Sitting of 5 February 1867

Preamble
The House met at half after One of the Clock.
A Message from Her Majesty, by Sir Augustus Clifford, Gentleman Usher of the Black Rod—
"MR. SPEAKER,
"The QUEEN commands this Honourable House to attend Her Majesty immediately, in the House of Peers."
Accordingly, Mr. Speaker, with the House, went up to attend Her Majesty:—
And being returned;

NEW WRITS DURING THE RECESS.
Mr. SPEAKERacquainted the House that, during the Recess, he had issued Warrants for New Writs, for Brecknock Borough, v. Earl of Brecknock, now Marquess Camden; for Penryn, v. Hon. Thomas George Baring, now Lord Northbrook; for Gloucester County (Western Division), v. John Bolt, esquire, Attorney General; for Pembroke County, v. George Lort Phillips, esquire, deceased; for Guildford, v. Sir William Bovill, Chief Justice of the Common Pleas; for Tipperary, v. John Blake Dillon, esquire, deceased; for Belfast, v. Sir Hugh M'Calmont Cairns, one of the Judges of the Court of Appeal in. Chancery; for Wexford County, v. John George, esquire, one of the Judges of the Court of Queen's Bench in Ireland; for Waterford County, v. Earl of Tyrone, now Marquess of Water-ford; for Armagh Borough, Stearne Ball Miller, esquire, one of the Judges of Her Majesty's Court of Bankruptcy and Insolvency in Ireland.
NEW MEMBERS SWORN.
Richard Garth, esquire, for Guildford; Howel Gwyn, esquire, for Brecknock Borough; John Vance, esquire, for Armagh Borough; Jervoise Smith, esquire, for Penryn; Charles Lanyon, esquire, for Belfast; James Bevan Bewen, esquire,for Pembroke County; Hon. George Douglas Pennant, for Carnarvon County; Hon. Adelbert Wellington Cust, for Salop (Northern Division); Hon. Captain Charles White, for Tipperary; Sir John Rolt, for Gloucester County (Western Division).
Ordered, That a Committee of Privileges be appointed.
OUTLAWRIES BILL.
Bill "for the more effectual preventing Clandestine Outlawries," read the first time; to be read a second time.
NEW WRITS ISSUED.
For Northampton County (Northern Division), v. Lord Burghley, now Marquess of Exeter; for Suffolk (Eastern Division), v. Sir Edward Clarence Kerrison, baronet, Chiltern Hundreds.

THE QUEEN'S SPEECH FROM THE THRONE.
MR. SPEAKER reported, That this House has, this day, attended Her Majesty in the House of Peers, when Her Majesty was pleased to make, by Her Chancellor, a most gracious Speech from the Throne to both Houses of Parliament; of which, Mr. Speaker said, he had, for greater accuracy, obtained a Copy:—
And Mr. SPEAKER read it to the House.

ADDRESS TO HER MAJESTY ON HER MOST GRACIOUS SPEECH.
MR. DE GREYrose to move that an humble Address be presented to Her Majesty in answer to Her most gracious Speech. He said, he could not but feel that if, under ordinary circumstances, no Member unused to take part in the debates of this House could venture to rise without asking the indulgence of the
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House, still more must he, one of the youngest of its Members, claim that consideration which was always so generously bestowed on those who undertook the duty. But there were special circumstances which required that he should use peculiar caution in addressing them. In the last Session a great struggle took place, which terminated in a change of Ministry. It could hardly be said that the House had settled down into that regular division of parties which it usually presented; and if he should be so unfortunate as to say anything which might be distasteful to any section of the House, or to any Member of it, in commenting upon the various questions which arose out of Her Most Gracious Majesty's Speech, he trusted it would be-attributed solely to his want of practice and experience. Though this House might be more than usually divided in its opinions, he thought he should not be wrong if he ventured to express his belief that there was in it such an amount of fairness and independence that we might expect that good measures would receive a large amount of support from whichever side they might emanate, and that Her Majesty's Government would be met with that fair dealing which the circumstances under which they had taken Office (and he trusted with confidence the measures they would propose) would be acknowledged to have entitled them to. He would not pursue this train of thought further. There was much in the Speech of Her Majesty, whose most gracious presence at the opening of the Session had been a source of heartfelt gratification to them, in common with all Her loyal subjects—there was much in that Speech which was the subject of congratulation, and nothing more so than the fact that she was able to inform them that friendly relations subsist with all foreign Powers, from which assurance we might fairly infer that we should continue to enjoy the blessings of peace. The policy of Great Britain was assuredly a policy of peace. If there was one thing that distinguished this country from many others it was that she had long ceased to have any ambitious desire for territorial aggrandizement. Her flourishing trade at home and abroad, the enormous development of her manufacturing industry, and her sense of the obligations of justice, humanity, and religion, all led to a strong desire on the part of every class for the maintenance of peace. With this object they were commonly told that they must

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avoid interference with the affairs of other countries; but, however much they might desire to act upon this policy, they could not altogether separate themselves from the great community of nations which everywhere surrounded them and their possessions. The tendency of railways and other modern improvements was to bring them more into contact with foreign Governments and peoples; and it was hardly to be hoped, except under a reign of universal peace (which, at present at least, appeared to be far distant) that they could preserve intimate relations with other Powers, without questions arising which might cause disputes and even force hostilities upon them. With a view to such contingencies this country must reserve to herself the right and power of defending her own dignity and honour whensoever and by whomsoever they may be attacked. To do this effectually she must necessarily keep up the efficiency of her fleets and armies, and strengthen them by all those modern appliances which had recently proved so formidable and effective, and had wholly altered the nature and operations of modern warfare. And they must not neglect to use every effort for ameliorating the condition and securing the increased comforts of their soldiery. The improved condition of all classes led to an earnest desire that the army should participate in these advantages. The necessity also of providing an efficient army of reserve must not be overlooked. They were, therefore, fully prepared for the paragraph in Her Majesty's Speech which called upon them to sanction some necessary expenditure for this purpose; and he felt confident that the House would not be backward in providing the means for meeting Her Majesty's wishes, at the same time that they heartily thanked Her Majesty for the gracious announcement that the Estimates had been prepared with every regard for combining efficiency and economy. The year 1866 had witnessed a great change in the map of Europe; with the events by which that change had been effected hon. Members must necessarily be familiar, for the circumstances which attended it were followed by every one in this country with the deepest interest. Strongly as he might feel as to the conduct of those who were engaged in that short but sanguinary and decisive struggle, he should be unwilling to provoke a discussion or to rake up those differences of opinion which no doubt existed upon this question. But,
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fully admitting the expediency of avoiding, as far as possible, intervention in the affairs of other nations, he could not but feel a misgiving as to whether this country might not have acted with more firmness at a much earlier period, and used her influence successfully for the prevention of injustice and wrong. But, whatever their private and personal feelings might be, they could not but concur with Her Majesty in the hope that the establishment of a strong ruling Power in Germany would prevent any renewal of hostilities, and lead to a long and lasting peace in Europe. Her Majesty had been graciously pleased to announce that she had suggested to the Government of the United States a mode by which questions arising out of the late Civil War in America may receive an amicable solution. This subject had long occupied the attention of, and entailed a lengthened correspondence between, England and the United States of America. It was a question which, perhaps, admitted of some doubt whether the occurrences which led to this correspondence amounted to a breach of the Neutrality Laws; but much ill-feeling had been created, and it was not unnatural that the American people should feel strongly upon the subject. It was therefore to be hoped that the suggestion of Her Majesty's Government would be generously accepted by the American Government in the same spirit in which it had been made, and eventually lead to such an arrangement as would bring about a thorough mutual good understanding, and, if necessary, such an alteration of the Neutrality Laws as would clear up all doubts and prevent any such differences arising for the future. Upon the next paragraph in Her Majesty's Speech, relating to the war between Spain and the South American Republics, it was not his intention to comment at any length. The wanton destruction of property of a private nature in the bombardment of maritime towns, even in warfare, was an act contrary to all the principles of modern civilization, and it was not unsatisfactory to know that in this instance this was not done with impunity. Though the offers of mediation made by Her Majesty's Government in the hope of restoring peace to these distant countries had not been accepted, it was much to be hoped, in the interests of humanity, that all questions which had unhappily arisen between these descendants of a common origin might speedily

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be settled under the auspices of a friendly Power. It was gratifying to learn that the efforts of Her Majesty and her allies had been directed to bringing about such improved relations between the Porte and its Christian subjects as were not inconsistent with the sovereign rights of the Sultan. As a Christian nation they could not but feel sympathy with all Christians who lived under Turkish rule; but it was satisfactory to find that Her Majesty had not found it necessary to exercise any active interference in those internal disturbances which had prevailed in some provinces of the Turkish Empire, and broken out in actual insurrection in Crete; and it was to be hoped that Her Majesty would now be able to promote with effect those benevolent objects that her efforts had been directed, in conjunction with her allies the Emperor of the French and the Emperor of Russia, to insure. Her Majesty also announced that she had acknowledged Prince Charles of Hohenzollern, who had been chosen by the inhabitants of the Danubian Principalities as their ruler; and it was to be hoped that his accession would lead to a firm union of those provinces, and be followed by that prosperity which was the natural consequence and, at the same time, the surest test of good government. Her Majesty further informed them that she had commanded a Bill to be submitted to Parliament for the Confederation of the British North American Provinces. At no period during the history of this country had the relations between the respective provinces and the Home Government been in a more satisfactory condition than they were at present. At no time had there been a more cordial feeling existing between them and the mother country. They had seen how willingly the Canadians had undertaken the organization of Volunteer forces and the training of militia, and freely disbursed the funds necessary for the defence of our mutual interests. England could not but reciprocate this feeling; and the noble manner in which the inhabitants of these provinces had come forward to defend themselves, and their connection with this country, must make every Englishman feel a desire that we should do our part to confirm and ratify a scheme of Confederation which had received the sanction of the authorities and the great majority of the people of these countries. It was understood that at present certain provinces had not joined in the plan of Con-
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federation; but if, as it seemed the Government had reason to believe, the proposed Confederation, so far as it was intended to be carried out, was the real desire of the people, and was likely to strengthen them against possible enemies, it must be wise that we should give a willing assent to their wishes, and rejoice to see a United Canadia arise in the place of the now separate, but not unfriendly, provinces. One of those dreadful famines which seemed to occur periodically in India had, during the past year, attacked part of the Bengal and Madras Presidencies. Great difficulty appeared to have been experienced in conveying the necessary relief to the suffering districts, and had not an abundant harvest, under the blessing of Providence, helped to allay the sufferings which at one time carried off thousands every week, it was impossible to calculate what might have been the extent of those lamentable consequences which neither the liberal flow of private charity, which was always so readily forthcoming, nor the action of a sympathizing Government which the emergency called forth could ever have been sufficient to avert. There is no doubt an ample opening in India for those great public works and improvements which were calculated to develop the resources of an Empire; and when communication was better established by means of railways or canals the food produced in one part of the country, which might not, perhaps, be affected by the destructive causes operating upon another, would more easily be conveyed to the point where the necessity for it occurred, and relief would thus be more immediately afforded. Nor did it seem that the primary cause was entirely beyond the control of human foresight. In a country like India, whose rivers and streams were numerous, where in seasons of unusual drought in many vast districts the produce of cultivation was entirely destroyed, or cultivation itself rendered impossible, much might surely be done by means of irrigation, and a judicious expenditure begun in time might secure the inhabitants of those districts in a great measure from the recurrence of similar calamities. Parliament must heartily rejoice with Her Majesty that it was no longer necessary for the safety of her subjects in Ireland to continue the suspension of the Habeas Corpus Act. They must be thankful to feel that the attempt at insurrection there had been

