

  57

  35

  8

  15

  559

  SITTINGS OF THE HOUSE, SESSION 1870.

    SUMMARY.
    Month.

    Days of Sitting.

    Hours of Sitting.

    Hours after Midnight.

    Entries in Votes.

    H.

    M.

    H.

    M.

    1870

    February

    15

    73

    30

    0

    15

    1,227

    March

    24

    195

    0

    17

    0

    1,660

    April

    13

    117

    35

    17

    15

    1,112

    May

    22

    196

    10

    31

    45

    1,876

    June

    16

    141

    5

    18

    45

    1,240

    July

    21

    205

    23

    37

    30

    1,390

    August

    9

    57

    35

    8

    15

    559

    Total

    120

    986

    18

    130

    45

    9,064

    Average Time of Sitting, 8 Hours 13 Minutes 9 Seconds.

  DIVISIONS OF THE HOUSE, SESSION 1870.
  (PARL. PARER 0·100.)
  DIVISIONS OF THE HOUSE, SESSION 1870.

    SUMMARY.
    Number of Divisions on Public Business before Midnight

    163

    Number of Divisions on Public Business after Midnight

    77

    Number of—Private Business Public Business before Midnight

    3

    Number of—Private Business Public Business after Midnight

    1

    Total Number of Divisions in Session 1870

    244

  A TABLE OF ALL THE STATUTES
  PASSED IN THE SECOND SESSION OF
  THE TWENTIETH PARLIAMENT OF THE UNITED KINGDOM OF GREAT BRITAIN AND IRELAND.
  33 & 34 VICTORIA.—A.D. 1870.

  A TABLE OF ALL THE STATUTES

    PUBLIC GENERAL ACTS.
    1.AN Act to empower Committees on Bills confirming Provisional Orders to award Costs and examine Witnesses on Oath.
    2.An Act to make provision for the proceedings of Boards of Management and Boards of Guardians upon the dissolution of Districts and Unions or the annexation of Parishes to Unions.
    3.An Act to make better provision for making laws and regulations for certain parts of India, and for certain other purposes relating thereto.
    4.An Act to make provision for the assessment of Income Tax, and to amend the law relating to Inland Revenue.
    5.An Act to apply certain sums out of the Consolidated Fund to the service of the years ending on the thirty-first day of March one thousand eight hundred and sixty-nine, one thousand eight hundred and seventy, and one thousand eight hundred and seventy-one, and preceding years.
    6.An Act to extend the Jurisdiction of the Judges of the Superior Courts of Common Law at Westminster.
    7.An Act for punishing Mutiny and Desertion, and for the better payment of the Army and their Quarters.
    8.An Act for the Regulation of Her Majesty's Royal Marine Forces while on shore.
    9.An Act to amend "The Peace Preservation (Ireland) Act, 1856," and for other purposes relating to the Preservation of Peace in Ireland.
    10.An Act to consolidate and amend the law relating to the Coinage and Her Majesty's Mint.
    11.An Act to enable the officers employed in the Collector-General of Rates' office in the city of Dublin to vote at Parliamentary Elections for that city.
    12.An Act to repeal certain Duties of Customs in the Isle of Man.
    13.An Act to amend the Law relating to the Surveys of Great Britain, Ireland, and the Isle of Man.
    14.An Act to amend the Law relating to the legal condition of Aliens and British Subjects.
    15.An Act to transfer to the Commissioners of Her Majesty's Works and Public Buildings the property in and control over the buildings and property of the County Courts in England, and for other purposes relating thereto.
    16.An Act to define the boundary between the counties of Inverness and Elgin or Moray, in the district of Strathspey; and for other purposes.
    17.An Act for making further provision relating to the Management of certain Departments of the War Office.
    18.An Act to provide for the equal distribution over the Metropolis of a further portion of the charge for the Relief of the Poor.
    19.An Act to amend "The Railway Companies Powers Act, 1864," and "The Railway Construction Facilities Act, 1864."
    20.An Act to amend "The Mortgage Debenture Act, 1865."
    21.An Act to disfranchise the Boroughs of Bridgwater and Beverley.
    22.An Act to confirm a certain Provisional Order made under an Act of the fifteenth year of Her present Majesty, to facilitate arrangements for the relief of Turnpike Trusts.
    23.An Act to abolish Forfeitures for Treason and Felony, and to otherwise amend the Law relating thereto.
    24.An Act for making further provision respecting the borrowing of money by the Metropolitan Board of Works.
    25.An Act to disfranchise certain Voters of the City of Norwich.
    26.An Act to regulate the Sale of Poisons in Ireland.
    27.An Act for the Protection of Inventions exhibited at International Exhibitions in the United Kingdom.
    28.An Act to amend the law relating to the Remuneration of Attorneys and Solicitors.
    29.An Act to amend and continue "The Wine and Beerhouse Act, 1869."
    30.An Act to abolish Attachment of Wages.
    31.An Act to apply the sum of nine million pounds out of the Consolidated Fund to the service of the year ending the thirty-first day of March one thousand eight hundred and seventy-one.
    32.An Act to grant certain Duties of Customs and Inland Revenue, and to repeal and alter other Duties of Customs and Inland Revenue.
    33.An Act to amend the Acts relating to the Export of unseasonable Salmon.
    34.An Act to amend the Law as to the Investment on Real Securities of Trust Funds held for public and charitable purposes.
    35.An Act for the better Apportionment of Rents and other periodical Payments.
    36.An Act to amend "The Cattle Disease Act (Ireland), 1866."
    37.An Act to enable the senior Magistrate of populous Places in Scotland to act ex officio as a Justice of the Peace and Commissioner of Supply for the County in which the said populous Place is situated.
    38.An Act to disfranchise the Boroughs of Sligo and Cashel.
    39.An Act to facilitate transfers of Ecclesiastical Patronage in certain cases.
    40.An Act for authorising a guarantee of a loan to be raised by the Government of New Zealand for the construction of roads, bridges, and communications in that country, and for the introduction of settlers into that country.
    41.An Act for raising the sum of one million three hundred thousand pounds by Exchequer Bonds for the service of the year ending on the thirty-first day of March one thousand eight hundred and seventy-one.
    42.An Act to empower magistrates and town councils of burghs in Scotland to abolish petty customs and to levy a rate in lieu thereof.
    43.An Act to alter certain Duties of Customs upon Refined Sugar in the Isle of Man.
    44.An Act to declare the Stamp Duty chargeable on certain Leases.
    45.An Act for establishing a District Registrar of the High Court of Admiralty in England at Liverpool.
    46.An Act to amend the Law relating to the Occupation and Ownership of Land in Ireland.
    47.An Act for extending to Ireland and amending "The Dividends and Stock Act, 1869."
    48.An Act for removing doubts respecting the payment of expenses incurred in the Conveyance of Paupers in certain cases not expressly provided for by Law.
    49.An Act to explain and amend "The Evidence Further Amendment Act, 1869."
    50.An Act to amend "The Shipping Dues Exemption Act, 1867."
    51.An Act to repeal an Act intituled "An Act "to alter the mode of giving Notices for the "holding of Vestries, of making Proclamation "in cases of Outlawry, and of giving Notices "on Sundays in respect to various matters," so far as such Act relates to the Isle of Man.
    52.An Act for amending the Law relating to the Extradition of Criminals.
    53.An Act to amend certain provisions in the Sanitary and Sewage Utilization Acts.
    54.An Act to disfranchise certain Voters of the City of Dublin.
    55.An Act to vest Jurisdiction in matters arising within the Dominions of the Kings of Siam in the Supreme Court of the Straits Settlements.
    56.An Act to enable the owners of Settled Estates in England and Ireland to charge such estates, within certain limits, with the expense of building mansions as residences for themselves.
    57.An Act to grant a Duty of Excise on Licences to use Guns.
    58.An Act to further amend the Law relating to indictable offences by Forgery.
    59.An Act to render valid certain Contracts informally executed in India.
    60.An Act to relieve the Brokers of the City of London from the supervision of the Court of Mayor and Aldermen of the said City.
    61.An Act to amend the law relating to Life Assurance Companies.
    62.An Act to amend and extend the Acts relating to Factories and Workshops.
    63.An Act to limit Wages Arrestment in Scotland.
    64.An Act to amend the Petty Sessions Clerk (Ireland) Act, 1858.
    65.An Act to amend the Law relating to Advertisements respecting Stolen Goods.
    66.An Act to make further provision for the Government of British Columbia.
    67.An Act to shorten the time of Active Service in the Army, and to amend in certain respects the Law of Enlistment.
    68.An Act to amend the Acts relating to the Militia of the United Kingdom.
    69.An Act for further promoting the revision of the Statute Law by repealing certain enactments that have ceased to be in force or are consolidated by certain Acts of the present Session.
    70.An Act to facilitate in certain cases the obtaining of powers for the construction of Gas and Water Works and for the supply of Gas and Water.
    71.An Act for consolidating, with Amendments, certain Enactments relating to the National Debt.
    72.An Act for granting Certificates to Pedlars.
    73.An Act to continue certain Turnpike Acts in Great Britain, to repeal certain other Turnpike Acts, and to make further Provisions concerning Turnpike Roads.
    74.An Act to confirm the Award under "The Curragh of Kildare Act, 1868," and for other purposes relating thereto.
    75.An Act to provide for public Elementary Education in England and Wales.
    76.An Act to facilitate the Arrest of Absconding Debtors.
    77.An Act to amend the Laws relating to the qualifications, summoning, attendance, and remuneration of Special and Common Juries.
    78.An Act to facilitate the construction and to regulate the working of Tramways.
    79.An Act for further regulation of Duties of Postage, and for other purposes relating to the Post Office.
    80.An Act for taking the Census of Ireland.
    81.An Act to amend the Acts of the thirty-seventh year of King George the Third, chapter one hundred and twenty-seven, and the thirty-ninth and fortieth years of King George the Third, chapter fourteen.
    82.An Act to authorise the Commissioners of Her Majesty's Treasury to guarantee the payment of a loan to be raised by the Government of Canada for the construction of fortifications in that country.
    83.An Act to make better provision for the Police Force in the City of Londonderry, and to amend the Acts relating to the Royal Irish Constabulary Force.
    84.An Act to amend the Public Schools Act, 1868.
    85.An Act to declare the Hundred in which a Piece of Land in the County of Norfolk is situate, and to provide for the Assessment of the said Piece of Land to the County Rate.
    86.An Act to amend and extend the Act sixteenth and seventeenth Victoria, chapter ninety-two, to make further provision for uniting counties in Scotland in so far as regards the jurisdiction of the Sheriff; and also to make certain provisions regarding the duties of Sheriffs and Sheriffs Substitute in Scotland.
    87.An Act to amend the Act twenty-third and twenty-fourth Victoria, chapter fifty, intituled "An Act to abolish the Annuity Tax in Edinburgh and Montrose, and to make provision in regard to the Stipends of the Ministers in that City and Burgh, and also to make provision for the Patronage of the Church of North Leith;" and to make provision for the abolition of the Annuity Tax within the Parish of Canongate, and for the payment of the Minister of said Parish.
    88.An Act to extend the Telegraph Acts of 1868, 1869, to the Channel Islands and the Isle of Man.
    89.An Act to enable the Governors of Queen Anne's Bounty to provide Superannuation Allowances for their Officers.
    90.An Act to regulate the conduct of Her Majesty's subjects during the existence of hostilities between foreign states with which Her Majesty is at peace.
    91.An Act for the relief of persons admitted to the office of Priest or Deacon in the Church of England.
    92.An Act to amend the laws for the Election of the Magistrates and Councillors of Royal and Parliamentary Burghs in Scotland.
    93.An Act to amend the Law relating to the Property of Married Women.
    94.An Act to provide for Superannuation Allowances to Medical Officers of Unions, Districts, and Parishes in England and Wales.
    95.An Act to authorise the carriage of Naval and Military Stores in Passenger Ships.
    96.An Act to apply a sum out of the Consolidated Fund to the service of the year ending the thirty-first day of March one thousand eight hundred and seventy-one, and to appropriate the Supplies granted in this Session of Parliament.
    97.An Act for granting certain Stamp Duties in lieu of Duties of the same kind now payable under various Acts, and consolidating and amending provisions relating thereto.
    98.An Act for consolidating and amending the Law relating to the Management of Stamp Duties.
    99.An Act for the repeal of certain Enactments relating to the Inland Revenue.
    100.An Act to amend the Law relating to the repayment to the Consolidated Fund of money expended for the benefit of Greenwich Hospital.
    101.An Act for amending the Sixth Section of the Pensions Commutation Act, 1869.
    102.An Act to amend the Law relating to the taking of Oaths of Allegiance on Naturalization.
    103.An Act to continue various expiring Laws.
    104.An Act to facilitate compromises and arrangements between creditors and shareholders of Joint Stock and other Companies in Liquidation.
    105.An Act for appointing a Commission to inquire into the alleged prevalence of the Truck System, and the disregard of the Acts of Parliament prohibiting such system, and for giving such Commission the powers necessary for conducting such Inquiry.
    106.An Act to amend the Sanitary Act, 1866, so far as relates to the City of Dublin.
    107.An Act for taking the Census of England.
    108.An Act for taking the Census in Scotland.
    109.An Act to abolish certain Real Actions in the Superior Courts of Common Law in Ireland, and further to amend the Procedure in the said Courts; and for other purposes.
    110.An Act to provide for the administration of the Law relating to Matrimonial Causes and Matters, and to amend the Law relating to Marriages, in Ireland.
    111.An Act to make provision in relation to certain Beerhouses not duly qualified according to Law.
    112.An Act to amend the Act of the first and second years of the reign of His late Majesty King William the Fourth, chapter thirty-three, in part, and to afford facilities for obtaining Loans for the erection, enlargement, and improvement of Glebe Houses, and for the acquirement of lands for Glebes, in Ireland.
    The Acts contained in the following List, being PUBLIC ACTS of a Local Character, are placed amongst the LOCAL AND PERSONAL ACTS.
    vi. An Act to confirm certain Orders made by the Board of Trade under The Sea Fisheries Act, 1868, relating to Boston Deeps and Emsworth.
    xxvii. An Act to confirm certain Orders made by the Board of Trade under The Sea Fisheries Act, 1868, relating to the Frith of Forth.
    lxxxi. An Act to confirm a Provisional Order under "The Drainage and Improvement of Lands (Ireland) Act, 1863," and the Acts amending the same.
    lxxxii. An Act for confirming certain Provisional Orders made by the Board of Trade under The General Pier and Harbour Act, 1861, relating to Alum Bay, Dartmouth, Ilfracombe, Penryn, and Walton-on-the-Naze.
    cxiv. An Act to confirm certain Provisional Orders under "The Local Government Act, 1858," relating to the districts of Blackpool, Bristol, Eton, Heckmondwike, Kidderminster, Lincoln, Nottingham, Plymouth, South Molton, Wallasey, and Ware; and for other purposes relative to certain districts under the said Act.
    cxv. An Act to confirm Provisional Orders under "The General Police and Improvement (Scotland) Act, 1862," relating to the Burghs of Dunfermline and Perth.
    cxvi. An Act for confirming a Scheme of the Charity Commissioners for the Jewish United Synagogues.
    cxvii. An Act for confirming a Scheme of the Charity Commissioners for certain charities in the parishes of Saint Olave and Saint John in the borough of Southwark.
    cxxxii. An Act to confirm a Provisional Order under "The Public Health (Scotland) Act, 1867," relating to the Burgh of Fraserburgh.
    clvi. An Act to confirm a Provisional Order under "The Sewage Utilization Acts," relating to the district of East Barnet.
    clvii. An Act to confirm a Provisional Order under "The Drainage of Lands (Ireland) Act, 1863," and the Acts amending the same.
    clviii. An Act for confirming certain Provisional Orders made by the Board of Trade under "The General Pier and Harbour Act, 1861," relating to Falmouth, Irvine, Kinsale, Mousehole, St. Leonards-on-Sea, and Ventnor.
    clix. An Act for confirming a Provisional Order made by the Board of Trade under "The General Pier and Harbour Act, 1861," relating to Burntisland.
    clxv. An Act to confirm a Provisional Order under "The Local Government Act, 1858," relating to the district of Merthyr Tydfil.