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successfully quelled and kept under control by the firmness with which it was met, tempered as that firmness was by the liberal mercy of the Government, and that without a single outbreak, or the shedding, he was glad to say, of one drop of Irish blood, showing that when a Government were determined upon a decisive course of action which they felt to be the best and surest means of putting a stop to threats of rebellion, offenders against the law would rarely venture to come to a direct issue with them, and that there was little real danger to the security of life and property which it was the first duty of every Government to maintain. But, while we congratulated ourselves on the result of the firmness and decision of those whose primary duty it was to determine the course of action to be pursued, we must not forget to give due credit to those on whom was thrown the arduous and delicate duty of carrying out the policy of the Government. In these days, when the liberty of commenting on the conduct of public servants was so freely indulged in, their responsibility was enormously increased, and it was satisfactory to feel that in this case the conduct of the Be who were engaged had met with approval from all parties. One of the most gratifying circumstances attending the past crisis was the fact, so graciously announced by Her Majesty, of the hostility manifested by all classes and creeds to the authors of these disturbances. Indeed, the stand taken against Fenianism by the large body of influential Roman Catholics, headed by their clergy, must have proved of the greatest assistance and support to Her Majesty's Government. Under these circumstances, it was not unnatural that the Government should have been anxious to consider whether anything could be done to mitigate the feeling of discontent which too frequently, and most unhappily for its prosperity, prevailed in that portion of Her Majesty's dominions. Among the questions which appeared to cause that discontent, one in particular arose out of the relations of landlord and tenant, and when we were told that a measure was in contemplation for securing to tenants compensation for farm improvements, we might, perhaps, look upon the announcement as a graceful tribute to the loyalty and good feeling which had actuated so large a portion of the population of Ireland. To us in England it appeared almost difficult to imagine that there should be a necessity for any special legislation on
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this point. Our tenancies were subject to certain conditions, to which both parties agreed in the first instance; in the absence of previous agreement the custom of the country intervened to regulate those conditions; and all that the law had to do was to secure that the conditions agreed upon, or established by the custom of the country, should be carried out. But the circumstances of Ireland were exceptional; and he was far from saying that improvements in that respect might not be introduced with advantage provided they were framed with a due regard to the rights of property which never could be ignored in Ireland or in any other country. He believed it might be stated, without fear of contradiction, that Ireland was improving rapidly in prosperity and wealth. It was said that her cattle had increased 50 per cent and her sheep 100 per cent in twenty years, while the entire number of acres under crops had also increased. Her great desideratum was that internal tranquillity and respect for law which would alone allay the distrust felt by owners of capital for investments in Ireland—distrust which banished from her soil much of the enterprize and industry that would enable her to run the race of competition with other nations. The department of agriculture for which she was peculiarly suited was the feeding and rearing of live stock; and in manufactures, which in some districts had been carried on with no little success, her redundant population gave her immense advantages. Whether the suggestion made by a noble Lord, a Member of the other House of Parliament, in one of the very able letters which he had published for the registration of farm improvements could be carried out he (Mr. De Grey) would not venture to express an opinion, but it would no doubt receive the careful attention of the Government. A few weeks ago it was hoped that at the meeting of Parliament Her Majesty would have been able to announce that the cattle plague had ceased in the kingdom, but it still appeared to linger in certain districts, and there had been a recent and serious outbreak in the metropolis. While any cases occurred we could not consider ourselves safe from an extensive recurrence of this formidable disease; and its continued existence in an alarming degree on the Continent, and particularly in Holland, rendered it necessary that we should not relax those precautions which had been so successful in

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checking, if not in entirely suppressing, its ravages. Suggestions had been made to the Government by the Royal and other great agricultural societies which, in combination with the experience obtained during the last year, would, he felt sure, lead to their proposing to Parliament such measures as might be necessary for continuing and improving, according to circumstances, regulations that had conferred such great and acknowledged benefits on the country. Her Majesty also acknowledged with deep thankfulness the abatement of the visitation of cholera, which at one time threatened alarming consequences in this country; but the superior knowledge of the causes of this pestilence obtained by science, and the attention to precautions suggested by that superior knowledge, had checked, and it was to be hoped would continue to preserve us, under the blessing of Providence, from the ravages of this disease. The evils prevailing in the mercantile naval service had specially attracted public criticism, and had been found to require immediate attention. When men were employed upon services to which any unusual amount of risk attached—and a seaman's life must always be a life of danger—every care should be taken that the ordinary comforts of life should be secured to them as far as was practicable, especially when the absence of these comforts conduced to sickness and disease. Such a service could not fail to be unpopular if the common requirements necessary for the preservation of health were not attended to, and our merchant seamen, who constituted one of the hardiest of our working classes, and to whom we look for the best supply of sailors for the Royal Navy, should at least have no cause to envy the condition of those who entered the same profession in the service of other countries. It was satisfactory to learn that the Government were prepared with a measure to improve the laws regulating the care of the sick and other poor in the metropolis, and for the re-distribution of some of the charges of relief therein. The question was one which undoubtedly required immediate attention. Our hospitals and institutions for the care of the sick poor were a glory and an honour to the country, but private charity could only reach a small portion of the misery which must exist among a population estimated at 3,000,000. It was generally admitted that our workhouse system was inadequate to the requirements of such a population,
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and the public mind had been disturbed by recent revelations of what had been going on in at least a portion of our metropolitan workhouses and their infirmaries. He could not think that Parliament did its duty if it left to private charity that which was, in fact, one of the first duties of the State; but there would be no need to interfere with those noble institutions which were an admirable supplement, but which could never supersede the necessity of a State provision for the care of the poor in sickness. He now came to that paragraph in Her Majesty's Speech which referred to the vexed question of Reform. During the debates which took place in the last Session, it seemed to have been the general opinion of the House that the representation could not be left in the state in which it now was. The principal question was whether it was possible, with safety to the State, to admit a large proportion of the working classes into the constituency. If this could be done without danger to the Constitution, the feeling of most men's minds would incline to their admission. But our whole system was now one of compensation, in which all great interests were represented in certain proportions. These considerations must not be neglected in dealing with the question of the admission of a large body of working men to the franchise, and Parliament must feel satisfaction in hearing that Her Majesty's Government contemplated measures which would not unduly disturb the balance of political power. If the country generally desired Reform, it did not desire revolution. If Parliament was prepared to give to the working classes increased power, it was not prepared step by step to introduce a democracy. But in dealing with this difficult question one thing was certain, that unless all parties were ready to unite to support measures founded upon a careful consideration of all the points involved in the various discussions which had taken place, and the volumes which had been written on the subject, practically speaking, no measure of Reform was ever likely to be carried in this House. Parliament was informed that its attention would be called to this subject; but he would venture to express an opinion that if the Government should have reason to believe that the subject would be approached rather in a party spirit than with a due regard to all the various interests which required to be represented in this great country, they would scarcely

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be prudent in undertaking the task of revising the Constitution in the face of a hostile and powerful Opposition. The next question to which Her Majesty drew attention was that of trades unions. The law with respect to trades unions, dating from the year 1825, was that no combination of workmen for raising wages should be unlawful so long as no violence, threats, or intimidation be used. This law appeared to be founded on true principles of justice, but it was evaded in practice, and a system was in operation by which workmen were forced to join unions and combinations against their will, and in direct contravention of the law, and outrages had occurred with the object of intimidating both masters and men. On the other hand, there were complaints on the part of the men of combinations among the masters. Of course, the masters could, on no principle of justice, be deprived of a right which they possess only in common with those who might combine against them. The evils that had been engendered by these disputes were not only injurious to both, and interfered moat materially with the general industry of the country, but threatened to transfer that manufacturing prosperity which this country had so long and pre-eminently enjoyed to our great rivals on the Continent. Under these circumstances, he felt confident that all classes throughout the country would hear with feelings of satisfaction and gratitude that an inquiry was to be instituted into the organization of trades unions and other similar associations, whether of workmen or employers, with a view of suggesting a practical remedy for that which was, or might speedily become, a national calamity. There were other measures of internal improvement promised by Her Majesty's Government, but to these he would not more particularly refer, as he felt that he had already too long trespassed upon the attention of the House. He feared that many of the subjects to which he had alluded he had touched upon somewhat superficially; but the multiplicity of subjects and his own inexperience might, perhaps, be considered a sufficient excuse. It was to be hoped that the Session would not be occupied, like the last, by fruitless and unprofitable discussions, but that the measures of improvement proposed by the Government would be allowed to be submitted to the careful and candid consideration of the House, and the fact that Her Majesty's Government had brought forward
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so large a programme inclined him to think that such, at least, was their expectation; at all events, it was a proof that they had not been idle during the recess. It will be for Parliament to take these measures into consideration, and give effect to such of them as it might approve. He had now only to thank the House for the kind patience with which they had heard him. The hon. Gentleman concluded by moving—
"That an humble Address be presented to Her Majesty, to convey the thanks of this House for Her Majesty's Most Gracious Speech from the Throne:
"Humbly to assure Her Majesty that we rejoice to learn that Her Majesty's relations with Foreign Powers are on a friendly and satisfactory footing, and that we join with Her Majesty in the hope that the termination of the War in which Prussia, Austria, and Italy have been engaged may tend to the establishment of durable Peace in Europe:
"To assure Her Majesty that we learn with satisfaction that Her Majesty has suggested to the Government of the United States a mode by which the questions pending between the two Countries, arising out of the late Civil War, may receive an amicable solution, and which, if met, as Her Majesty trusts it will be, in a corresponding spirit, will remove all grounds of possible misunderstanding, and promote relations of cordial friendship:
"Humbly to express to Her Majesty our participation in Her regret that the War between Spain and the Republics of Chili and Peru still continues, and that the good offices of Her Majesty's Government, in conjunction with that of the Emperor of the French, should have failed to effect a reconciliation; and to assure Her Majesty that it will be a cause of satisfaction to us if, either by agreement between the parties themselves, or by the mediation of any other Friendly Power, Peace should be restored:
"To thank Her Majesty for informing us that discontent, prevailing in some Provinces of the Turkish Empire, has broken out in actual insurrection in Crete; and that, in common with Her Majesty's Allies, the Emperor of the French and the Emperor of Russia, Her Majesty has abstained from any active interference in those internal disturbances; but that the efforts of Her Majesty and Her Allies have been directed to bringing about such improved relations between the Porte and its Christian Subjects as are not

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inconsistent with the Sovereign Rights of the Sultan:
"To thank Her Majesty for informing us that the protracted negotiations, which arose out of the acceptance by Prince Charles of Hohenzollern of the Government of the Danubian Principalities, have been happily terminated by an arrangement to which the Porte has given its ready adhesion, and which has been sanctioned by the concurrence of all the Powers, signataries of the Treaty of 1856:
"Humbly to convey our thanks to Her Majesty for informing us that Resolutions in favour of a more intimate Union of the Provinces of Canada, Nova Scotia, and New Brunswick have been passed by their several Legislatures, and that Delegates, duly authorised, and representing all classes of Colonial party and opinion, have concurred in the conditions upon which such an Union may be best effected; and to assure Her Majesty that we will give our most careful attention to the Bill which, in accordance with the wishes of those Colonies, Her Majesty has directed to be submitted to us, and which, by the consolidation of Colonial interests and resources, will, we trust, give strength to the several Provinces as members of the same Empire, and animated by feelings of loyalty to the same Sovereign:
"To assure Her Majesty that we have heard with deep sorrow that the calamity of Famine has pressed heavily on Her Majesty's Subjects in some parts of India; and to thank Her Majesty for informing us that instructions were issued to Her Majesty's Government in that Country to make the utmost exertions to mitigate the distress which prevailed during the autumn of last year, and that the blessing of an abundant harvest has since that time materially improved the condition of the suffering districts:
"Humbly to assure Her Majesty that we have observed with deep concern that the persevering efforts and unscrupulous assertions of treasonable Conspirators abroad have during the last autumn excited the hopes of some disaffected persons in Ireland, and the apprehensions of the loyal population; but that we learn with the greatest satisfaction that the firm, yet temperate, exercise of the powers entrusted to the Executive, and the hostility manifested against the Conspiracy by men of all classes and creeds, have greatly tended to restore public confidence, and rendered hopeless any attempt to disturb the general tranquillity; and that, with Her Majesty, we trust that we may consequently be enabled to dispense with the con-
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tinuance of any exceptional Legislation for that part of Her Majesty's Dominions:
"To assure Her Majesty that, with Her, we join in acknowledging, with deep gratitude to Almighty God, the great decrease which has taken place in the Cholera, and in the Pestilence which has attacked our Cattle; and that we regret that the continued prevalence of the latter in some Foreign Countries, and its occasional re-appearance in this, will still render necessary some special measures of precaution; but that we trust that the visitation of the former will lead to increased attention to those sanitary measures which experience has shown to be its best preventive:
"To thank Her Majesty for informing us that, estimating as of the highest importance an adequate supply of pure and wholesome Water, Her Majesty has directed the issue of a Commission to inquire into the best means of permanently securing such a supply for the Metropolis, and for the principal towns in densely peopled districts of the Kingdom:
"Humbly to thank Her Majesty for having directed that the Estimates of the ensuing year shall be laid before us, and for having caused them to be prepared with a due regard to economy, and to the maintenance of efficiency in the Public Service; and to assure Her Majesty that we will cheerfully consider any proposal for a moderate Expenditure, calculated to improve the condition of Her Majesty's Soldiers, and to lay the foundation of an efficient Army of Reserve:
"To thank Her Majesty for informing us that our attention will again be called to the state of the Representation of the People in Parliament; and, with Her Majesty, humbly to express our hope that our deliberations, conducted in a spirit of moderation and mutual forbearance, may lead to the adoption of measures which, without unduly disturbing the balance of Political Power, shall freely extend the Elective Franchise:
"Humbly to express our thanks to Her Majesty for informing us that the frequent occurrence of disagreements between Employers of Labour and their Workmen, causing much private suffering and public loss, and occasionally leading, as is alleged, to acts of outrage and violence, has induced Her Majesty to issue a Commission to inquire into and report upon the organisation of Trades Unions and other Associations, whether of Workmen or Employers, with power to suggest any improvement of the Law for their mutual benefit; and to assure Her Majesty that any application which shall be made to us for Par-

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liamentary Powers, necessary to make this inquiry effective, shall receive our earnest attention:
"To convey to Her Majesty our humble thanks for informing us that Bills will be laid before us for the extension of the beneficial provisions of the Factory Acts to other trades, specially reported on by the Royal Commission on the Employment of Children; and for the better regulation, according to the principle of those Acts, of workshops where women and children are largely employed:
"To thank Her Majesty for informing us that the condition of the Mercantile Marine has attracted the serious attention of Her Majesty, and that measures will be submitted to us with a view to increase the efficiency of that important Service:
"Humbly to express to Her Majesty the satisfaction with which we have learnt that relaxations have been lately introduced into the Navigation Laws of France; that Her Majesty has expressed to the Emperor of the French Her readiness to submit to Parliament a proposal for the extinction, on equitable terms, of the exemptions from local charges on Shipping which are still enjoyed by a limited number of individuals in British Ports; and that His Imperial Majesty has, in anticipation of this step, already admitted British Ships to the advantage of the now Law; and to assure Her Majesty that we will give our careful attention to the Bill upon this subject which Her Majesty has directed to be forthwith laid before us:
"Humbly to assure Her Majesty that we will give our most serious consideration to the Bill which will be submitted to us for making better provision for the arrangement of the affairs of Railway Companies which are unable to meet their engagements; as also to any measures for improving the management of Sick and other Poor in the Metropolis, and for a re-distribution of some of the charges for relief therein:
"To assure Her Majesty that we will give our most careful attention to the measures for the Amendment of the Law of Bankruptcy, and the Consolidation of the Courts of Probate and Divorce and Admiralty; also to the means of disposing, with greater despatch and frequency, of the increasing business in the Superior Courts of Common Law, and at the Assizes:
"Humbly to thank Her Majesty for informing us that the relations between Landlord and Tenant in Ireland have engaged the anxious attention of Her Majesty; and that a Bill will
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be laid before us which, without interfering with the rights of property, will offer direct encouragement to Occupiers of Land to improve their holdings, and provide a simple mode of obtaining compensation for permanent improvements:
"Humbly to assure Her Majesty that, with Her, we pray that our labours may, under the blessing of Providence, conduce to the prosperity of the Country, and the happiness of Her People."
MR. GRAVES: Mr. Speaker—I have so invariably experienced the indulgence of the House when, on previous occasions, I have ventured to address it, during the short time I have had the honour to be a Member, that I feel I should be doubting that experience if I sought on this occasion to enlist its sympathy by any formal appeal to its forbearance. In undertaking the onerous task of seconding the Address in reply to Her Majesty's most gracious Speech from the Throne, no one can have felt more conscious than I did myself how little personal consideration influenced the selection. But sharing in the representation of a constituency possessing no small commercial distinction, I hope it may be thought that I am warranted in accepting the task. Rarely has a Speech been delivered from the Throne which has been looked forward to with more intense interest than that which it had been our good fortune to listen to to-day, and I have the highest hopes that it will not only be satisfactory to the House, but that it will prove acceptable to the country at large. The Speech from the Throne embraces measures of the highest usefulness, aiming largely at the amelioration of the poorer classes of society, and involving questions of the highest moment. It will, I have no doubt, commend itself to the anxious consideration of the House. The felicitous expressions in which the hon. Mover has conveyed his pleasure at Her Majesty's presence to-day will be shared in by every Member of this House, and will excite throughout the country feelings of the greatest satisfaction.
In the few remarks with which I intend to trouble the House, I must necessarily travel over some of the ground that has been touched upon by the hon. Member for West Norfolk; but I shall endeavour to confine myself more particularly to those points which may be considered to possess more than or-

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dinary interest at the present moment. I think I am justified in giving the preeminence among the questions connected with our foreign policy to that of the differences which have arisen between us and the United States—differences arising out of intricate questions of International Law, and which have been made during the past year the subject of a very able diplomatic correspondence. Claims and counter claims have been advanced in the full consciousness of mutual right; and it will be a matter of the greatest satisfaction if a mode can be suggested by which these claims can be amicably and fairly settled. I believe that when they were originally put forward, the moment was inopportune—that concession might then have been construed into fear on the one hand, or to threats on the other. But now, happily, a better feeling exists. There is a mutual desire to do each other justice. England, above all other nations, is deeply interested in the maintenance of stringent Neutrality Laws; and if it should appear ours are too lax, or are over weighted with legal proof, and that compensation may have to be made, I, for one, will rejoice if that decision should lead to the establishment of clearer views of the duties of neutrals, and also to the adoption of a more intelligible and more stringent Code of International Law for the government of all maritime Powers.
I am sure that this House will share in the regret expressed by Her Majesty that our mediation, in conjunction with that of her ally the Emperor of the French, has not been successful in bringing to a termination the disputes which have arisen between Spain and the Republics of South America. Those Republics should remember how unmistakably the sympathy of Europe was extended towards them at the commencement of those differences; and, remembering this, they should lend a favourable ear to any proposals for a friendly mediation which would be likely to bring these disputes to a settlement. There can be no doubt the longer this settlement is delayed the greater will be the injury to those young and prosperous countries; and therefore I hope that the friendly mediation referred to in Her Majesty's Speech—and by which I presume to be understood the good offices of the President of the United States—will be successful, and that a lasting peace may arise, alike satisfactory to the interests and honour of all parties.
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From our foreign policy I turn to our domestic affairs, and I am sure that I shall be pardoned if I at once take up the question which engrosses at this moment men's minds, and to which our attention has been specially directed by Her Majesty to-day—I mean Parliamentary Reform. Happily for us we have advanced at that stage when argument becomes no longer necessary to justify the extension of the franchise. It is an admitted necessity by all parties in the State, and the only point that remains to be settled is the means by which a wise, just, and satisfactory settlement of the question can be arrived at. What the mode may be which the Government intend to propose for carrying this object into effect—whether it includes a Re-distribution of Seats Bill—whether it will grapple with the corruption which has been so ruthlessly brought to light in the last few months, and which I consider to be a serious blot upon our electional system, and a stain on the character of this House—whether it will deal with these questions or not, I have no means of knowing. But I am convinced of this—that the measure will not be framed in any narrow spirit; nor do I believe that it will be submitted to the House in any but the most earnest and honest desire to merit the approval, not only of this House, but of the country at large. The history of Reform justifies the remark which my hon. Friend has made tonight—that it should not be made a party question. So far I do not think that it has made any very great advance under party protection; and speaking for myself, without any inspiration, I think it should be taken out of the category of party questions, that the House should take it under its own protection, and deal with it in the firm determination to settle it on a basis of concession and compromise. I may be wrong in this view, but it is one that I hold strongly, and I throw it out, for what it is worth, for the consideration of the House. Scarcely less important than Parliamentary Reform is the connection between capital and labour—the breach seems rather to be widening than narrowing—and I think Her Majesty's Government has done wisely in deciding that an inquiry shall take place by Commission into this difficult and delicate question; for if the result of the inquiry should be to draw closer the links between the employer and the employed, it will be a subject for much congratulation. I do not know whether it is intended that the

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inquiry shall embrace the question of the extent to which we are suffering from the effects of foreign competition in branches of industry that have been hitherto considered as England's specialities; but I think it very desirable that this should be done, and that all parties in this country should be shown, on the most unquestionable evidence, the causes which are at work, and what have been the results of their operation.
It is also, I perceive, in contemplation to issue a Royal Commission to inquire into the quantity and quality of the water supplied to the metropolis and other large towns in England. The experience of the last twelve months has taught us how largely the public health is affected by the water supply; and no one can question the desirableness of having this very important subject investigated in all its bearings by a Royal Commission, instead of by local and partial inquiries. Living as I do in the centre of one of the most densely-populated districts in the country, I well know the interest with which this question is watched by the people, and the satisfaction with which the announcement of a Commission will be received by all who dwell in large towns. A measure will be submitted to us for enabling insolvent railway companies to make arrangements for settling their affairs. I have no doubt that in that measure due protection will be given to the public rights. It appears that there is no machinery existing at the present moment for meeting such a state of things; and it therefore becomes necessary to take legislative measures for remedying the inconvenience thence arising. We cannot be surprised, knowing the deep interest taken by Her Majesty in the Mercantile Marine, that Her Majesty has been pleased to call our attention to it. Much has, indeed, been done at various times for this branch of our industry. It has been relieved of many burdens and restrictions—but some still remain. There are anomalies, and restrictions, and exceptional burdens still pressing upon it. I think it has been wisely decided by the Government to deal with them; and I hope that, at the same time, the various Acts connected with the Mercantile Marine of the country may come under revision, and that the 600 sections may be consolidated and rendered more intelligible than they now are to owners, masters, and seamen. The allusion to our seamen is no less important.
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There are evils at work that require treatment. Some of them may, perhaps, be beyond legislative cure; but I am perfectly satisfied that much in the way of remedy may be effected by wise and prudent legislation. It is possible, no doubt, to have too much legislation; aid it becomes a grave question whether' we have not had too much for our seamen, for the result has been to keep the owners of ships and their seamen further apart from each other instead of bringing them into closer union. Nothing can be worse than the discipline pointed at in the Speech, involving the shipping interest not only in serious losses and intolerable vexation, but inflicting on the country a large annual expenditure for bringing home deserters under the guise of distressed seamen. It is an increasing charge, for within the last two years it has increased from £25,000 to £30,000 for the mere food of these men—whilst to our shipowners it is a serious and intolerable vexation, in being compelled to provide passages for them. The seamen of the Mercantile Marine must be placed on a better system—a better system of recruiting must be introduced—we must have training ships established—the comfort and health of the seaman must be more carefully looked after—shipowners themselves must become more conscious of their responsibilities, and the commanders must take a greater interest in the welfare and comfort of their men. Then, and not till then, are we likely to see that permanent improvement in the Mercantile Marine which will enable us to look upon it as we have always done, as the boast of this country. The relaxation of the Navigation Laws—thanks to the enlightened policy of the Emperor of the French—is one which may be regarded with great satisfaction. From the 1st of January the tonnage duties collected from ships have ceased to be collected in the French ports, except in the instance of the ships of nations which have refused to grant in return similar privileges to French ships. Anticipating the desire that this country would only be too glad to assist in shaking off the remaining fetters from commerce, France has, without asking, placed the shipping of this country upon the most favourable footing; and a measure will be submitted to the House for ratifying that understanding, and I have no doubt that the removal of the few exceptional restrictions will be based on terms as equitable in their