  LOCAL ACTS.
  The Titles to which the Letter P. is prefixed are Public Acts of a Local Character.
  i. AN Act to authorise the Chester United Gas Company to raise additional Capital.
  ii. An Act for supplying the town and parish of Mansfield in the county of Nottingham with Water.
  iii. An Act to enable the Runcorn, Weston, and Halton Waterworks Company to raise additional Capital.
  iv. An Act for extending the powers of "The Leicester Lunatic Asylum and Improvement Act, 1865;" and for other purposes.
  v. An Act for better supplying with Gas the borough of Newport and the parishes of Carisbrooke, Whippingham, and St. Nicholas in the Isle of Wight in the county of Southampton; and for other purposes.
  P. vi. An Act to confirm certain Orders made by the Board of Trade under The Sea Fisheries Act, 1868, relating to Boston Deeps and Emsworth.
  vii. An Act to consolidate into one ordinary Stock the separate ordinary Stocks and Shares in the North-eastern Railway Company, and to make other provisions consequent thereon, and in reference to the Share Capital of the Company; and for other purposes.
  viii. An Act to ascertain and commute Commonable and certain other Rights in the Abbot's Wood in the Forest of Dean in Gloucestershire.
  ix. An Act to authorise the abandonment of a portion of the Callander and Oban Railway, to extend the time for the completion of another portion thereof; and for other purposes.
  x. An Act for incorporating "The Airedale Gas Company," and for enabling them to supply Gas to parts of the townships of Idle and Eccleshill, in the West Riding of Yorkshire.
  xi. An Act for incorporating "the Kings Lynn Gas Company," and for enabling them to
  supply Gas to Kings Lynn and other places in Norfolk.
  xii. An Act for incorporating the Wrexham Gaslight Company, with powers to supply the town of Wrexham and its neighbourhood with Gas; and for other purposes.
  xiii. An Act to authorise the construction of a Railway from the Midland Railway at Chesterfield to Brampton, and Branch Railways or Tramways connected therewith, in the county of Derby; and for other purposes.
  xiv. An Act to enable the Commissioners of Police of the Burgh of Broughty Ferry to purchase the Gasworks of the Broughty Ferry Gaslight Company, and to supply Gas within the said Burgh and District.
  xv. An Act to amend the Acts relating to the Asylum for Female Orphans.
  xvi. An Act to enable the Severn and Wye Railway and Canal Company to extend their railway to the Ross and Monmouth Railway near the River Wye.
  xvii. An Act to enable the local board for the district of Hyde, in the county palatine of Chester, to purchase the Hyde, Werneth, and Newton Waterworks, and to confer upon them other powers with reference thereto.
  xviii. An Act for better supplying with Water the town and parish of Beccles, in the county of Suffolk.
  xix. An Act to amend The Fylde Waterworks Act, 1861, to increase the capital of the Fylde Waterworks Company, to extend and define the limits of supply, to give power to alter the number of directors; and for other purposes.
  xx. An Act to amend and extend the Acts relating to the Millwall Canal Company, to change the name of the Company; and for other purposes.
  xxi. An Act to alter and enlarge some of the powers of "The North British and Mercantile Insurance Company."
  xxii. An Act for better supplying with Water the parishes of Old Shoreham, New Shoreham, Kingston-by-Sea, Southwick, Portslade, and Aldrington, in the county of Sussex.
  xxiii. An Act to amend and enlarge the Provisions of "The Southport Waterworks Act, 1854," "The Southport Waterworks Act, 1850," and "The Southport Waterworks Act, 1867," to make further and better Provision for supplying the town of Southport and the adjoining districts with Water; and for other purposes.
  xxiv. An Act for dissolving the Yeadon Waterworks Company limited, and re-incorporating the Proprietors therein with others for more effectually supplying with Water the Township of Yeadon, and certain parts of the Township of Rawden, both in the Parish of Guiseley, in the West Riding of the County of York; and for other purposes.
  xxv. An Act to incorporate the Proprietors of the Chiltern Hills Spring Water Company (Limited), and granting them powers with reference to Supply of Water to the town of Aylesbury and the vicinity thereof; and other purposes.
  xxvi. An Act to incorporate the Brecon Gas Company, and to enable them to supply the town of Brecon with gas; and for other purposes relating to the Company.
  P. xxvii. An Act to confirm certain Orders made by the Board of Trade under The Sea Fisheries Act, 1868, relating to the Frith of Forth.
  xxviii. An Act to confer further powers on the Wolverhampton and Walsall Railway Company.
  xxix. An Act to confer further powers to the Newport Pagnell Railway Company.
  xxx. An Act to incorporate the Eccleshill and Bolton Gas Company, Limited, and to make further provision for lighting certain parts of the townships of Eccleshill and Bolton with Gas; and for other purposes.
  xxxi. An Act for the making of a Railway from Golspie to Helmsdale in the county of Sutherland, and for the abandonment of part of the authorised railway of the Sutherland Railway Company; and for other purposes.
  xxxii. An Act to authorise the construction of a Bridge over the river Trent in the County of Nottingham, and Roads and Approaches thereto, to be called "the Gunthorpe Bridge."
  xxxiii. An Act to constitute a body of Commissioners, and to empower them to purchase certain shipping dues from His Royal Highness the Prince of Wales; and also to provide for the alteration and ultimate extinction of such shipping dues, and for raising moneys; and for other purposes.
  xxxiv. An Act to vest Fosdyke Bridge and certain property connected therewith in the inhabitants of the parts of Holland in Lincolnshire as a county bridge and county property.
  xxxv. An Act for vesting in the Corporation of Paisley the supply of Gas to that town and the suburbs thereof; and for other purposes.
  xxxvi. An Act to confer various powers upon the Great Eastern Railway Company with respect to the Ramsey Branch of the said Company, and the Tendring Hundred Railway; and for other purposes.
  xxxvii. An Act for better raising and securing a Fund for the Widows and Children of the Officers, Agents, Clerks, and Porters of the Royal Bank of Scotland.
  xxxviii. An Act for dissolving the Saint Alban's Gas and Water Company, and re-incorporating the proprietors therein with others for more effectually supplying with Gas the borough of Saint Alban and other adjoining parishes and places; and for other purposes.
  xxxix. An Act to extend the Time for the compulsory Purchase of Lands for the purposes of the North Metropolitan Railway Act, 1867.
  xl. An Act for incorporating and granting further powers to the Hebden Bridge Gas Company.
  xli. An Act for making a Railway from the Hawthornden station of the Peebles Railway to Penicuik in the county of Edinburgh; and for other purposes.
  xlii. An Act to amend two Acts for Repressing Juvenile Delinquency in the City of Glasgow.
  xliii. An Act to enable the Local Board for the District of Aberdare to erect Waterworks and supply Water; to purchase the Undertaking of the Aberdare Waterworks Company; and for other purposes.
  xliv. An Act for conferring various additional powers upon the Caledonian Railway Company; and for other purposes.
  xlv. An Act to empower the corporation of Northampton to establish Markets and Fairs; and for other purposes.
  xlvi. An Act to authorise the Construction of the Edinburgh, Loanhead, and Roslin Railway.
  xlvii. An Act to enable the Metropolitan and Saint John's Wood Railway Company to abandon the authorised Extension of their Railway to Hampstead; and for other purposes.
  xlviii. An Act for authorising the Corporation of the Royal Infirmary of Edinburgh to remove their infirmary buildings to a more suitable position, and to acquire for that purpose the site of George Watson's Hospital and adjacent lands; and for other purposes.
  xlix. An Act to extend the time for completing the works of the Milford Haven Dock and Railway Company; to lease the undertaking; and for other purposes.
  l. An Act for extending the time for the completion of the Bedford and Northampton Railway.
  li. An Act for enabling the Reading Gas Company to raise additional Capital; to construct new Works; for extending their Limits of Supply; and for other purposes.
  lii. An Act for making alterations in the authorised Metropolitan Railways of the Great Eastern Railway Company, and for extending the time for the completion thereof; and for conferring upon that Company and upon certain other companies other powers in connexion with the said railways; and for other purposes.
  liii. An Act for empowering the Mayor, Aldermen, and Burgesses of the city and borough of Bath to more effectually supply with Water the city and borough of Bath; and for other purposes.
  liv. An Act to authorise the Trustees of the Clyde Navigation to construct a Dock or Tidal Basin, Quays, Tramways, and other works at the Harbour of Glasgow; to abandon certain works, and to borrow additional money; and for other purposes.
  lv. An Act to enlarge the powers of the East London Railway Company for the compulsory purchase of lands and for the completion of works, and to enable them to raise further money; to confirm and authorise agreements between the East London and other Railway Companies; and for other purposes.
  lvi. An Act for the transfer to the mayor, aldermen, and burgesses of the borough of Leeds of the undertakings of the Leeds Gaslight Company and the Leeds New Gas Company; and for other purposes.
  lvii. An Act for better supplying with Water the town of Ruabon and places adjacent, in the county of Denbigh.
  lviii. An Act to authorise the Limerick and Ennis Railway Company to cancel certain authorised but unissued Shares, and to borrow on Mortgage in lieu thereof, and to issue Debenture Stock; and for other purposes.
  lix. An Act to authorise the Limerick and Foynes Railway Company to cancel certain authorised but unissued preference shares, and to borrow on mortgage in lieu thereof, and to issue debenture stock; and for other purposes.
  lx. An Act to confer further powers on the Company of Proprietors of the Birmingham Canal Navigations; and for other purposes.
  lxi. An Act to enable the Gloucester and Berkeley Canal Company to extend and improve their works, to convert their existing capital into stock; and for other purposes.
  lxii. An Act to enlarge the powers of the London and Blackwall Railway Company, and to enable them to abandon certain Railways authorised by "The London, Blackwall, and Millwall Extension Railway Act, 1865."