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nature as the proposal itself is justifiable upon public policy. The question of Law Reform is one of the very greatest interest. There is no doubt whatever that the judicial force and the machinery of our Law Courts has not kept pace with the progress of the country or the wants of trade. I am glad that the evils arising from the loss of temper, the loss of time, and the loss of money, attendant on the present system are likely to be removed. As to the advantage of the consolidation of the Divorce Court and the Admiralty Court, I am not very competent to speak; but I venture to hope that when the measure is brought before the House for dealing with the Admiralty Court, it will not be forgotten that there is a great necessity for reforming the Court of Admiralty itself, for making more summary its proceedings, and for extending its jurisdiction to classes of maritime commerce not now embraced, and which at present, owing to the expense and trouble involved in Admiralty proceedings, are either confided to arbitration or are never dealt with at all. I trust also that the advantages of a reconstituted Admiralty Court will not be confined to the metropolis; but that the great maritime ports of England, which furnish so large a share to the business of that Court, will have its advantages brought to their own doors by the establishment of Vice Admiralty Courts. As to the amendment of our Bankruptcy Laws, I cannot for a moment doubt the propriety. They are generally condemned—they are found inadequate to the proper protection of the trader—they are cumbrous—and they are expensive. I hope that in dealing with these laws some provision will be made to check the commercial immorality which has shown itself so widely within the last twelve months in the disgraceful failures which have taken place. It is true there are palliating circumstances for many of these failures in the terrible crisis which swept over the country last year.
Judging by the tests which are usually applied by this House as to whether any year has been a successful one or otherwise, the past year would rank as an eminently prosperous one, for our imports and exports have increased to a very large extent. Our imports, taken for nine months of the financial year last made up, compared with the same months in the preceding year, show an excess of £42,000,000, and our exports
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show an excess of £23,000,000. It is not improbable that the Chancellor of the Exchequer may, by-and-bye, be able to announce to the House that the revenue has been equally elastic, and has more than answered his expectations. But the popular estimate of last year is very different, and is much more likely to be true than any conclusions based upon the figures I have just given. A crisis of unparalleled severity, causing a wide-spread derangement of credit, involved every branch of our National industry in most serious losses. These panics appear to be periodical in their character and uniform in their visitations; and I think it is well worthy of consideration whether some effort may not be made to ascertain their causes. Believing that excessive credit and abuse of the principle of limited liability had much to do with the crisis of last year, it was with sincere pleasure that I heard the hon. Member for Stockport (Mr. Watkin) give notice of his intention to bring before the House the results of the limited liability system. The shock which it has received will do much to disarm the power for evil of that system for the future; but I think, while the cause and the effects are fresh upon our minds, we should be wise in reviewing the provisions of the Act, and preventing such mischiefs from occurring in future. The manufacturing interest has happily suffered less than the commercial; but the exorbitant rate which money maintained for a large portion of the current year, must have largely paralysed the manufacturing energy of this country. These fluctuations in the value of money, occurring so frequently as they do, are exceedingly embarrassing to trade; and I hope that Parliament, in its wisdom, may be able to devise some means for, if not preventing, at least regulating these fluctuations. With the third great branch of our industrial economy—agriculture—I am not so conversant; but I cannot help expressing my earnest sympathy with that interest, for the twofold calamity which has fallen upon it—the cattle plague and the indifferent harvest. These may be regarded as natural visitations; but they go to swell the disasters of the past year, and to make the amendment of the Bankruptcy Law the more necessary. With regard to Ireland, I will now refer specially to the measures for the amelioration of that country which are alluded to in the Speech from the Throne. I hope that these are but the harbingers of

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a new policy—a policy founded upon a just appreciation of the distinctions of race. I venture to think that the statesmen who seek to make that country contented and happy must do so rather by the application of legislation suited to the character and condition of the country than by the application of any uniform system of law. Holding these opinions, I rejoice that a measure will be introduced for the settlement of the long-vexed question of land tenure in Ireland. Public policy demands that that fertile land should be made as fruitful as possible, and that the occupiers of the soil should be encouraged and should have secured to them the fruits of the capital and the skill which they invest in the improvement of the land. I know that on this subject there exists the most varied opinions; but I have known Ireland long, and I have a right to express my opinion on the subject, for I consider under the existing laws, that encouragement and that security do not exist. Mercifully freed as that country has been from the ravages of the cattle plague and the commercial disasters so heavily felt in this country, Ireland has been making in material wealth at least a steady progress. She has added £2,500,000 to the value of her live stock within the last official year, and the deposits in her savings banks, which in the year 1840 amounted to £5,500,000, in 1860 reached £15,000,000, and in 1865 amounted to £17,500,000; thus showing that there is capital in the country for the improvement of land, and that there is not that absence of thrift in the national character which is so frequently alleged. One question I must allude to as having a deep bearing on the prosperity of that country—I mean the question of railways. At present there is a total want of system with respect to them, and they are so disconnected that I believe the resources of that country will never be developed until the railways are placed on a better footing. The fares ought to be lower, and greater facilities ought to be given to make the masses of the population customers of the railways. At present they are looked upon as a luxury rather than a necessity. In order to effect improvements, State interference may possibly be required; but I believe the increase of traffic would in time reimburse the State for any obligations it might incur with regard to them. If a precedent is wanted I might point to
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India, and I think before long we may be able to point to one nearer home, for I am convinced that the necessity of taking over the telegraph system will force itself on the attention of the Government, and under the able management of the Post Office would increase its usefulness to an extent now little dreamt of, besides adding largely to our National revenues. The progress of the country has been greatly retarded by the discontent which has existed for the last few years under the name of Fenianism, and which has spread a blighting influence over the whole island; but the announcement made to-day in the Speech from the Throne points to a happier state of things, and leads us to believe that reason and common sense are resuming their sway, and that the spirit of discontent is yielding to a spirit of hope and loyalty. The wise and conciliatory government of the distinguished nobleman who is at present Her Majesty's Viceroy in Ireland (the Marquess of Abercorn) has largely contributed to this result—a compliment equally deserved by the nobleman who preceded him (the Earl of Kimberley). I accept, as marking a new era, the measures announced by the Government. I look upon them as a harbinger of peace, and as a proof that the spirit of Fenianism is drawing towards an end. It is not unnatural that I should turn from Ireland to our North American Provinces, where, if there had been any good ground for its reception, Fenianism might have been expected to find a home. But the miserable attempts made there to introduce it only tested the loyalty of the colonists, and proved how strong was the tie which binds the colonies to the mother country. In order to appreciate the advantages of consolidation it is perhaps necessary to visit them, and to become conversant, as I have become, with their almost inexhaustible resources, and the steady energy of the people. Covering 400,000 square miles, embracing near 4,000,000 of people, bound together by a community of interests and devotedly attached to the institutions of this country and to the Throne and person of the Queen, it would be difficult to speculate as to the results which may grow out of the union of these fine Provinces. I have heard it said that there is danger to Imperial interests in this measure, and that national aspirations may arise. I have no such fear. I believe the connection between the North American Provinces and

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the mother country rests on more enduring foundations, and that they will be more than ever an important element in our national resources. Knowing as I do the difficulties which must have beset the negotiations for such a consolidation—the jealousies and rivalries which must have arisen, and the personal sacrifices which must have been made—I should not be doing justice to the delegates from the Provinces if I did not say they are entitled to the highest credit for the manner in which they have fulfilled their delicate but most important duties.
I have now to thank the House for the indulgence which has been shown to me, and to express a hope that the measures alluded to in the Speech—measures of vast importance to the country—may be dealt with by the House in a spirit of forbearance, wisdom, and conciliation. And my highest wish is that at the end of the Session we may be permitted to look back with satisfaction and to feel that among the measures we have passed is one for widening the bases of our institutions, and that by our legislation we have contributed to the happiness and well-being of the people of this country. The hon. Gentleman concluded by seconding the Motion.
Motion made, and Question proposed, "That," &c. [See Page 54.]
MR. GLADSTONE: I rise, Mr. Speaker, for the purpose of supporting the Address which has been moved and seconded from the opposite Benches. I heartily approve that well-established rule which on all occasions discourages the needless importation of subjects of difference into the debate on the Address to the Crown in answer to the Royal Speech; and I confess that on this occasion, independently of much other matter which the Address contains, and which we should wish to see brought out in discussion with the most favourable auspices, there are three announcements which of themselves would suffice, I think, to make any candid and well-judging man reluctant to see dissension introduced into this debate. I mean the announcement of a measure for the union of the North American Provinces; the announcement of a measure on that most important subject, the state of the relations between landlord and tenant in Ireland—and, I must add, in terms in which I do not think the most fastidious among us can find anything to object to; and thirdly, the announcement, not less
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gratifying than either of the others, but even more gratifying, that in the judgment of Her Majesty's Government the time has arrived when the existence of exceptional, and in one sense arbitrary, power in Ireland may reach its termination. I not only, therefore, am unprepared to move any Amendment on the Address myself, but if there were any Gentleman who entertained a different disposition, and to whom I might without impropriety offer a recommendation, I would earnestly beseech him to forbear from executing such an intention. Passing, however, to the subjects—the numerous and important subjects—touched upon in the Speech from the Throne, I am anxious to offer some remarks on some paragraphs which the Speech contains. And first, I will dwell for a moment on that very' momentous question, the Correspondence between the Government of the United Kingdom and the Government of the United States of America, in reference to questions pending between the two countries, which questions have arisen out of the late Civil War. And I wish to convey an assurance to the noble Lord the Secretary of State for Foreign Affairs, on the part of all with whom I have had an opportunity of communicating, that whatever he may have done or whatever he may propose to do on the subject will be judged, not in the narrow spirit of exacting from him, or endeavouring to exact from him, a precise conformity to the steps we ourselves have taken, but that as long as his measures and his policy may in our view be consistent with the honour and conducive to the interests of the country, everything which may proceed from him and his Colleagues will receive at our hands a most favourable consideration. Then I go on to the paragraph in the Speech relating to the insurrection which has distracted—I know not to what extent it still distracts—the important island of Candia. I miss from the Royal Speech an intimation which it is very common to convey—that upon certain subjects, and especially subjects of foreign policy, which have reached a certain degree of maturity, it is the intention of Her Majesty's Government to submit papers to the House. Indeed, I observe that an hon. Friend of mine (Mr. Gregory) has already given notice of his desire to obtain information in that shape, and I feel myself justified in expressing a hope that Her Majesty's Government will be