  lxiii. An Act for conferring additional powers on the Midland Railway Company for the construction of works, and for the raising of further capital; and for other purposes.
  lxiv. An Act to extend the Limits and increase the Capital of the Shipley Gaslight Company; and for other purposes.
  lxv. An Act to authorise the construction of a Bridge over the River Ouse in the county of York, to be called "Cawood Bridge."
  lxvi. An Act to authorise the Waterworks Commissioners of Kirkcaldy and Dysart to raise a further sum of money, and to amend "The Kirkcaldy and Dysart Waterworks Act, 1867;" and for other purposes.
  lxvii. An Act to extend the time for the completion of Stapenhill Bridge at Burton-upon-Trent.
  lxviii. An Act for more effectually lighting with Gas Buxton and other places in Derbyshire.
  lxix. An Act to enable the Local Board for the district of Cleckheaton to make and supply Gas, and to purchase the undertaking of the Cleckheaton Gas Company, to confer other powers in relation to gas on the said Local Board; and for other purposes.
  lxx. An Act for granting further powers to the Imperial Continental Gas Association.
  lxxi. An Act to enable the Great Northern Railway Company to abandon the construction of the Watford and Edgware Railway.
  lxxii. An Act to authorise the Dare Valley Railway Company to raise additional capital, to abandon a portion of their authorised railway, and to lease their undertaking to the Taff Vale Railway Company; and for other purposes.
  lxxiii. An Act to authorise the Llantrissant and Taff Vale Junction Railway Company to abandon the construction of a certain railway authorised by "The Llantrissant and Taff Vale Junction Railway Act, 1866;" and to extend the time for the completion of another railway authorised by the same Act; and to lease their undertaking to the Taff Vale Railway Company; and for other purposes.
  lxxiv. An Act for the revival of the powers and extension of the time for the compulsory purchase of lands and completion of the railway authorised by "The Girvan and Portpatrick Junction Railway Act, 1865," and also for enabling the Girvan and Portpatrick Junction Railway Company to divide and convert the shares in their capital into preferred and deferred shares; and for other purposes.
  lxxv. An Act for extending the Limits within which the Cardiff Gaslight and Coke Company may supply Gas, and for empowering the Company to raise additional Capital; and for other purposes.
  lxxvi. An Act incorporating and conferring further powers on the Carmarthen Gas Company.
  lxxvii. An Act to incorporate a Company for better supplying with Gas and Water the township of Rainhill, in the parish of Prescot and county palatine of Lancaster; and for other purposes.
  lxxviii. An Act for the abandonment of the extension authorised by "The Blane Valley Railway Extension Act, 1865;" and for other purposes.
  lxxix. An Act for authorising the Lancashire and Yorkshire Railway Company and the London and North-western Railway Company to run Steam Vessels between Fleetwood and Belfast; and for other purposes.
  lxxx. An Act for conferring powers on the Lancashire and Yorkshire Railway Company for the construction of a railway and other works, and the acquisition of lands, in the west riding of the county of York and the county of Lancaster; and for other purposes.
  P. lxxxi. An Act to confirm a Provisional Order under "The Drainage and Improvement of Lands (Ireland) Act, 1863," and the Acts amending the same.
  P. lxxxii. An Act for confirming certain Provisional Orders made by the Board of Trade under The General Pier and Harbour Act, 1861, relating to Alum Bay, Dartmouth, Ilfracombe, Penryn, and Walton-on-the-Naze.
  lxxxiii. An Act for vesting in the Great Western Railway Company the undertaking of the Company of Proprietors of the Herefordshire and Gloucestershire Canal Navigation; and for other purposes.
  lxxxiv. An Act for enabling the London and North-western and the Lancashire and Yorkshire Railway Companies to alter and enlarge their station at Preston, and in connection therewith to acquire lands and execute certain works, and for authorising Agreements between the Companies in reference to those and other matters; and for other purposes.
  lxxxv. An Act to incorporate the Colne Fishery Company, and to authorise the demise to them of the Fishery of the River Colne.
  lxxxvi. An Act to enable the Dublin and Antrim Junction Railway Company to raise further moneys by borrowing; and for other purposes.
  lxxxvii. An Act for carrying into effect Arrangements with respect to Commons parcel of the Manor of the City of Lincoln.
  lxxxviii. An Act to make provision for supplying the Borough of Yeovil with Water; for amending "The Borough of Yeovil Extension and "Improvement Act, 1854;" and for other purposes.
  lxxxix. An Act to extend for a further Period the Time for the construction of a Portion of the Railway authorised by the Great Northern and Western (of Ireland) Railway Act, 1861; and for other purposes.
  xc. An Act to authorise the Tyne Improvement Commissioners to collect certain Coal and other Dues now collected by the Mayor, Aldermen, and Burgesses of the borough of Newcastle-upon-Tyne, and to apply the whole thereof to the Tyne Improvement Fund; and for other purposes.
  xci. An Act to amend "The Edinburgh and Bathgate Railway Act, 1846," with respect to the Rents payable under the Lease thereby authorised; and for other purposes.
  xcii. An Act for the abandonment of the authorised street from the Thames Embankment below Charing Cross railway bridge to Wellington Street, Strand; and for other purposes.
  xciii. An Act for making further provision with respect to the Sanitary Condition of the Borough of Leeds; and for other purposes.
  xciv. An Act to enable the Metropolitan District Railway Company to make a Station near Bread Street, and for other purposes with respect to the same Company.
  xcv. An Act for amending and extending the Acts relating to the supply of Water and Gas in the Borough of Halifax and its neighbourhood, and to the improvement of that borough; and for other purposes.
  xcvi. An Act to enable the lord mayor, aldermen, and burgesses of Dublin to enlarge and extend portions of the Dublin Corporation Waterworks; to amend the Dublin Corporation Waterworks Acts, 1861, 1863, and 1866; to construct additional filter beds; to lay down additional mains or pipes; to consolidate their powers; to confirm agreements; and for other purposes.
  xcvii. An Act to authorise the Belfast Harbour Commissioners to sell their surplus lands, and to make leases.
  xcviii. An Act to enable the Sevenoaks, Maidstone, and Tunbridge Railway Company to make a deviation of their authorised railway; to extend the time for making a part of the same; and for other purposes.
  xcix. An Act to amalgamate the Atlantic Telegraph Company with the Anglo-American Telegraph Company, and to provide for the dissolution of the Atlantic Telegraph Company; and for other purposes.
  c. An Act for making Intercepting and Outfall Sowers for Brighton and certain neighbouring districts; and for other purposes.
  ci. An Act to lease the Great Northern and Western (of Ireland) Railway to the Midland Great Western Railway (of Ireland) Company; and for other purposes.
  cii. An Act for conferring additional powers upon the Company of Proprietors of the Skipton Waterworks with reference to their undertaking and the raising of money; and for other purposes.
  ciii. An Act to extend the time for the construction by the Metropolitan Railway Company of the Tower Hill Extension.
  civ. An Act to authorise Alterations in the Stobcross Railways and other works; to confer Powers upon the Trustees of the Clyde Navigation and others in reference to the Stobcross undertaking; to extend the time for the Purchase of Land and completion of various Railways; to convert Port Edgar into a Harbour;, to provide for the Conversion of the Leadburn Preference Stock into Ordinary Stock, and for the Consolidation of the Lien Stocks of the North British Railway Company; and for other purposes.
  cv. An Act for enabling the North-eastern Railway Company to construct a railway from Leyburn to Hawes, and other works, and acquire additional lands; for the abandonment of the authorised Hawes and Melmerby Railway; and for vesting in the Company the undertaking of the West Durham Railway Company; and for other purposes.
  cvi. An Act for empowering the Brighton and Hove General Gas Company to construct works at or near New Shoreham Harbour, and to acquire a site for the same; and for other purposes.
  cvii. An Act to extend the time for the completion of the Railway and Works of the Navan and Kings Court Railway Company, to enable
  that Company to enter into working and other agreements with certain Companies; and for other purposes.
  cviii. An Act for the arrangement by Arbitration of the Affairs of the Newry and Armagh Railway Company.
  cix. An Act for the Abandonment of the Railways authorized by "The Tottenham and Hampstead Junction Railway Act, 1865;" and for other purposes.
  cx. An Act for making railways from Barnstaple to Ilfracombe; and for other purposes.
  cxi. An Act to enable the Downpatrick, Dundrum, and Newcastle Railway Company to grant a lease of their undertaking; and for other purposes.
  cxii. An Act for conferring additional powers on the London and North-western Railway Company in relation to their own undertaking and the undertakings of other Companies; and for other purposes.
  cxiii. An Act for extending the limits of the district under the authority of the West Hartlepool Improvement Commissioners, and for making better provision for the improvement and government of the extended district; and for other purposes.
  P. cxiv. An Act to confirm certain Provisional Orders under "The Local Government Act, 1858," relating to the districts of Blackpool, Bristol, Eton, Heckmondwike, Kidderminster, Lincoln, Nottingham, Plymouth, South Molton, Wallasey, and Ware; and for other purposes relative to certain districts under the said Act.
  P. cxv. An Act to confirm Provisional Orders under "The General Police and Improvement (Scotland) Act, 1862," relating to the Burghs of Dunfermline and Perth.
  P. cxvi. An Act for confirming a Scheme of the Charity Commissioners for the Jewish United Synagogues.
  P. cxvii. An Act for confirming a Scheme of the Charity Commissioners for certain charities in the parishes of Saint Olave and Saint John in the borough of Southwark.
  cxviii. An Act for conferring on the London and North-western Railway Company additional powers, and making further provision with respect to steam communication between Holyhead and Ireland; and for other purposes.
  cxix. An Act for supplying Littlehampton and certain adjacent parishes in the county of Sussex with Water.
  cxx. An Act for the better management of the Town Moor of the borough of Newcastle-upon-Tyne, and for the further improvement and better government of the borough; and for other purposes.
  cxxi. An Act to enable the Gaslight and Coke Company to purchase the undertaking of the Victoria Docks Gas Company; and for other purposes.
  cxxii. An Act for authorising an Extension of the existing railway of the Midland Counties and South Wales Railway Company to the Buckinghamshire Railway, and for reviving the powers and extending the time for purchase of lands and construction of works authorised by a former Act of the Company; and for suspending legal proceedings against the Company; and for altering the financial arrangements of the Company; and for other purposes.
  cxxiii. An Act for extending the limits within which the Newcastle and Gateshead Water Company may supply water, and for empowering them to construct additional works, and to raise additional capital; and for other purposes.
  cxxiv. An Act to authorise the construction of a Subway under the Thames between Southwark and the City of London.
  cxxv. An Act to extend the time for the completion of the Wandsworth Bridge and Approaches; and for other purposes.
  cxxvi. An Act to confer additional powers on the Dublin, Wicklow, and Wexford Railway Company for the construction of works and other matters relating to their undertaking; and to enable the Company and the London and Northwestern Railway Company to make traffic arrangements; and other purposes.
  cxxvii. An Act to enable the Pembroke and Tenby Railway Company to extend their railway to Pembroke Dockyard, and to make arrangements with the Admiralty; and for other purposes.
  cxxviii. An Act to authorise the Company of Proprietors of the Birmingham Waterworks to extend their limits of supply, to construct further works; and for other purposes.
  cxxix. An Act for amending and extending the provisions of the Acts relating to the borough of Salford; for authorising certain street improvements; and for other purposes.
  cxxx. An Act to authorise the Bristol and North Somerset Railway Company to deviate from the authorised line of their Railway at Radstock; and for other purposes.
  cxxxi. An Act for making better provision for the supply of Water to a district consisting of the boroughs of Ashton-under-Lyne and Stalybridge, and the district of the Dukinfield Local Board of Health, and their respective neighbourhoods; and for other purposes.
  P. cxxxii. An Act to confirm a Provisional Order under the "Public Health (Scotland) Act, 1867," relating to the Burgh of Fraserburgh.
  cxxxiii. An Act for enabling the Local Board of Health in and for the District of the Borough of Reading to execute certain works for the Improvement of the Water Supply and Sewerage of the Borough, and the Drainage of Lands in and adjoining thereto; and for other purposes.
  cxxxiv. An Act to extend the time for the compulsory purchase of lands, and completion of the Waterworks authorised by the Act relating to the Rotherham and Kimberworth Local Board of Health; and to authorise the said board to construct Gasworks, and to purchase the undertaking of the Rotherham Gaslight and Coke Company; and to authorise various agreements with respect to Water and Gas; and for other purposes.
  cxxxv. An Act to authorise the North British Railway Company to make railways and a bridge across the Tay near Dundee, to connect their system with the railways of the Caledonian Railway Company east and west of Dundee; and for other purposes.
  cxxxvi. An Act to enable the Ryde Pier Company to extend their railway to the station of the Isle of Wight Railway at Ryde; and for other purposes relating thereto.
  cxxxvii. An Act for granting further powers to "The Saint Helena Gas Company."
  cxxxviii. An Act to incorporate a Company for establishing and holding a Market and Fairs in the town and parish of Thrapston, in the County of Northampton; and for other purposes.
  cxxxix. An Act to extend the powers of the Dublin Trunk Connecting Railway Company for the taking of lands and completion of their undertaking, to change the name of the Company; and for other purposes.
  cxl. An Act for conferring further powers on the Great Western Railway Company in relation to their own undertaking and the undertakings of other Companies; and for other purposes.
  cxli. An Act to extend the time for the purchase of lands and for the construction of the Halifax and Ovenden Junction Railway, and to vest the said railway in the Lancashire and Yorkshire and the Great Northern Railway Companies.
  cxlii. An Act to amend the Exmouth Docks Act, 1864.
  cxliii. An Act to extend and define the Limits of the Borough of Enniskillen; to enable the Commissioners for that Borough to construct Waterworks, and supply Water; and for other purposes.
  cxliv. An Act for empowering the Corporation of Oldham to construct additional Waterworks and for extending their limits of supply of Water and Gas, and for amending The Oldham Borough Improvement Act, 1865; and for other purposes.
  cxlv. An Act to authorise the Construction of Railways in the City of Worcester; and for other purposes.
  cxlvi. An Act to enable the Bury Saint Edmunds and Thetford Railway Company to make a Deviation in their authorised Railway; and for other purposes.
  cxlvii. An Act for empowering the South-eastern Railway Company to abandon certain authorised Lines, and for extending the time for purchase of Lands and Completion of Works of certain other Lines, and for making better provision respecting Hotels, and for amending the Company's Acts; and for other purposes.
  cxlviii. An Act to extend the time for purchase of Lands, and for the completion of the Harborne Railway.
  cxlix. An Act for extending and amending the Acts relating to the Navigation and Conservancy of the Thames; and for other purposes.
  cl. An Act to extend the time and continue the powers granted to the Halesowen and Bromsgrove Branch Railways Company for the compulsory purchase of Lands, and for the completion of Railways in the County of Worcester, and to authorise that Company to abandon a certain Railway in the same county; and for other purposes.
  cli. An Act for extending the time for the completion of the authorised works of the Burnham Tidal Harbour Company.
  clii. An Act for extending the time for the completion of the Teign Valley Railway, and for conferring additional powers upon the Teign Valley Railway Company; and for other purposes; and of which the short title is "Teign Valley Railway Act, 1870."
  cliii. An Act for making a Railway extending from the authorised Newport Railway to Long Craig, in the County of Fife; for abandoning the Newport Deviation Railway; and for other purposes.
  cliv. An Act to authorise the London, Brighton, and South Coast Railway Company to abandon the Worthing Junction, and to make a short Railway for improving the communication with Eastbourne, and to acquire additional Lands, and to sanction Agreements between them and the South-eastern Railway Company; and for other purposes.
  clv. An Act for making better provision for the Cure of Souls within the limits of the Parish of Leverington, and of certain adjacent Parishes, all in the County of Cambridge and the Diocese of Ely.
  P. clvi. An Act to confirm a Provisional Order under "The Sewage Utilization Acts," relating to the district of East Barnet.
  P. clvii. An Act to confirm a Provisional Order under "The Drainage of Lands (Ireland) Act, 1863," and the Acts amending the same.
  P. clviii. An Act for confirming certain Provisional Orders made by the Board of Trade under The General Pier and Harbour Act, 1861, relating to Falmouth, Irvine, Kinsale, Mousehole, St. Leonards-on-Sea, and Ventnor.
  P. clix. An Act for confirming a Provisional Order made by the Board of Trade under The General Pier and Harbour Act, 1861, relating to Burntisland.
  clx. An Act to enable the Corporation of Blackburn to construct Works for Sewage Utilization; to acquire Lands for that purpose; to provide a Cattle Market; to improve the Borough; and to raise further Moneys; and to confer upon the Corporation additional Powers; and for other purposes.
  clxi. An Act to give further time for the completion of the Works authorised by "The Alexandra (Newport) Dock Act, 1865," and for the compulsory purchase of Lands for the Railways by that Act authorised; and for other purposes.
  clxii. An Act for facilitating the Sale and Transfer of the Property or Undertaking of the Dagenham (Thames) Dock Company, in liquidation; and for other purposes.
  clxiii. An Act for extending the Powers of the Newry and Greenore Railway Company.
  clxiv. An Act for extending the time for the completion of the Poole and Bournemouth Railway, and of which the short title is "Poole and Bournemouth Railway Act, 1870."
  P. clxv. An Act to confirm a Provisional Order under "The Local Government Act, 1858," relating to the district of Merthyr Tydfil.
  clxvi. An Act for dissolving the Ellesmere and Glyn Valley Railway Company and re-incorporating the same as "The Glyn Valley Tramway Company," with power to construct Tramways; and for other purposes.
  clxvii. An Act to authorise the Pimlico, Peckham, and Greenwich Street Tramways Company to construct additional passing places and to convert certain of their authorised Tramways into double lines of Tramway; and for other purposes.
  clxviii. An Act to authorise the Construction of Tramways from Birmingham in the county of Warwick to Handsworth, West Bromwich, and Tipton in the county of Stafford; and for other purposes.
  clxix. An Act to authorise the Construction of Tramways in the towns of Plymouth, Stonehouse, and Devonport, in the county of Devon; and for other purposes.
  clxx. An Act to authorise the Construction of Street Tramways in the Borough of Portsmouth; and for other purposes.
  clxxi. An Act to authorise the Construction of Street Tramways in certain parts of the Metropolis; and for other purposes.
  clxxii. An Act to empower the North Metropolitan Tramways Company to construct now Street Tramways; and for other purposes.
  clxxiii. An Act to authorise the Metropolitan Street Tramways Company to extend their Tramways; and for other purposes.
  clxxiv. An Act to authorise the Pimlico, Peckham, and Greenwich Street Tramways Company to extend their authorised Tramways; and for other purposes.
  clxxv. An Act to authorise the Construction of Street Tramways in certain parts of the city of Glasgow and its suburbs; and for other purposes.
  clxxvi. An Act for enabling the Liverpool Tramways Company to make now Street Tramways in Toxteth Park, in extension of their authorised undertaking; and for other purposes.
  clxxvii. An Act to authorise the Construction of Street Tramways in certain parts of the Suburbs of Birmingham; and for other purposes.