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prepared to lay before us such information on the subject as they possess—for this question is one which, although of foreign concern, yet cannot be regarded as very remote from our interests; nay, more, it cannot be regarded as a question in which we are altogether without rights. We know not at present from any authentic source the cause of this insurrection: we know, however, the deplorable calamities with which it has been attended, and the desperate resolution with which, against enormous odds, the battle has been fought. Now, what I am desirous to know—and I hope that the papers when presented by Her Majesty's Government will prove what I am desirous to know—is that the Government of the Sultan is not responsible for this insurrection, but that it had, before the commencement of the outbreak, given faithful and full execution to that important instrument—the hatti-scheriff—issued at the close of the Crimean war for the purpose of securing to the Christian subjects of the Porte at least the civil equality to which they were justly entitled, and which had been too long withheld. This is a question not only of the utmost gravity in itself, but one of justice in its connection with the general interests of humanity rather than with any special British interests in a more narrow sense; and it is likewise of the utmost importance with reference to the future peace of Europe. I congratulate Her Majesty's Government most cordially that the time has arrived when they are able to promise us—forming their judgment on the circumstances of the moment—that they will not, under these circumstances, apply for an extension of the exceptional powers of the Government in Ireland; and I join with them in rejoicing that the spirit which has been displayed by the community itself in aid of the Government has proved to be so potent an ally in averting the evil which at one time we had been led to apprehend—a phenomenon new in the history of Ireland—a phenomenon which, I trust, will lead to much reflection upon its causes, and which, after that reflection, will prove a powerful encouragement to us to prosecute the policy of liberality and of justice towards Ireland, of which, in part, we have already witnessed the happy effect. Her Majesty's Government refer to a subject of great interest in connection with the condition of the army, and with the foundation of an efficient army of reserve. If I caught
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correctly the words of the Address, the promise which it is proposed to make to Her Majesty's Government in return is that we will cheerfully consider any demand which may be made for our assent to a moderate increase of expenditure. Now, I must confess that, if I were a captious critic, I should a little doubt whether cheerfulness of consideration is exactly that form of consideration which representatives of the people should give to proposals for an increase of expenditure. A careful and a ready consideration I have no doubt that subject will have, and I trust a fair and even a liberal consideration. Most certainly I express my confidence that, while we shall expect the Government to show that expenses which are perhaps necessary in one direction can be compensated by savings in another, the Government will receive the cordial support of this House in every well-conceived and every effectual measure for the attainment of that most desirable object, the foundation of a good system of army reserve. The Speech also touches upon a subject as delicate as it is important in the reference it makes to an inquiry that is about to be instituted into the disagreements between employers of labour and their workmen, and into the means by which that inquiry is to be prosecuted. I think there have been exaggerated statements made on this subject, which may to a certain extent have acted on the public mind. Such statements tend to propagate the idea either that differences between employers and workmen are now of a more aggravated character than in former times, or that the effect of these differences is to menace the commercial and trading position of this country. If there be those who really entertain that apprehension, let them pay attention to a single sentence in the speech of the Seconder of the Address, which acquainted us that the joint increase in the exports and imports from and to this country for nine months of the last year, as compared with nine mouths of the year preceding, amounted to £65,000,000. But that is no reason why the attention of Parliament should not in every useful manner be given to a subject which is of the utmost importance, and a matter in which undoubtedly there are yet serious difficulties and serious evils to be remedied. What I hope is that the interposition of Government in this matter will be an amicable interposition; and in particular, that when my right

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hon. Friend the Secretary of State for the Home Department frames his Bill for obtaining from Parliament powers to make the inquiry effective he will bear in mind—as I am sure he will—the full and absolute right of all individuals, employers and workmen alike, to bring to market the commodity they have to dispose of, whether it be labour or capital, on the best terms in their power, as long as, and only as long as, they exercise their own rights without prejudice to the rights of others. There is but one other subject on which I have to detain the House for a few moments, and it is the subject to which—as has been rightly said by the hon. Gentleman the Member for Liverpool (Mr. Graves)—there attaches at the present time an all-absorbing interest—I mean the question of the representation of the people. But I will here first offer a comment upon that which many of us had anxiously expected to see alluded to, but which, probably for some good and sufficient cause, does not appear in the Speech. I presume that is probably owing to the circumstance that the recent inquiries into corrupt practices in certain boroughs are not yet so absolutely completed as to have enabled the Government to advise the Crown to refer to this subject. At all events, nothing was said in regard to it. I am sure it is one which, from its importance, well deserves notice. If the question of Parliamentary Reform be difficult, at least it ought not to be difficult to deal with certain of its branches, such as cases of proved corruption. I beg to say that this evil, which has grown, perhaps, not more intense—I hope, on the contrary, less intense—but which has grown far more patent, and therefore more scandalous, of late years, has now become a matter not merely of domestic policy and expediency, but I will even venture to say of national honour. As long as we were in something like exclusive possession of a representative system, little notice was taken of these offences in foreign lands; but we have lived into a period in which almost every country possesses, in more or less perfect forms, representative institutions, and in which some countries enjoy them in high efficiency. Since that has been the case, it appears to me that Europe has conceived what I might almost call a sentiment of disgust at finding that evils of which those countries are scarcely conscious have become so rife and so virulent among ourselves. I hope it will be understood that I assume there is
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a cause for silence in Her Majesty's Speech on this subject; but I must express the hope that when Her Majesty's Government take into their consideration some of the Reports—I will not now presume to decide which they may be—in which it shall appear, on judicial authority, that constituencies are tainted, as they have been in some former and well-remembered instances, they will not ask us to inflict the almost nominal and wholly unsatisfactory punishments which have bounded our action on former occasions, but will give evidence to the world, by something in the nature of strictness and severity, that we are in earnest on this particular question. As regards the paragraph in the Speech of Her Majesty, it is obviously open to the remark that its language is in some degree enigmatical; but I do not think it will be fair to make that circumstance a subject of complaint. On the contrary, I think Her Majesty's Government are perfectly justified in reserving that full explanation of their intentions to a future day which, if it had been attempted to-day, in a form necessarily imperfect, would probably have tended to prejudice the settlement of the question. Therefore, in assenting to the paragraph as it stands, I do so upon the double ground that there is nothing in its language which can give rise to a just reflection; and, important as is every matter connected with this subject, both as to substance and as to procedure, under present circumstances, I, for myself, and others, if they are so minded, retain the most perfect liberty to canvass, both as to substance and as to procedure, the measures and the steps to be taken by Her Majesty's Government, when in the proper time we become fully acquainted with them. I think there are three points in which may be summed up, in a great degree, our interest in the consideration and management of this matter. There is the question by whom the measure of Parliamentary Reform is to be submitted to Parliament; there is the question what is to be the substance and effect of such a measure; and lastly, there is the question when such a measure is to be brought under our notice, and when it is to reach its completion. As regards the first of those questions—by whom the measure is to be submitted—I humbly represent to the House that at this moment the interest of the country in the speedy settlement of the question is all-important; and, if there

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be any of us who are less sanguine than hon. Gentlemen opposite as to the possible proceedings of Her Majesty's Government, that is no reason for endeavouring to cast impediments in their course. It is our duty to accept, wherever we can get it, a measure which will be adequate to meet the just expectations of the country; and if we intend to be willing parties to the introduction of such a measure by Her Majesty's Government, we ought not by anything we may now say or do to cast even the smallest difficulty in the way of that introduction. Sir, as respects the substance of the measure, I do not think the present occasion a proper one to discuss it; but as respects the time of the measure, I must again say, it appears to me that even the question of the substance is hardly more important. It is not necessary now to retrace the wearisome and irksome details of this protracted controversy, or to remind the House how many Sessions, how many Queen's Speeches, how many Parliaments have been involved. One thing only we can say, and that is, it is impossible for legislation to proceed in its orderly and accustomed course until this matter is disposed of—until this matter is disposed of it stops the way; it disturbs and impedes, and it not only disturbs and impedes, but it embitters every attempt to deal with other questions of difficulty. The vast and varied interests of this country, growing apparently more vast and more varied every day, and, in proportion as we reap the harvest of legislation with assiduity, causing new and thicker crops to spring afresh from the ground soliciting our attention, render it our duty to see and require that the measures adopted—so far as we can require from others—shall be directed towards the attainment, not only of an effectual, but also of a speedy settlement of this question. I therefore ask myself how I am to interpret the paragraph in which this subject has been brought under our notice, and I cannot doubt as to the manner in which I am justified in construing it. I will not ask for explanations; I will not make any remark which would have a tendency to force the Government to offer explanation for the purpose of avoiding misapprehension; but what I understand by this paragraph is this:—Her Majesty's Government, like ourselves, like the generality of the House, including their own followers and the whole country without distinction of party, are sensible of the
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necessity of dealing promptly with this matter, and that, upon the earliest day which they can choose for the purpose, they will be prepared to propose, on their own responsibility, such measures as they shall think will be most effectual for the attainment, the effective attainment, and, above all, the speedy attainment of their object and the just satisfaction of the wishes of the country. I hope there i8 nothing unreasonable in that expectation. If that expectation be a just one, we ought to rest perfectly satisfied, cherishing the hope that the time is at hand when we may be able to remove from ourselves and out of the way this obstacle, and to remove from ourselves what threatens to become, if we do not remove it, a standing discredit to Parliament and the institutions of the land, and to give to all the other vast and diversified interests of the country that attention which they so imperatively solicit at our hands.
THE CHANCELLOR OF THE EXCHEQUER: I heard, Sir, with great satisfaction from the right hon. Gentleman opposite (Mr. Gladstone) that there was no prospect of an Amendment to the Address being proposed to-night. After so long a separation it really is far from agreeable that on the first night we meet together we should resume our struggles; and in the months that are before us many opportunities will arise to compensate hon. Gentlemen for the self-restraint which they exercise now. There are one or two points to which the right hon. Gentleman has referred which I will notice before I touch on his last more interesting inquiry. The right hon. Gentleman has done justice to the contents of Her Majesty's most gracious Speech, and I think I may congratulate my Colleagues upon its reception by the House generally, though I am sure we owe it in some degree to the able interpretation which has been put upon it by my hon. Friends who moved and seconded the Address, the first with a pleasing propriety I am sure all must acknowledge, the Seconder with a weight of authority derived from his position and his acquaintance with commercial pursuits. In answer to the question which has been put by the right hon. Gentleman with reference to the disturbances in Crete, I may say that papers will certainly be presented on the subject. I believe my noble Friend (Lord Stanley) had a reason which for a short time may influence him in not immediately presenting them to the House;

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but when that reason ceases to operate, my noble Friend will take the earliest opportunity of laying them on the table of the House. The right hon. Gentleman (Mr. Gladstone) also referred to the circumstance that no allusion was made in the Queen's Speech to the inquiries into proceedings in certain boroughs. The reason why we made no reference to these inquiries was that the reports of them have not been received by the Government. [An hon. MEMBER: Not all.] Some have; but the right hon. Gentleman will feel that it would be convenient and proper to have them all in our possession before we make any announcement on the subject. The right hon. Gentleman then, in a tone of which I am sure I have no cause to complain, referred to the paragraph in the Speech announcing that the attention of Parliament will be called to the state of the representation of the people; and I think the right hon. Gentleman, remembering, I have no doubt, his experience in the position which I now have the honour to occupy, felt how very inconvenient it would be if, on the first day of the Session, a number of inquiries were made the answers to which might only lead to misapprehension, and which would really not be fair to those who are responsible for the consequences. I will not trouble the right hon. Gentleman and the House at any length upon the subject, because, with the permission of the House, I mean to take, not only an early, but the earliest day at our command in order to bring the whole subject before the House. [An hon. MEMBER: What day?] Monday next. That is the first day at our disposal, and I then propose to state the course which the Government mean to take upon this subject, and generally to enter into the matter. I trust, therefore, that under these circumstances we may not be pressed to make any statements to-night, but that we may be allowed to reserve our views and state them fully on that occasion. The right hon. Gentleman has done justice to the important subjects which have been brought under the notice of the House in the Speech from the Throne. I am aware, as all must be aware, that it will require on the part of the House considerable effort to do justice to the several themes which will be brought before them. But reaction is the law of life, and it is the characteristic of the House of Commons. There have been complaints of late of indolence and want of assiduity on the part of this House.
76
It is said that we have passed through Session after Session without doing what-our duty required. Now, in this Session an admirable opportunity will be afforded to the House, and if they only follow the example which the Government are prepared to set by the devotion of their time and labour to the pursuit of these propositions, I think we need not be frightened by the quantity of business before us, but may rather look forward to the end of a Session which will redound to the public advantage and to the character of this Assembly.
Motion agreed to.
Committee appointed, to draw up an Address to be presented to Her Majesty upon the said Resolution:—Mr. DK GREY, Mr. GRAVES, Mr. CHANCELLOR of the EXCHEQUER, Mr. Secretary WALPOLE, Lord STANLEY, General PEEL, Viscount CRANBOURNE, Sir JOHN PAKINOTON, Lord JOHN MANNERS, Sir STAFFORD NORTHCOTE, Mr. GA-THORNE HARDY, Lord NAAS, Mr. ATTORNEY GENERAL, Mr. HUNT, and Colonel TAYLOR, or any Five of them:—To withdraw immediately:—Queen's Speech referred.
House adjourned at Seven o'clock.

Preamble
THE PARLIAMENT,which had been Prorogued successively from the 10th day of August to the 25th day of October; thence to the 20th day of November; thence to the 15th day of January; thence to the 5th day of February; met this day for Despatch of Business.
The Session of PARLIAMENT was opened by THE QUEEN in Person.

THE QUEEN'S SPEECH.
HER MAJESTY,being seated on the Throne, adorned with Her Crown and Regal Ornaments, and attended by Her Officers of State:—The PRINCE OF WALES (in his Robes) sitting in his Chair on HER
2
MAJESTY'S right hand—(the Lords being in their Robes)—commanded the Gentleman Usher of the Black Rod, through the Deputy Lord Great Chamberlain, to let the Commons know "It is Her Majesty's Pleasure they attend Her immediately, in this House."
Who being come, with their Speaker;
The LORD CHANCELLOR, taking Directions from HER MAJESTY, said—
My Lords, and Gentlemen,
"IN again recurring to your Advice and Assistance, I am happy to inform you that My Relations with Foreign Powers are on a friendly and satisfactory Footing.
"I HOPE that the Termination of the War in which Prussia, Austria, and Italy have been engaged may

3
lead to the Establishment of a durable Peace in Europe.
"I HAVE suggested to the Government of the United States a Mode by which Questions pending between the Two Countries arising out of the late Civil War may receive amicable Solution, and which, if met, as I trust it will be, in a corresponding Spirit, will remove all Grounds of possible Misunderstanding, and promote Relations of cordial Friendship.
"THE War between Spain and the Republics of Chili and Peru still continues, the good Offices of My Government, in conjunction with that of The Emperor of the French, having failed to effect a Reconciliation. If either by Agreement between the Parties themselves, or by the Mediation of any other friendly Power, Peace shall be restored, the Object which I have had in view will equally be attained.
"DISCONTENT prevailing in some Provinces of the Turkish Empire has broken out in actual Insurrection in Crete. In common with My Allies, The Emperor of the French and The Emperor of Russia, I have abstained from any active Interference in these internal Disturbances, but Our joint Efforts have been directed to bringing about improved Relations between the Porte and its Christian Subjects not inconsistent with the sovereign Rights of The Sultan.
"THE protracted Negotiations which arose out of the Acceptance by Prince Charles of Hohenzollern of the Government of the Danubian Principalities have been happily terminated by an Arrangement to which the Porte has given its ready Adhesion, and which
4
has been sanctioned by the Concurrence of all the Powers, Signataries of the Treaty of 1856.
"RESOLUTIONS in favour of a more intimate Union of the Provinces of Canada, Nova Scotia, and New Brunswick have been passed by their several Legislatures; and Delegates duly authorized and representing all Classes of Colonial Party and Opinion have concurred in the Conditions upon which such an Union may be best effected. In accordance with] their Wishes a Bill will be submitted to you, which, by the Consolidation of Colonial Interests and Resources, will give Strength to the several Provinces as Members of the same Empire, and animated by Feelings of Loyalty to the same Sovereign.
"I HAVE heard with deep Sorrow that the Calamity of Famine has pressed heavily on My Subjects in some Parts of India. Instructions were issued to My Government in that Country to make the utmost Exertions to mitigate the Distress which prevailed during the Autumn of last Year. The Blessing of an abundant Harvest has since that Time materially improved the Condition of the suffering Districts.
"THE persevering Efforts and unscrupulous Assertions of treasonable Conspirators abroad have, during the last Autumn, excited the Hopes of some disaffected Persons in Ireland, and the Apprehensions of the loyal Population; but the firm, yet temperate Exercise of the Powers entrusted to the Executive, and the Hostility manifested against the Conspiracy by Men of all Classes and Creeds, have greatly tended to restore Public Con-

5
fidence, and have rendered hopeless any Attempt to disturb the general Tranquillity. I trust that you may consequently be enabled to dispense with the Continuance of any exceptional Legislation for that Part of My Dominions.
"I ACKNOWLEDGE, with deep Thankfulness to Almighty God, the great Decrease that has taken place in the Cholera, and in the Pestilence which has attacked our Cattle; but the continued Prevalence of the latter in some Foreign Countries, and its occasional Re-appearance in this, will still render necessary some special Measures of Precaution; and I trust that the Visitation of the former will lead to increased Attention to those Sanitary Measures which Experience has shown to be the best Preventive.
"ESTIMATING as of the highest Importance an adequate Supply of pure and wholesome Water, I have directed the Issue of a Commission to inquire into the best Means of permanently securing such a Supply for the Metropolis, and for the principal Towns in densely-peopled Districts of the Kingdom.
Gentlemen of the House of Commons,
"I HAVE directed the Estimates for the ensuing Year to be laid before you. They have been prepared with a due Regard to Economy, and to the Requirements of the public Service.
"You will, I am assured, give your ready Assent to a moderate Expenditure calculated to improve the Condition of My Soldiers, and to lay the Foundation of an efficient Army of Reserve.
My Lords, and Gentlemen,
"YOUR Attention will again be called to the State of the Representation of the People in Parliament; and I trust that your Deliberations, conducted in a Spirit of Moderation and mutual Forbearance, may lead to the Adoption of Measures which, without unduly disturbing the Balance of political Power, shall freely extend the Elective Franchise.
"THE frequent Occurrence of Disagreements between Employers of Labour and their Workmen, causing much private Suffering and public Loss, and occasionally leading, as is alleged, to Acts of Outrage and Violence, has induced Me to issue a Commission to inquire into and report upon the Organization of Trades Unions and other Associations, whether of Workmen or Employers, with Power to suggest any Improvement of the Law for their mutual Benefit. Application will be made to you for Parliamentary Powers, which will be necessary to make this Inquiry effective.
"I HAVE directed Bills to be laid before you for the Extension of the beneficial Provisions of the Factory Acts to other Trades specially reported on by the Royal Commission on the Employment of Children, and for the better Regulation, according to the Principle of those Acts, of Workshops where Women and Children are largely employed.
"THE Condition of the Mercantile Marine has attracted My serious Attention. Complaints are made that the Supply of Seamen is deficient, and that the Provisions for their Health and Discipline on board Ship are im-

7
perfect. Measures will be submitted to you with a view to increase the Efficiency of this important Service.
"I HAVE observed with Satisfaction the Relaxations recently introduced into the Navigation Laws of France. I have expressed to The Emperor of the French My Readiness to submit to Parliament a Proposal for the Extinction, on equitable Terms, of the Exemptions from local Charges on Shipping which are still enjoyed by a limited Number of Individuals in British Ports; and His Imperial Majesty has, in anticipation of this Step, already admitted British Ships to the Advantage of the new Law. A Bill upon this Subject will forthwith be laid before you.
"A BILL will also be submitted to you for making better Provision for the Arrangement of the Affairs of Railway Companies which are unable to meet their Engagements.
"MEASURES will be submitted to you for Improving the Management of sick and other Poor in the Metropolis, and for a Re-distribution of some of the Charges for Relief therein.
"YOUR Attention will also be called to the Amendment of the Law of Bankruptcy; to the Consolidation of the Courts of Probate and Divorce and Admiralty; and to the Means of disposing, with greater Despatch and Frequency, of the increasing Business in the Superior Courts of Common Law and at the Assizes.
"THE Relations between Landlord and Tenant in Ireland have engaged My anxious Attention, and a Bill will be laid before you which, without interfering with the Rights of Property, will offer direct Encouragement
8
to Occupiers of Land to improve their Holdings, and provide a simple Mode of obtaining Compensation for permanent Improvements.
"I COMMEND to your careful Consideration these and other Measures which will be brought before you; and I pray that your Labours may, under the Blessing of Providence, conduce to the Prosperity of the Country, and the Happiness of My People."
Then HER MAJESTY retired.
ROLL OF THE LOEDS—Garter King of Arms attending, delivered at the Table (in the usual Manner) a List of the Lords Temporal in the Second Session of the Nineteenth Parliament of the United Kingdom: The same was Ordered to lie on the Table.
Several Lords—Took the Oath.
Charles Stanley Viscount Monck, in that Part of the United Kingdom of Great Britain and Ireland called Ireland, having been created Baron Monck of Ballytrammon in the County of Wexford—Was (in the usual Manner) introduced.
Gustavus Frederick Viscount Boyne, in that Part of the United Kingdom of Great Britain and Ireland called Ireland, having been created Baron Brancepeth of Brancepeth in the County Palatine of Durham—Was (in the usual Manner) introduced.
Writs and Returns electing The Viscount Templetown a Representative Peer for Ireland in the Room of the late Earl of Lanesborough, deceased, with the Certificate of the Clerk of the Crown in Ireland annexed thereto—Delivered (on Oath), and Certificate read.
The Marquess Camden—Sat first in Parliament after the Death of his father.
The Earl of Chesterfield—Sat first in Parliament after the Death of his Father.

SELECT VESTRIES.
Bill, pro forma, read 1a.
THE QUEEN'S SPEECHhaving been reported by The LORD CHANCELLOR;—

ADDRESS TO HER MAJESTY ON HER MOST GRACIOUS SPEECH.
EARL BEAUCHAMP,in rising to move an humble Address in answer to Her Majesty's most gracious Speech from the Throne, said: My Lords, in approaching my arduous and responsible task, I cannot but wish it had been committed to some Peer of greater experience in your Lordships' House than I can in any way pretend to. The topics suggested by the Speech are so numerous, so varied, and so important, that it will be impossible to give each of them, in so short a time, anything like the consideration they deserve. I will, however, presume to touch upon a few of the principal matters referred to.
Your Lordships will, I have no doubt, fully concur with me in the belief that the first topic in the Speech has been so placed from a due regard to its importance—for to this country the question of peace or war is one of the deepest interest. It must, therefore, be a matter of great satisfaction to your Lordships to be assured that Her Majesty's relations with Foreign Powers continue to be of the most friendly description. When you remember that so recently as last year the peace of Europe was disturbed by a sanguinary war, it is, indeed, satisfactory for us to learn that Her Majesty can express a confident hope in the duration of peace in Europe. The blessings of peace are so great that it is impossible to overrate them. It is, therefore, matter for further congratulation that those difficult questions which exist between the United States and this country—questions which have given rise to a considerable amount of apprehension in the minds of a large portion of the population of this country, are now in the way of a speedy and satisfactory solution. My Lords, I believe that but one feeling animates the people of this country; and that is a most cordial desire to be on friendly terms with the people of the great American Republic. And while it is right and proper for this country to maintain what they may fairly regard as their own right, it is not unbecoming for a great nation like ours, should feelings of irritation arise, to make such concessions as we may make without injury to our honour in order to secure the continuance of friendly relations with Foreign Powers, which are so important to our prosperity. My Lords, Her Majesty has told us that She regrets the continuance of the war
10
between Spain and Chile and Peru; and we can heartily join with her in the hope that peace between those belligerents may soon be restored. During the recess your Lordships' attention has doubtless been called to the insurrection in Crete, and your Lordships had, no doubt, read with heartfelt pity the record of the heroic and gallant struggles which have taken place on that island. I think it is a matter of some satisfaction that the insurrection took place while Parliament was not sitting. I cannot forget the struggle which was made by a gallant nation—the Poles—and that during that struggle injudicious expressions used by Members of Parliament were construed into meaning that this country was prepared to afford a far larger amount of sympathy for the cause than was ever intended. I think that the Members of the Legislature should bear in mind the great responsibility which attaches to their utterances. We have seen the result in the case of Poland, and I cannot but rejoice that the insurrection in Crete took place when this House was not sitting, because expressions of sympath might have been regarded as promises of material assistance which we were unable to afford. The House will, however, learn with great satisfaction that Her Majesty has been enabled, in common with her allies, to bring about improved relations between the Porte and its Christian subjects not inconsistent with the sovereign rights of the Sultan. My Lords, that observation applies not only to Crete, but also to the Danubian Principalities, an arrangement having been made to which the Porte had given its ready adhesion, and which has been sanctioned by all the Powers signataries of the Treaty of 1856.
While, however, my Lords, we look with satisfaction to our relations with Foreign Powers, we should not lose sight of the interests of those colonies which, sheltered under our fostering care, have grown and increased in strength until they have assumed the importance and responsibilities of large communities. It must accordingly be gratifying to know that a Bill is to be introduced for the consolidation of their interests and resources. We should all be heartily glad if the same love of peace and desire for union which prevails in our North American Colonies existed in every other portion of the British Empire. Unhappily a widely-spread conspiracy has for some years dis-