  PRIVATE ACTS,

    PRINTED BY THE QUEEN'S PRINTER,
    AND WHEREOF THE PRINTED COPIES MAY BE GIVEN IN EVIDENCE.
    1. AN Act to enlarge the Powers of an Act enabling the Rector of the Parish of Saint Luke, Chelsea, in Middlesex, to grant Building and Repairing Leases.
    2. An Act for the Extension of the Owens College, Manchester; and for other purposes.
    3. An Act for enabling the trustees of the will of the late Right Honorable James Mann Earl Cornwallis, deceased, to improve and develop his estate at Hastings; and for other purposes.
    4. An Act to amend "An Act to authorise the borrowing of money on the security of the entailed estate of Downie Park, in the county of Forfar, or the sale of a portion of the estate, for the purpose of paying the debts and legacies affecting the same;" and to make further provision for the sale of the estate.

MINUTES.
PUBLIC BILLS—Royal Assent—Consolidated Fund (Appropriation) [33 & 34 Vict. c. 96]; Stamp Duties [33 & 34 Vict. c. 97]; Stamp Duties Management [33 & 34 Vict. c. 98]; Inland Revenue Acts Repeal [33 & 34 Vict. c. 99]: Greenwich Hospital [33 & 34 Vict. c. 100]; Tensions Commutation Act (1869) Amendment [33 & 34 Vict. c. 101]; Oaths of Allegiance on Naturalization [33 & 34 Vict. c. 102]; Expiring Laws [33 & 34 Vict. c. 103]; Joint Stock Companies Arrangement [33 & 34 Vict. c. 104]; Truck Commission [33 & 34 Vict. c. 105]; Sanitary Act (Dublin) Amendment [33 & 34 Vict. c. 106]; Census [33 & 34 Vict. c. 107]; Census (Scotland) [33 & 34 Vict. c. 108]; Real Actions Abolition (Ireland) [33 & 34 Vict. c. 109] Matrimonial Causes and Marriage Law (Ireland) [33 & 34 Vict. c. 110]; Beerhouses [33 & 34 Vict. c. 111]; Glebe Loans (Ireland) [33 & 34 Vict. c. 112]; Local Government Supplemental (No. 2) [33 & 34 Vict, c. clxv].
NEUTRALITY OF BELGIUM—TREATY WITH FRANCE AND PRUSSIA.

  QUESTION. OBSERVATIONS.
  LORD CAIRNS, who had given Notice, to inquire of the Secretary of State for Foreign Affairs, Whether any further progress has been made in concluding the Treaty with France and Prussia as to the neutrality of Belgium; and, whether Her Majesty's Government can state the text of the Treaty?—said: My Lords, I was anxious yesterday to put the Question which stands in my name on the Paper for to-day, but I was prevented doing so by the absence of the noble Earl the Secretary of State for Foreign Affairs, to whom I had been unable to give Notice in consequence of the early hour at which your Lordships met on that day. Your Lordships listened with great interest and attention to

  1747
  the statement made by the noble Earl on Monday night. I think I may answer for both sides of the House that as to a great part of that statement it was a satisfaction to your Lordships to receive the information contained in it. I cannot—although any approval on my part must be of little consequence—withhold my expression of approval at the object which Her Majesty's Government had in view in the negotiations in which they have been engaged—an object which has put an end to any doubts, if such could exist, that they are prepared to maintain the engagements of the Treaty of 1839—engagements which do not concern the honour more than they concern the interests of England. There is also, I think, no doubt that of all ways, that most calculated to avoid the dire necessity of war is to announce at the very commencement the intention of the Government on a matter of this kind—to allow it to be known that this country is determined to adhere to her engagements, and will treat any violation of the engagements of the other signatories, parties to the Treaty of 1839, as a just and proper cause of war. Having said this, I must go a little further, and express to your Lordships frankly and briefly some considerations which, have occurred to me with reference to the new engagement which has been proposed—considerations which to my mind appear to point to seeds of very considerable embarrassment and possible complication arising out of that engagement. Now, the signataries of the Treaty of 1839, putting aside Belgium, were five in number, and those five engaged, in words which are familiar to your Lordships, to maintain and defend the neutrality of Belgium. Two of those signataries are most unfortunately now engaged in war, and apprehensions are entertained that—whatever may be the intentions of those Governments at the present time—tho pressure of events, whether they desire it or not, may lead one of them, or, as has been suggested in the past few weeks, both of them, to forget the engagements of the Treaty of 1839, and to compromise or violate the neutrality of Belgium. Under those circumstances, that which would have been the natural course for this country to pursue is so obvious that I certainly think strong reasons ought to be given for departing from it. By the natural
  1748
  and obvious course, I mean the course which would have been taken if the Government of this country had made known—not by way of menace, but of information—to the two belligerent Powers that we bore in mind and were not unobservant of the obligations of the Treaty of 1839—that we were prepared to maintain those obligations, and that we should oppose any attempt of either or both of them to violate those obligations. And, at the same time that this information was convoyed, the natural course would have been to enter into communications with the remaining signataries of the Treaty who are not engaged in war—namely, the Court of St. Petersburg and the Court of Vienna—to inform them of the communication we had made to the belligerents, and to endeavour to arrange with them for an united course of action in contingencies that might arise. I cannot imagine that this course would have occasioned any delay greater than that necessary to accomplish an engagement such as is now proposed—I cannot imagine that it would have required more time to communicate with Russia and Austria than with France and Berlin. Nor can I see that the course I have indicated would have carried with it any threat or appearance of menace. The statement would have been made not to one of the belligerent Powers alone, but to both. It would not have assumed that there was any intention to disregard the obligations of the Treaty of 1839. It would have simply proceeded upon the natural assumption that when there was a warlike conflagration raging round a small protected territory, events might happen which would require the obligations of the Treaty of 1839 to be borne in mind and enforced. An obvious advantage, too, would have arisen from such a course. England and the two other neutral Powers, acting together, would have been free from any possibility of suspicion of siding with or favouring either of the belligerents. They would have stood aloof as neutral Powers, prepared to do no more than maintain the obligations of the Treaty by which they were bound, and they would not have been chargeable under any circumstances with the inconvenience of entering into fresh and new engagements with either or both of the belligerent Powers. That being, as I venture to think, the natural course

  1749
  which matters should have taken, allow me to state very briefly what I have termed the elements of danger that I cannot help foreseeing in the engagement which is proposed. In the first place, the arrangement, as we are given to understand it, is this—that, in the event of the violation of the neutrality of Belgium by one of the belligerents, we are to engage ourselves to co-operate with the other belligerent, and the other belligerent is to engage to co-operate with us. I do not forget the limit or proviso, which I will refer to in a moment; but at first sight we are engaged to make common cause in that contingency with one of the belligerents. We thereupon cease to maintain in any sense the position of a neutral Power, or that of a neutral Power engaged merely in defence of the neutrality of Belgium; we become identified in the eye of the other belligerent and in the eye of the country of the other belligerent as allied with the first belligerent, with all the traditions and all the consequences which arise from taking part with one of two highly excited nations. We join that one nation, and I fear we leave behind that act on our part a train of bitter memories which it might require a great length of time to efface. If I mention the names of one or other of the countries to which I refer, I hope it will not be supposed that I am anticipating on the part of one or of the other any actual violation of the Treaty of 1839; but supposing such a thing were to happen—suppose the Treaty were to be violated by France, we become bound to take part with Prussia—we are arrayed in arms with Prussia in this great contest against France. Now, do you suppose that in such case, the French people, intelligent and ingenious as they are, will carefully discriminate and boar in mind the fact, that we allied with Prussia merely to defend the neutrality of Belgium, and that they will not look upon us as partners with Prussia, and as making common cause with it to all intents and purposes? If, on the other hand, the violator of the Treaty be Prussia, and we are to unite with France, do you suppose that the people of Germany, who are at this moment showing themselves eager enough to watch the least symptom of a departure from neutrality on our part, would discriminate as to the object and purposes for which we unite with France, and that
  1750
  they will not look upon us simply as allies of France in a war against themselves, and that all the traditions and all the train of angry memories which such a course naturally excites will not arise? More than this. In the position which I have attempted to describe there is an end to all power on the part of England to interpose at any part of the contest and say—"Our only object is to protect the neutrality of Belgium. We have no interest in the war." On the contrary, England would have become to all intents and purposes one of the belligerents, and counsels or suggestions of that kind from us would be extremely unlikely to be listened to. I will go further. I said I had not forgotten the proviso as to the extent to which we are to co-operate with the other belligerent Power in the event of the neutrality of Belgium being violated by one of them. The arrangement, as I understand, is that if one of the belligerents should violate the neutrality of Belgium we should engage to join the other, but should not be bound to co-operate with the other for the general purposes of the war. Now, I ask, how a co-operation of that kind could possibly happen?—how the co-operation of England could be limited in its extent and ambit to the mere object of maintaining the neutrality of Belgium, and could be prevented from going beyond that, and to the general operations of the war? Look at the position of the two co-operating Powers, England and the belligerent which she will join. Their objects will be as different as any two objects can be. The object of England will be to interpose to maintain the neutrality of Belgium and there stop. The object of the belligerent which she will join will be altogether different. It will be to humble, to strike at its enemy, to inflict the most serious blow which could be inflicted upon the other belligerent with which it was engaged in a death struggle. What would be the consequences? You would have two Powers co-operating with different and antagonistic objects. You would have them at constant variance as to whether any particular strategic operation was required—whether it was all that was required for the preservation of the neutrality of Belgium, or whether it did not go beyond such preservation of neutrality and launch out into some general object of the war.

  1751
  Yon would have divided counsels, antagonistic schemes—you would have that which would be of all things that can be supposed fatal to the harmony of the two co-operating Powers, and disastrous to the accomplishment of any good result from that co-operation. Then I go further. If England were to interpose alone, or interpose in union with the two other neutral Powers, Austria and Russia, and to interpose merely for the purpose of maintaining the engagements of the Treaty of 1839, you would have—I will not say, a very strong prospect, but, at all events, a reasonable prospect of localizing any war which unfortunately might become necessary — you would, have some prospect of confining military operations, first, to the purpose in view — namely, to protect Belgium, and nest to the locality which was principally concerned, the locality immediately contiguous to Belgium. But the moment you go beyond this and enter into an engagement to join one of the belligerents in a course of operations which it has in hand, it becomes necessary that the other belligerent, for its own defence—for its own success in the war in which it is engaged, should treat England so joining its antagonist as a Power which it must strike at, which it must humble; upon which, if possible, it must inflict an injury in every part of the world where an injury can be inflicted upon this country. So that, in place of any chance of localizing the struggle, you of necessity extend its limits to whatever part of the world English power and English dominion may reach. The next observation I have to make is this. Since England, in case of the violation of the neutrality of Belgium by one belligerent, is to join the other, you make it the object of each belligerent to obtain the alliance of England, and its co-operation against its rival. The co-operation of England is to depend on the simple fact of the violation of the neutrality of Belgium. Now, I can conceive nothing more likely than that a skilful politician, or an ingenious strategist, would be able without very great difficulty so to arrange matters on behalf of one of the belligerent Powers that it would become absolutely necessary for the other belligerent to commit some act which would be a violation of that neutrality; and then, the moment that that act was done,
  1752
  the co-operation of England is secured to that belligerent who has caused and necessitated the very act of which we complain. I ask your Lordships what would be the effect on public opinion in this country if anything of the kind occurred? Suppose one of the belligerents, by this ingenuity—which I think would, not be very difficult—succeeded in making it necessary for the other belligerent, for the sake of its own preservation, to do some act which would be a violation of the neutrality of Belgium; and suppose the people of this country should see, as they certainly would, that the real offender was not the belligerent who actually and mechanically violated the neutrality, but the other, who made that act necessary; what would the country say if it found the Government engaging us in a war on behalf of and in co-operation with that belligerent which was morally the guilty party in the transaction? The next observation I have to make is this—the engagement seems to me to be one entirely useless. If both the belligerents should violate the neutrality of Belgium, it would have no operation. If, on the other hand, only one violates the neutrality, and if we are to engage in hostile operations in consequence of that act, we should always, without the least difficulty, without any previous engagements, be perfectly sure of securing the co-operation of the other if we should wish for it, and if the terms upon which we should be willing to accept it were agreed upon between us. Hence it is useless in the one case and superfluous in the other. Then I ask your Lordships to consider what effect it may have upon the acts and engagements of Russia and Austria. If the neutrality of Belgium should be violated, and if this country should assort—as it would assert—tho engagements of the Treaty of 1839, and if we then applied to Austria and Russia to join us, I can quite well understand that we might expect to secure their co-operation for the purpose of maintaining engagements to which they were bound as well as ourselves. But enter into an arrangement of this kind—let the same thing be attempted, and appeal to Austria to join us in enforcing the Treaty. I can understand Austria replying—"We admit that we are bound by the Treaty of 1839, and we should have been very glad to co-operate with

  1753
  you in maintaining its obligations; but you have entered into another engagement, in consequence of which"—supposing France was the violator—"you have agreed to co-operate with Germany, and now you are about to enforce the engagements of the Treaty of 1839 in co-operation with Germany. We should be quite willing to co-operate with you if you acted, as we should act, simply as neutrals in the quarrel; but if you are going to co-operate with Prussia we decline to act upon that policy, and we therefore will not give our adhesion." I gathered from the statement of the noble Earl (Earl Granville) that a communication had been made to Austria and Russia, and that, though no formal answer had been obtained, such communications as we have had were satisfactory. Now, I have no doubt Austria and Russia will not think it necessary to protest against this arrangement; but it is one thing to abstain from protesting—it is one tiling to use civil expressions with regard to it—it is another thing to say—"We toll you distinctly that we shall not allow this engagement in any way to interfere with our obligation to co-operate with you, if you desire it, in maintaining the Treaty of 1839." I will not say more than that I greatly fear there are at this part of the case the seeds of difficulty which possibly may lead other Powers to take a different view of the obligations of 1839 than they would otherwise have done. I have now, with a brevity befitting the day and hour, pointed out—I hope in no spirit of criticism beyond that which my sense of duty makes me feel necessary—the doubts which I entertain with regard to the Treaty. I desire to repeat most amply, however, my great pleasure at the object which the Government had in view, and the spirit they showed in undertaking this fresh engagement. The difficulties I feel are as to the mode in which it has been done, not as to the object for which it has been done; and I shall be very glad if the text of the Treaty will remove any of those difficulties. For my own part, there is nothing I should hear with greater pleasure from the noble Earl, whose answer I cannot anticipate, than that circumstances had arisen which prevented the consummation of this fresh engagement. If, however, the difficulties I feel are not removed by the text of the Treaty, and if the engagement
  1754
  is one which is actually to be consummated, I can only express a further wish, in which I am sure your Lordships, whatever you may think of what I have said, will all agree with mo—that wish is, that circumstances may never arise which will render it necessary for those engagements to be put in operation.
  EARL GRANVILLE: My Lords, I have heard the speech of my noble and learned Friend (Lord Cairns) with a feeling of very great relief. I expected—and my expectations have certainly been justified—that he would speak with that reserve and fairness towards the Government on a great international question which he was likely to exhibit on such an occasion; but I knew also that, with regard to the particular form of the proposal, every possible objection to it would be exhausted by the ability and the skill of the noble and learned Lord, and I am much relieved at finding what those objections seem to be. The noble and learned Lord very fairly stated what course ought, in his judgment, to have been pursued by Her Majesty's Government. He said we should have entered into no engagement whatever, but have declared, without any menace to the belligerents, our determination to maintain the neutrality of Belgium. Now, I ventured the other day, with regard to the question of menace, to say that I believed the form in which we had put it was less menacing and less offensive to those Powers than any other way in which it could have been put. I will venture to explain my meaning. It is mainly a matter as to form, and not as to substance—because if there were a difference of substance I should own we had put ourselves in the wrong. It is sometimes useful to compare the action of nations and that of individuals, and very often the conduct of a high-spirited nation and of an honourable man is very much the same. I will suppose that one of your Lordships found two persons about to engage in a duel, and at once declared to them both the obligation he would feel under to strike the one who took an unfair part in that duel. I believe that would be regarded by both as an imputation upon their intentions, and might almost encourage them to do that which otherwise they would have thought wrong by being precluded from doing it by menace. But if, instead of that, the third person says