11
turbed the security of the loyal portion of Her Majesty's subjects in Ireland. But we have at least the satisfaction of knowing that the designs of the misguided men who engaged in that senseless undertaking have been completely defeated by the prudent precautions which have been taken by the Government, and also to some extent, we may hope, by the reviving loyalty of some of the persons who had been deluded by the machinations of the leading conspirators. The danger has now, in a great measure, passed away; and, happily, the spirit of disaffection has extended to only a small portion of the population of Ireland, while the whole course of those events has shown that the vast majority of that population, of all creeds and classes, are sincerely attached to the Crown and Government of the United Kingdom.
Her Majesty expresses the deep sorrow with which She has heard of the dreadful famine which since last summer has afflicted some portion of Her Indian subjects; and there is not one among your Lordships who does not share in that feeling, and who will not rejoice with Her Majesty in the termination of so great a calamity. At the meeting of Parliament at the commencement of last year, a large portion of the agricultural interest of this country was greatly affected by the cattle plague, which occasioned great suffering and distress in many districts; but your Lordships will hear with satisfaction that by reason of the important measures which were passed by Parliament, or in consequence of the natural dying out of the disease in the winter months, the scourge has passed away. We have, however, since had to meet a more serious peril to our social welfare and prosperity created by a visitation of cholera. That, too, has passed away; but the poison of that disease is so subtle and so deadly, that it is evidently the duty of those charged with the responsibility of Government to take every precaution against the recurrence of such a calamity; and therefore we must learn with satisfaction that a Royal Commission is about to be appointed for the purpose of inquiring into the important sanitary subject of the supply of pure water to our towns and cities. While referring to that topic, I will venture to express a hope that the owners of property throughout the country will do all in their power to aid in furthering these efforts for the promotion of the public health, and that they
12
will all in that respect imitate the good example set us by Her Majesty. The Royal Speech afterwards contains a reference to the subject of Parliamentary Reform; and I am sure your Lordships will heartily rejoice to know that there exists at last a prospect of bringing that long-vexed question to a satisfactory settlement. It is impossible for me to say what may be the nature of the proposal Her Majesty's Government will have to submit to Parliament upon this subject; but we must all earnestly hope that it will be one calculated to improve the constitution of the country.
The questions of our sanitary condition and of Parliamentary Reform are no doubt of immense consequence; but I venture to think that in their immediate bearing on the National welfare they must yield to that great danger which is impending over the country in consequence of the baleful operations of the trades unions. We have adopted the principle of free trade in our whole commercial policy; but I believe that freedom of trade cannot exist without freedom of labour, and that this country cannot maintain its position as the industrial centre of the commercial world if the operations of the trades unions restrict the employment of labour and prevent the artisans from making the best use they can of their skill and industry. Adam Smith, in his Wealth of Nations, lays down the doctrine that the patrimony of the working-man consists in his strength and dexterity of hand, and that anything that prevents him from employing that strength and dexterity is a violation of his just rights. The restrictions which are now imposed on the working-men of this country are of a different kind from those which were contemplated by Adam Smith, but they are not the less serious nor less dangerous. It is possibly within the knowledge of your Lordships that important trades and branches of manufactures formerly executed in this country are passing away from us in consequence of the operations of a portion of our artisans; and those artisans not only injure themselves by the course they have thought fit to adopt, but they deprive other people of the opportunity of earning their accustomed wages, and thus they materially diminish the general means of subsistence. I am persuaded that your Lordships will do all you can to render the inquiries of the Royal Commission into this subject as

13
effective as possible. I further believe that you will heartily join in returning your humble thanks to Her Majesty for the interest She has exhibited in the condition of children employed in factories. The factory laws already form one of the brightest pages in our National legislation, and we shall all heartily rejoice if any considerable addition can be made to that legislation during the course of the present Session. Another important subject, to which Her Majesty refers, is the relief of embarrassed railway companies; and it is manifestly desirable that some mode should, if possible, be adopted of enabling them to meet their liabilities. Her Majesty also informs us that the relation of landlord and tenant in Ireland is also to engage our attention during the present Session. It is not for me, unacquainted as I am with Ireland, to express any opinion upon that question; but of this I feel assured, that if any simple mode can be provided of giving compensation for permanent improvements, it will go far to settle a question which has disturbed a considerable part of Ireland, and heal a very dangerous sore. I shall be ashamed to trespass any longer on your Lordships' attention, but I cannot prevail on myself to conclude without making one other observation. In these times, when efforts are made to persuade this and other countries that the people of England are dissatisfied with the institutions under which they live, I cannot refrain from noting with satisfaction and pleasure—in which I am sure all your Lordships will share—the enthusiastic reception accorded to the Queen in Her recent visit to one of the great mining districts of the kingdom. Her Majesty was received on that occasion with a most cordial welcome; the highest and the lowest vied with each other in demonstrations of affection to their Sovereign. I venture to think that no occasion could have been more appropriate for Her Majesty to re-appear among Her people, as the national exponent of their sympathies, whether of sorrow or joy, than the inauguration of a monument to the memory of that great Prince whose wisdom diminished the care, as his affection enhanced the happiness, of Her who was at once his Monarch and his wife. The Queen did not need that overwhelming burst of loyalty and attachment to convince Her how dearly prized by Her loving subjects is that personal discharge of duties which, though not essential to State affairs, mate-
14
rially conduce to the chivalrous affection entertained for the person of the Queen. I Her Majesty now approaches the completion of the thirtieth year of Her reign, and I venture to think that, in the course of the thousand years during which the long line of Her illustrious ancestors has wielded the sceptre now swayed by Her Majesty's hands, there is no period of thirty years which will justly challenge comparison with that now elapsed, for the attention bestowed on the welfare and prosperity of the people; and I make bold to say that if Parliament in its wisdom should fulfil the designs of the Queen, and apply itself in that spirit of moderation and forbearance, so wisely recommended to us from the Throne, to the consideration of the measures promised in Her Majesty's Speech, this present Session will take no unworthy place among its predecessors of this happy reign. The occasion to which I have referred—the visits to Wolverhampton—affords a convincing testimony that the attention which the Crown and the Legislature have given to the condition of the people has borne abundant fruit in dutiful attachment to the Queen, and in a profound appreciation of the institutions under which it is our blessing to live; and, my Lords, no one can doubt that in the person of the Queen has been fulfilled the prediction of the Poet—
"Entire and sure that monarch's rule must prove Who founds her greatness on her subjects' love.',
My Lords, I beg to move the following humble Address to Her Majesty, thanking Her Majesty for Her Most Gracious Speech from the Throne:—
MOST GRACIOUS SOVEHEIGN,
"WE, Your Majesty's most dutiful and loyal Subjects, the Lords Spiritual and Temporal in Parliament assembled, beg leave to offer our humble Thanks to Your Majesty for Your Majesty's gracious Speech.
"WE rejoice to learn that Your Majesty's Relations with Foreign Powers are on a friendly and satisfactory Footing, and we join with Your Majesty in the Hope that the Termination of the War in which Prussia, Austria, and Italy have been engaged may tend to the Establishment of durable Peace in Europe.
"WE humbly assure Your Majesty that we learn with Satisfaction that Your Majesty has suggested to the Government of the United States a Mode by which Questions, pending between the Two Countries, arising out of the late Civil War,