  1755
  to each—"You say, as I have every reason to believe, you mean to fight without any unfair play whatever; but you express a suspicion that fair play will not be exhibited by the person with whom you are engaged in hostilities. If it is any pleasure to you that I should agree with you to strike your opponent if he begins unfair play, I will do so; but, mind, this is a bargain which I must offer to the other equally." I believe that exactly in proportion as they were confident of their own good faith and suspicious of the bad faith of their opponent they would accept, as France and Prussia have accepted, the proposal so made to them. The noble and learned Lord says we ought, without menace, to have told them what we were going to do, and then, he says, you should have strengthened yourselves by going to the other great Powers parties to the guarantee of 1839; and this, he says, would have strengthened our position. Now, the facts as they have happened show that the course which he suggests would not have been successful. I stated the other day that we had received the most friendly assurances from both Russia and Austria. Now, it is rather curious that we have since received from Austria her distinct readiness to agree to our proposal, supposing that France and Prussia do not object to sign the Treaty. So that with regard to Austria we have exactly secured the very promise and consent to our proposal which she would not have given to a single menace on our part. From Russia we have received the most friendly assurances; but there is certainly a disinclination on the part of Russia to accede to this proposal; because Russia considers, and says that the original Treaty binds them, and they would wish to have an understanding of a much wider description—on the merits of which I do not now say one word, one way or the other, but which understanding would certainly bring us under obligations we do not hold at this moment. Russia would, therefore, in the same manner, have refused simply and solely to join us in a single menace with regard to the neutrality of Belgium. These facts show that the course advocated by the noble and learned Lord would not have been the most judicious one. But then he says we put ourselves in a great difficulty if the case should arise. Now, I cannot help again pointing
  1756
  out to your Lordships that, being bound by the obligations of that Treaty, we must, if the contingency arises, act upon those obligations. We are not now in a position like that described by a Conservative Government, when we joined in a Treaty guaranteeing Luxemburg, and when, almost before the ink with which it was signed was dry, the Prime Minister and the Foreign Minister of this country announced, to the surprise of France and the indignation of Prussia, that we had signed it as a collective guarantee, and that as the co-operation of the other Powers was the only case in which the guarantee could possibly be brought into question, England had brought itself under no new obligation at all. I admit that there is this disadvantage about the present engagement, that if the contingency should arise—which God forbid!—and which I do not believe will arise—we should be obliged to act upon our engagements. Being, however, so obliged, I cannot conceive that it would not be an enormous advantage to have a Power with 500,000 or 600,000 soldiers co-operating with our Army and fleet. The noble and learned Lord has made a most ingenious supposition—one very much like a game of chess I have seen, where a very superior player tells his adversary he will force him again and again not to be checkmated, but to checkmate himself. I could hardly understand why the noble and learned Lord did not describe what the ingenious scheme was that should enable one belligerent to force the other to commit that particular outrage which would necessarily increase the forces of his enemy by the power, the wealth, and the public spirit of such a country as that to which we belong. I take it that if either army were driven by a defeat to the frontier of Belgium, and obliged for their own safety to seek shelter there, it would be no violation of neutrality, for if they submitted to be disarmed there would be absolutely no infraction of the neutrality which they had guaranteed. The noble and learned Lord says we might be driven into war by the action of either one or both the belligerents. Now, I think I have stated enough to show that even if either of them were not restrained by the fear of this country, the fear of this country joining with their enemy would certainly prevent them from taking a step of that

  1757
  character. It is a case I should hardly have put had it not been suggested—though, I admit, in very courteous terms—by the noble and learned Lord to both those nations; but suppose, he says, both violate the neutrality, that absolves us from the obligations of the Treat}', and it then falls to the ground. It would certainly place us in one of the most awkward positions I could possibly conceive; but I really think that, right as it is to look with suspicion in the interests of our own country upon all possible designs of any other country, for us to fear that two Powers, after a solemn renewal of an engagement such as this, binding on the personal honour of the Emperor of the French and the King of Prussia, should, within a very few months, in the face of the whole world, desert such an engagement, requires too strong an effort of the imagination. I am quite sure, my Lords, that this Treaty, which has for its principal object the neutrality and independence of Belgium, is likely to be effectual, and will prevent the occurrence of that particular event which would be most disagreeable and most entangling to Great Britain. As to this instrument in the slightest degree weakening the effect of the previous Treaty of 1839, I entirely deny it. There is an express reservation of that Treaty; and, besides that, as I mentioned, the other day, there is an exact precedent to this case. The seventh Article of the General Treaty of Paris, of March 30, 1856, between England, France, Austria, Italy, Prussia, and Russia, stipulates as follows—I am afraid I must read it in French, as I have no other copy by me—
  "Leurs Majestés s'engagent, chacune de son coté, à respecter l'indépendance et l'integrité territoriale de l'Empire Ottoman; garantissent on commun la stricte observation de cet engagement, et considéront on conséquence tout acte de nature à y porter atteinte comme une question d'intérêt général."
  But a fortnight after this, without any event of importance having intervened, England, Austria, and France signed, on the 16th of April following a separate treaty, by the first Article of which—
  "Les Hautes Parties contractantes garantissent solidairement entre elles l'indépendence et l'intégrite do l'Empire Ottoman conservés par le Traité conclu à Paris 30 Mars, 1856."
  This, I say, is a most complete precedent, and justifies us in saying that the Treaty now almost concluded does not in the
  1758
  slightest degree weaken the guarantee, whatever that may be, which was given by the Treaty of 1839. There is one point on which I have heard some objection, though the good sense of the noble and learned Lord induced him, I presume, to reject it—which is that the way in which we have acted is a disrespect to Belgium and almost an infraction of her independence. Now, if so, I admit that it was done after consideration and advisedly. We thought that in the very delicate and difficult situation of so small a country between two such powerful belligerents, having once asserted her intention to maintain her neutrality and independence, and having received assurance from both parties that that neutrality and independence should not be violated, it was better for her not to put forward proposals, risking refusals from one or both of the belligerents—refusals which would not have signified to a great country like ours, but might be extremely awkward for a small country like Belgium. As soon as the negotiations had reached a certain point, I officially informed the Belgian Government of the course I had pursued and the character of what had been done. I further pointed out that in the draft Treaty I have avoided bringing in her name, but said they would understand that all was intended to be done in practical harmony with Belgium, that we should count upon her support, and that our sole object was the independence and neutrality of that country. Your Lordships will see that at all events the Belgian Government has felt no resentment at what has been done by the few eloquent words used by the King at the opening of the Belgian Chambers, and by the enthusiastic reception which those words met from all parties. I trust that this Treaty will not come into effect. I believe it will not. But as far as it has gone, and as far as the judgment of Her Majesty's Government is concerned, we thought it the best manner of preventing that great difficulty which has excited so much alarm and anxiety both in this country and to foreign nations.
  LORD CAIRNS: The noble Earl has not stated what progress has been made with the Treaty, and whether he can give its text.
  EARL GRANVILLE: The Treaty with Prussia was signed by Count Bernstoff and myself yesterday, and I was also in-

  1759
  formed yesterday by the French Ambassador that he had authority to sign as soon as the full powers arrived. I have not the slightest objection to read the text. Of course I read only one Treaty, as the other, mutatis mutandis, is identical with it—
  "DRAFT OF TREATY BETWEEN ENGLAND AND "PRUSSIA RESPECTING BELGIUM.
  "Her Majesty the Queen of the United Kingdom of Great Britain and Ireland, and His Majesty the King of Prussia, being desirous at the present time of recording in a solemn act their fixed determination to maintain the independence and neutrality of Belgium, as provided in the VIIth Article of the Treaty signed at London on the 19th of April, 1839, between Belgium and the Netherlands, which Article was declared by the Quintuple Treaty of 1839 to be considered as having the same force and value as if textually inserted in the said Quintuple Treaty, their said Majesties have determined to conclude between themselves a separate Treaty, which, without impairing or invalidating the conditions of the said Quintuple Treaty, shall be subsidiary and accessory to it; and they have accordingly named as their Plenipotentiaries for that purpose, that is to say:—
  "Her Majesty the Queen of the United Kingdom of Great Britain and Ireland, &c.
  "And His Majesty the King of Prussia, &c.
  "Who, after having communicated to each other their respective full powers, found in good and due form, have agreed upon and concluded the following Articles:—
  "Art. I. His Majesty the King of Prussia having declared that, notwithstanding the hostilities in which the North German Confederation is now engaged with France, it is his fixed determination to respect the neutrality of Belgium so long as the same shall be respected by France; Her Majesty the Queen of the United Kingdom of Great Britain and Ireland, on her part, declares that if during the said hostilities the armies of France should violate that neutrality, she will be prepared to co-operate with His Prussian Majesty for the defence of the same in such manner as may be mutually agreed upon, employing for that purpose her naval and military forces to insure its observance; and to maintain, in conjunction with His Prussian Majesty, then and thereafter, the independence and neutrality of Belgium.
  "It is clearly understood that Her Majesty the Queen of the United Kingdom of Great Britain and Ireland does not engage herself by this Treaty to take part in any of the general operations of the war now carried on between the North German Confederation and France beyond the limits of Belgium as defined in the Treaty between Belgium and the Netherlands of April 19, 1839.
  "Art. II. His Majesty the King of Prussia agrees on his part, in the event provided for in the foregoing Article, to co-operate with Her Majesty the Queen of the United Kingdom of Great Britain and Ireland, employing his naval and military forces for the purpose aforesaid; and, the case arising, to concert with Her Majesty the measures which shall be taken, separately or in common, to secure the neutrality and independence of Belgium.
  "Art. III. This Treaty shall be binding on the High Contracting Parties during the continuance of the present war between the North German Confederation and France, and for twelve months after the ratification of any Treaty of Peace concluded between those parties; and on the expiration of that time the independence and neutrality of Belgium will, so far as the High Contracting Parties are respectively concerned, continue to rest as heretofore on the Ist Article of the Quintuple Treaty of the 19th of April, 1839.
  Art. IV. The present Treaty shall be ratified."
  VISCOUNT STRATFORD DE REDCLIFFE: I wish, my Lords, to say a few words upon this important subject—and few they must be, in the present most critical state of affairs, and when Parliament is on the very brink of Prorogation. My excuse for speaking at all at such a moment is the connection I have held during many years with questions like that which is now under consideration. As far as I can judge from hearing the text of the intended Treaty read casually, as one may say, by the noble Earl the Secretary of State for Foreign Affairs, care seems to have been taken to avoid any of the risks and embarrassments pointed out by my noble and learned Friend (Lord Cairns). It is not my intention to enter into the comparative merits of the plans adopted by Her Majesty's Government, and that which the noble and learned Lord would have preferred. What strikes me as manifest is that we are greatly indebted to the Government for the care they have taken to meet the requirements of the honour and interest of the country by redeeming the pledges which were given in the Treaty of April, 1839, at the same time that they have endeavoured to guard us from the danger of being eventually involved in the horrors and calamities of war. I must be allowed, however, to take a more comprehensive view of the matter. To anyone who looks beyond passing circumstances to the whole extent and results of the war, considerations may readily occur which it would be well to bear in mind. I cannot doubt that, while standing to our guarantee of Belgian independence and neutrality without prejudice to our desire of remaining at peace, it is the object of Her Majesty's Ministers no less than the feeling of the country that we should keep in our hands as far as possible the means of limiting the range and continuance of the war, and of tendering our mediation with good effect whenever

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  the opportunity occurs. Supposing that I either of the two great parties now opposed to each other should obtain an ascendancy dangerous to the balance of power in Europe, and even to the very existence of some independent States, it would surely be desirable that our position should be such as to offer a limit to the excessive pretensions of victory. Now, I conceive, that with such purposes; in view, Her Majesty's Government would have found it advantageous to communicate with Austria and Russia before they committed themselves to any decided course of proceeding. What, in fact, was their position with respect to the Treaty when all hopes of peace between the two opponents had ceased? There were five parties to the engagement which declared and guaranteed the neutrality of Belgium. Two of them—namely, France and Prussia—are belligerents; the other three—Great Britain, Austria, and Russia—are neutrals. Each belligerent gave formal assurance to Belgium that he would respect its neutrality, provided it were respected by the other. The King of the Belgians declared on his side that he would maintain his neutrality with all the force at has disposal. So far all was satisfactory. England and the other two neutral guarantees remained. Here I must confess that in my very humble opinion it would have been better, looking to the contingencies of war, if an attempt had been made to unite our own plain course of duty with that which seemed to devolve equally upon Austria and Russia. In this manner we might have kept clear of whatever risks and inconveniences may possibly arise in carrying out the new Treaty, and also, perhaps, have laid the foundation of a more complete understanding with both those Powers as to offers of mediation at any convenient juncture, and also as to the means of preserving Europe from any great and dangerous disturbance of its present settlement at the close of the war. It appears that there would have been little or no difficulty in making such an arrangement. Austria, we are told, has already consented to adopt the provisions of the Treaty; and Russia, although not yet quite up to the same mark, has I shown, as I understand from the noble Earl opposite (Earl Granville), her good disposition in the matter. The proposal which I should have been glad, to see
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  made to those Powers might have assumed a very simple form. Its terms need only have expressed a joint recognition of their duty to maintain the neutrality of Belgium in every fitting emergency, to the full extent of their available means. Such a declaration could not possibly have given any offence—certainly, no just offence—to either of the belligerents, for it would have been nothing more than the complement of what they had themselves declared, in virtue of those long-standing engagements to which both they and the neutral signataries of the London Treaty were parties. Other neutral Powers of less magnitude might, in due season, have rallied round this point of union, and helped to give motives of moderation to that belligerent whose eventual triumph in arms might naturally enough suggest extravagant conditions of peace. In submitting these impressions to your Lordships, I beg to disclaim all intention of casting blame upon Her Majesty's Government. The view which I have taken of the question may be altogether erroneous; but I thought that, as Parliament was to be immediately prorogued, it might not be unseasonable for those who have been personally conversant with matters of this kind to express an opinion in public, and I trust, my Lords, that you will kindly forgive this brief intrusion upon your time.
  EARL GRANVILLE: I only wish to say one word on my noble Friend's remarks. Her Majesty's Government did communicate the proposal both to the Russian and Austrian Ambassadors within an hour after it was made to France and Prussia.
  THE DUKE OF CLEVELAND: I confess that when I heard of this Treaty I had a very great objection to it, for it seemed to me that the Treaty, though limited in duration, cast some slur upon the Treaty of 1839; but now, having heard the explanations of my noble Friend at the head of the Foreign Office, my objection is not so strong as it was at first. I thought, with others, it was desirable that the Government should make it known that it was their express determination to maintain the Treaty of 1839, which is still binding on this and other countries. But in my opinion it is desirable to have some instrument defining our obligations with more distinctness than the Treaty of 1839, as doubts

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  have more than once been entertained as to the precise nature of those obligations, and we shall be thrown back upon that Treaty when the term of the present Treaty expires. Some doubt may in future arise as to the mode in which the Treaty is really operative, and I should have preferred some instrument of a permanent character, respecting which no doubts could arise—a Treaty entered into by the same great Powers, including the belligerents. I am, of course, not acquainted with the negotiations which have taken place. Austria has signified her intention to stand by her obligations; but I do not know what Russia will do. Perhaps she thinks the Treaty of 1839 sufficiently binding; and the other signatary Powers will probably entertain the same opinion. If any new instrument were necessary, it should have been merely a defining and declaratory one; and I agree with the noble Viscount that efforts should have been made to obtain the adhesion of other neutral Powers. I sincerely hope Her Majesty's Government have not tied their hands by entering into this fresh Treaty; for, if such is the case, their course of action will be limited, should any future necessity for action arise. It is difficult to define, in an engagement like the present, how far our obligations extend, and to what mode of action we were bound. It is not for us to incur any fresh obligations; while, at the same time, it is not for us to say that we have no interest in any part of the Continent, especially as regards the support of the smaller and neutral Powers. It is of great importance to us, politically as well as commercially, that Belgium and Holland should be maintained as independent Powers, and that two important Empires like France and Germany should not be entirely coterminous. I do not apprehend any danger on this head, especially now that the honour of two great countries is pledged. The Government have acted wisely in providing for the security of Belgium, though, as I have said, a different course might have offered a better permanent security, which in these times of change it would have been desirable to obtain. I wish to take this opportunity of expressing my satisfaction that the Government have not altered the existing law with regard to munitions of war. It would have been a very injudicious
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  act, and one which would have created much rancour in France, to interfere with the export of coal, which though ancipitis usûs, is an article of commerce between the two countries.
  THE EARL OF SHAFTESBURY: Surely the Session ought not to close without an expression of thanks to Her Majesty's Government for the dignified and patriotic course they have pursued in this great and trying emergency. Perhaps I am not in a position to be the person to come forward to tender those thanks; but my feeling is so very strong that it overcomes my prudence. I cannot but come forward and say how deeply grateful I feel for the course they have taken in the face of such great dangers. I may add an expression of my hope and of my firm belief that the people of this country will sustain the Government in a course that is essential to the discharge of their duty to the interests and to the safety of the British Empire.
  LORD REDESDALEthought that England should not have entered into any separate engagement, but should have adhered to the Treaty of 1839, unless assured that the former would be accepted by all the parties to the latter. In case of a violation of the neutrality of Belgium he did not see how they were to act, for they had no force there, and were debarred from exercising any force elsewhere.
  EARL GRANVLLLE: We are not debarred.
  LORD REDESDALEunderstood they were bound to act within the territory of Belgium.
  EARL GRANVILLE: No.
  LORD REDESDALEurged that it would be extremely awkward if they had to take action without the full co-operation of Russia, as he feared would be the case.
  LORD DENMANhoped the Government, instead of arranging for a triangular duel, would do their utmost to restore peace. There was no passage in history which he more admired than the great scheme of Henry the Great, by which a police of all nations might have been established to prevent war. He hoped that directly the least appearance of equality appeared, that an armistice might be established; and there had never been a juncture at which agreement could more easily be obtained with

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  justice to all parties, so far as the true object of an Œcumenical Council was attainable.

PROROGATION OF THE PARLIAMENT. HER MAJESTY'S SPEECH.
The LORD CHANCELLORthen acquainted the House that Her Majesty had been pleased to grant two several Commissions:—And The LORDS COMMISSIONERS—namely, The LORD CHANCELLOR; The LORD PRIVY SEAL (The Viscount Halifax); The EARL OF KIMISERLEY (Secretary of State for the Colonies); The MARQUESS OF NORMANBY; and The LORD CHAMBERLAIN OF THE HOUSEHOLD (The Viscount Sydney) — being in their Robes, and seated on a Form between the Throne and the Woolsack; and the COMMONS being come, with their Speaker, and the Commission to that purpose being read, the ROYAL ASSENT was given to several Bills.
Then THE LORD CHANCELLOR delivered HER MAJESTY'S SPEECH as follows:—
"My Lords, and Gentlemen,
"THE state of public business enables me to release you from your attendance in Parliament.
"I continue to receive from all Foreign Powers assurances of goodwill and friendship; but I have witnessed with grief and pain, on domestic as well as public grounds, the recent outbreak of war between two powerful nations, both of them allied with this country.
"My best exertions had been used to avert this great calamity.
"I shall now direct a constant and anxious attention to the strict observance of the duties and the maintenance of the rights of neutrality.
"I have cheerfully assented to the measure, matured by your wisdom, to enlarge the power of the Executive, not only for the discharge of international duties, but for the prevention of acts which, in times of war, might
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be injurious to the interests of the country.
"I shall make every fitting endeavour to check the operation of causes which might lead towards enlarging the area of the present conflict, and to contribute, if opportunity shall be afforded me, to the restoration of an early and honourable peace.
"I have tendered to the two Belligerent Powers Treaties identical in form to give additional security to Belgium against the hazards of a war waged upon her frontiers. This Treaty has been signed by Count Bernstorff on the part of the North German Confederation, and the French Ambassador has signified that he has authority to sign the corresponding instrument as soon as his full powers arrive. Other Powers, winch were parties to the Treaty of 1839, have been invited to accede, if they should think fit, to this engagement.
"The shocking murders recently perpetrated in Greece produced a painful impression throughout Europe, and have drawn attention to serious evils existing in that country. My unremitting efforts will be directed to securing the complete and searching character of the inquiry which has been instituted.
"Gentlemen of the House of Commons,
"I thank you for the liberal provision which was made by you for the ordinary service of the year, and for the additional supplies of men and money which you have voted in view of the altered state of things on the Continent of Europe.
"The condition of the Revenue gives ground for the hope that it may be able to meet the new charge which

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has been created, without reversing the proper balance of income and expenditure.
"My Lords, and Gentlemen,
"In regard to domestic legislation, I may fitly congratulate you on the close of a Session, marked by an assiduous devotion to labours of the utmost national importance.
"The temporary Act for the Repression of Agrarian Crime, and the maintenance of Order in Ireland, has, up to the present time, answered the purposes for which it was passed.
"From the Act for regulating the occupation and ownership of land, I anticipate the gradual establishment both of harmonious relations between owners and occupiers of land, and of general confidence in the provisions and administration of the law, and in the just and benevolent intentions of the Legislature.
"In consequence of the efforts which have been made in matters of capital moment, to remove from the Statute Book whatever might seem inequitable to Ireland, I trust that the discharge of the first duty of Government in providing for the security of life and property will become more easy; and I shall rely with confidence upon the loyalty and affection of my Irish subjects.
"It has given me pleasure to concur with you in the passage of the important law providing for National Education in England. I perceive in it a new guarantee for the moral and social well-being of the Nation, and for its prosperity and power.
"The Naturalization Act, and the Act for the Extradition of Criminals,
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will tend to confirm our friendly relations with Foreign Powers.
"The Act which regulates enlistment for a shortened term of service in the ranks of the Army will, I trust, tend to increase the efficiency of the force, to promote the welfare of the soldier, and to provide for the Nation a reserve of men well trained to arms, and ready in any case of emergency to return to the standards.
"I bid you farewell for the recess, with the earnest prayer that when you are again summoned to your duties I may be enabled to rejoice with you in the re-establishment of Peace on the Continent of Europe."
Then a Commission for proroguing Parliament was read.
After which,
THE LORD CHANCELLORsaid—
My Lords, and Gentlemen,
By virtue of Her Majesty's Commission, under the Great Seal, to us and other Lords directed, and now read, we do, in Her Majesty's Name, and in obedience to Her Commands, prorogue this Parliament to Thursday the 27th day of October next, to be then here holden; and this Parliament is accordingly prorogued to Thursday the 27th day of October next.