15
may receive an amicable Solution, and which, if met, as Your Majesty trusts it will be, in a corresponding Spirit, will remove all Grounds of possible Misunderstanding, and promote Relations of cordial Friendship.
"WITH Your Majesty, we regret the Continuance of the War between Spain and the Republics of Chili and Peru, and we lament that the good Offices of Your Majesty's Government, in conjunction with that of The Emperor of the French, should have failed to have effected a Reconciliation. It will be a Cause of Satisfaction to us, if either by Agreement between the Parties themselves, or by the Mediation of any other friendly Power, Peace should be restored.
"WE have observed with Regret that Discontent prevailing in some Provinces of the Turkish Empire has broken out in actual Insurrection in Crete; but we learn with Satisfaction, that in common with Your Majesty's Allies, The Emperor of the French and The Emperor of Russia, Your Majesty has abstained from any active Interference in those internal Disturbances; and that the Efforts of Your Majesty and Your Allies have been directed to bring about such improved Relations between the Porte and its Christian Subjects as are not inconsistent with the sovereign Rights of The Sultan.
"WE thank Your Majesty for informing us that the protracted Negotiations which arose out of the Acceptance by Prince Charles of Hohenzollern of the Government of the Danubian Principalities have been happily terminated by an Arrangement to which the Porte has given its ready Adhesion, and which has been sanctioned by the Concurrence of all the Powers, Signataries of the Treaty of 1856.
"WE rejoice to be informed by Your Majesty that Resolutions in favour of a more intimate Union of the Provinces of Canada, Nova Scotia, and New Brunswick have been passed by their several Legislatures, and that Delegates duly authorized, and representing all Classes of Colonial Party and Opinion, have concurred in the Conditions upon which such an Union may be best effected. We assure Your Majesty that we will give our most careful Attention to the Bill which, in accordance with the Wishes of those Colonies, Your Majesty has directed to be submitted to us, and which, by the Consolidation of Colonial Interests and Resources, will, we trust, give Strength to the several Provinces as Members of the same Empire, and animated by Feelings of Loyalty to the same Sovereign.
"WE have heard with deep Sorrow that the Calamity of Famine has pressed heavily on Your
16
Majesty's Subjects in some Parts of India. We thank Your Majesty for informing us that Instructions were issued to Your Majesty's Government in that Country to make the utmost Exertions to mitigate the Distress which prevailed during the Autumn of last Year; and we rejoice that the Blessing of an abundant Harvest has since that Time materially improved the Condition of the suffering Districts.
"WE have observed with deep Concern that the persevering Efforts and unscrupulous Assertions of treasonable Conspirators abroad have, during the last Autumn, excited the Hopes of some disaffected Persons in Ireland, and the Apprehensions of the loyal Population; but we learn with the greatest Satisfaction that the firm yet temperate Exercise of the Powers entrusted to the Executive, and the Hostility manifested against the Conspiracy by Men of all Classes and Creeds, have greatly tended to restore Public Confidence, and rendered hopeless any Attempt to disturb the general Tranquillity. With Your Majesty, we consequently trust that we may be enabled to dispense with the Continuance of any exceptional Legislation for that Part of Your Majesty's Dominions.
"WITH Your Majesty we join in acknowledging, with deep Thankfulness to Almighty God, the great Decrease which has taken place in the Cholera, and in the Pestilence which has attacked our Cattle; we regret that the continued Prevalence of the latter in some Foreign Countries, and its occasional Re-appearance in this, will still render necessary some special Measures of Precaution; but we trust that the Visitation of the former will add to increased Attention to those Sanitary Measures which Experience has shown to be its best Preventive.
"WE thank Your Majesty for informing us that, estimating as of the highest Importance an adequate Supply of pure and wholesome Water, Your Majesty has directed the Issue of a Commission to inquire into the best Means of permanently securing such a Supply for the Metropolis, and for the principal Towns in densely-peopled Districts of the Kingdom.
"WE convey to Your Majesty our humble Thanks for informing us, that our Attention will again be called to the State of the Representation of the People in Parliament; and, with Your Majesty, we trust that our Deliberations, conducted in a Spirit of Moderation and mutual Forbearance may lead to the Adoption of Measures which, without unduly disturbing the Balance of Political Power, shall freely extend the Elective Fran, chise.
"WE humbly thank Your Majesty for informing us that the frequent Occurrence of Disagreements between Employers of Labour and their Workmen, causing much private Suffering and public Loss, and occasionally leading, as is alleged, to Acts of Outrage and Violence, has induced Your Majesty to issue a Commission to inquire into and report upon the Organization of Trades Unions and other Associations, whether of Workmen or Employers, with Power to suggest any Improvement of the Law for their mutual Benefit. We assure Your Majesty that any Parliamentary Powers which may be necessary for making that Inquiry effective will be readily given by us.
"WE convey to Your Majesty our humble Thanks for having directed Bills to be laid before us for the Extension of the beneficial Provisions of the Factory Acts to other Trades specially reported on by the Royal Commission on the Employment of Children, and for the better Regulation, according to the Principle of those Acts, of Workshops where Women and Children are largely employed.
"WE thank Your Majesty for informing us that the Condition of the Mercantile Marine has attracted the serious Attention of Your Majesty, and that Measures will be submitted to us with a view to increase the Efficiency of that important Service.
"WE learn with Satisfaction that Relaxations have been lately introduced into the Navigation Laws of France; that Your Majesty has expressed to The Emperor of the French Your Readiness to submit to Parliament a Proposal for the Extinction, on equitable Terms, of the Exemptions from local Charges on Shipping which are still enjoyed by a limited Number of Individuals in British Ports; and that His Imperial Majesty has, in anticipation of this Step, already admitted British Ships to the Advantage of the new Law. We will give our careful Attention to the Bill upon this Subject which Your Majesty has directed to be forthwith laid before us.
"WE humbly assure Your Majesty that we will give our most serious Consideration to the Bill which is to be submitted to us for making better Provision for the Arrangement of the Affairs of Railway Companies which are unable to meet their Engagements; as well as to any Measures for improving the Management of sick and other Poor in the Metropolis, and for a Re-distribution of some of the Charges for Relief therein.
"OUR most careful Attention will be given to the Measures for the Amendment of the Law of Bankruptcy, and the Consolidation of the Courts
18
of Probate and Divorce and Admiralty; also to the Means of disposing, with greater Despatch and Frequency, of the increasing Business in the Superior Courts of Common Law and at the Assizes.
"WE humbly thank Your Majesty for informing us that the Relations between Landlord and Tenant in Ireland have engaged the anxious Attention of Your Majesty, and that a Bill will be laid before us, which, without interfering with the Rights of Property, will offer direct Encouragement to Occupiers of Land to improve their Holdings, and provide a simple Mode of obtaining Compensation for permanent Improvements.
"WITH Your Majesty, we pray that our Labours may, under the Blessing of Providence, conduce to the Prosperity of the Country and the Happiness of Your People."
LORD DELAMERE: My Lords, in rising to second this Address, I must venture, in the first place, to ask for your Lordships' indulgence, which I am satisfied was never yet refused. I have been some time a Member of your Lordships' House, but I have never before ventured to address you; and though I cannot say that I am a young Member in any sense of the word, I am sure that, whatever indulgence your Lordships would extend to the youngest Member of your House will not be withheld from me. I find myself in a position of no ordinary difficulty. I find myself like a man placed before an overwhelming feast who, with the best intentions, "hath not stomach for it all." The bill of fare is so large, that I can only venture to select a few dishes; or to speak more seriously, there are matters so various, so vast, and of such great and paramount importance contained in the Queen's Speech, that even if I were disposed to trespass on your Lordships' time at any length—which I am not—it would require more vast and varied knowledge than I have any claim to, to deal with them with that justice which, many of the subjects command.
With regard to the first paragraph, intimating the existence of cordial relations with all foreign Powers, the assurance it conveys, although of the old stereotyped character, has, under present circumstances, far more than its usual significance, and will be received generally, I am sure, in a spirit of very deep and very earnest thankfulness. When we look back on the last year—when we consider the extraordinary

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number of events crowded within that brief space—how kingdoms have been overthrown, dynasties changed, battles waged and won, Europe dismembered and reconstructed, we can scarcely imagine that all these things, having taken place within so small a space—almost within a few weeks—should have yet assumed a character of such permanent durability as to promise to be lasting institutions, and afford a reasonable hope that the result of all these commotions would be to secure the peace of Europe. I fervently hope it may be so.
The next paragraph in the Speech deals with the questions pending between this country and the Government of the United States; and I am sure your Lordships will hear with satisfaction that it is likely that the differences which have existed between the two Governments may Boon be amicably settled by arbitration. The noble Lord at the head of Foreign Affairs deserves great credit for the course he has taken on this subject. It requires more courage to pursue a course of conciliation, than one of irritation and resistance, and I hope the wisdom of such a course will be generally acknowledged, and that it will lay the foundation of lasting friendly relations between the two countries.
Your Lordships will be sorry to hear that the war between Spain and the Republics of Chile and Peru still continues; but your Lordships will be glad to hear that there is a fair prospect of bringing about improved relations between Turkey and its Cretan subjects. With respect to the proposed Confederation of the British Provinces in North America, I feel that the welfare and well-being of that country can only be considered as second to our own. The cheerfulness with which necessarily imposed self-sacrifices have been borne, the resolute attitude opposed to the Fenian insurrection, and the universal loyalty invariably displayed towards the British Crown, must always command our highest respect and consideration for the Canadian people, and render it a matter of pleasure as well as policy to draw as closely as possible the bonds of union between us. I am sure, also, that your Lordships will be glad to hear that Her Majesty's Government do not consider it necessary to continue the suspension of the Habeas Corpus Act, and that is one of the best evidences of the wisdom of the course which has been pursued by the Executive. We are all of
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us willing to bear testimony to the admirable mixture of firmness and conciliation which characterized the Administration of the noble Earl opposite (the Earl of Kimberley), and I hope the noble Lord now at the head of affairs in Ireland (the Marquess of Abercorn) will prove himself no unworthy successor; and I trust that, without having to recur to stringent measures, we may see the end of this deplorable, but happily unsuccessful, attempt of a party of misguided men to subvert all lawful authority in Ireland. In connection with this I may allude to another topic in another part of the Speech, but which is so closely interwoven with it that one is in fact a continuance, if not an equal part and parcel of the other—I mean that alluding to the relations between Landlord and Tenant. There are two much-vexed questions always supposed to lie at the root of all Irish grievances—the Established Church, and the land system as applied in Ireland. The first of these we are not now called upon to discuss, but the other is a question of great importance, which concerns the whole country—the owner of land, the occupier of land, the Roman Catholic priest, and the Protestant clergyman. It affects every one, and there can be no doubt that it is a matter of very great difficulty and of very great importance. Some are of opinion that legislation is necessary; but others say that legislation would only be an interference between capital and labour, and that it must be left between the man who lets the land and the man who holds it; that it must be left to the natural course of things to be set right. I am sorry to say the natural course of things has been in operation for a considerable length of time, and it has not done much for it yet. I only mention this to show the value of what I trust will be the action of Parliament upon the subject. I am glad that Her Majesty's Government have taken the question in hand, and I trust it will be satisfactorily settled by a Government at the head of which is my noble Friend, himself an Irish proprietor; and I may be allowed to say before his face it is an additional qualification for settling the question that his whole life has been an unvarying testimony of his practical anxiety for the welfare of all whom Providence has placed under him. We do not want securities for men who have neither capital nor enterprize; but we do want security that

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the man who has both, and who spends both upon the land that he tills, should not be deprived of the fruits of his industry, or that the landlord should reap the whole of the advantages which his enterprize and industry have conferred upon the land. If Her Majesty's Government can do this, they will do more to settle the agitation in Ireland, and to restore peace and tranquillity to the country, than by the most stringent measure of coercion which it is possible to propose. Such measures are but the irritating, though alas necessary, remedies that attack the manifest symptoms of the disease; the other would go far towards laying the axe to the root of the evil itself.
My Lords, the next points to which I wish to call your Lordships' attention are the cases of the cholera and the cattle plague. I am happy to learn that the former disease appears to be expiring; but there are signs that the cattle plague may again break out. My Lords, I come from a part of the country which, unhappily, suffered considerably from its ravages, and I believe that our sad experience has left us so entirely in the dark as to any means of prevention or cure, that if it should unhappily break out again, there are no better means to stop its ravages than those that were before resorted to—that is, to stamp out the disease by slaughtering the animals that are infected. Then as to sanitary measures, nothing can be better than an adequate supply of pure and wholesome water, respecting which Her Majesty's Government announce they are about to issue a Commission of Inquiry especially with regard to the metropolis. If this can be effected, it will be the best preservative that can be devised against cholera. In addition to this, there are several other measures of administration which are proposed—a measure for making better provision for the arrangement of the affairs of railways, for improving the management of the sick and other poor in the metropolis, and also various legal reforms and improvements to which I have no doubt your Lordships' attention will in due time be called.
There are one or two other important subjects to which I wish to allude before I sit down. The first is the organization of capital and labour. I believe that legislation can do little in this matter except by laying down sound economical principles and protecting every man in the freedom of his own industry.
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I must say this for the working men of the kingdom, my Lords, that I have always found them amenable to reason. I have had, in one way or another, a good deal to do with working men, and I have always found that they were open to reason. But, my Lords, I cannot say as much for the men who lead and guide them; men with ready tongues and mischievous brains, anxious at any price to secure their own momentary importance, and careless of the dangers and difficulties into which they are leading those who place only too implicit confidence in them. I am willing to admit that trades unions were, in their origin, perfectly legal, and might even in parts of their operation be beneficial. So long as the capitalists of this country were making large profits, it was reasonable that a portion of those profits should be transferred to labour, in order to ameliorate their condition and improve their wages. But, then, when profits had reached their minimum, when the trade of the country was in a state of collapse, is it reasonable that the rate of wages should still be insisted on being kept up to the same high standard? My Lords, I want the eyes of the working men to be opened to their own suicidal policy. They are killing the goose that laid the golden eggs. The trades unions may decide that the working man shall not take less than a given rate of wages; but they cannot compel the employer to give those wages.
"One man may bring a horse unto the brink,
But five-and-twenty cannot make him drink."
It has been well said that capital is a coy nymph; and that if she be too roughly wooed she is apt to fly away. My Lords, are there not signs that she is preparing to fly away? Carpenters' work is now, to a large extent, imported from abroad; the frames of doors and windows are now prepared abroad and imported into this country. It is important, then, to consider what, under these circumstances, ought to be done. With respect to the state of trade at home, I can speak for myself. I have had a good deal of work done within the last two or three years; and last year I was told by a master builder, whom I employed, "My Lord, if I had this work to undertake again I would not make the same terms with your Lordship that I have done; I would charge one-third more in price, and I would not enter into any contract as to the time when it should be done." How singular is the conduct of the London shipwrights. Think for a

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moment what that conduct is. The men have struck for 7s. a day; they refuse to work for 6s. 6d.a day; that is, for over £100 a year—a larger income than that which is enjoyed by many Government clerks and poor curates. But that is not all. They are willing, they say, to take 6s. 6d.a day, if an excuse can be made for them, and it can be made to appear that they are getting 7s. a day, because under no emergency is it to be supposed that their rate of wages is to be lowered. This, then, is the state of things. The men have refused 6s. 6d.; that is to say, they have refused an income of more than £100 a year. Their families are thrown upon the parish, and the wealthy are called upon to subscribe for them, and out of the charity of the people of England these destitute people are to be supported who have refused 6s. 6d.a day; and more than that, the parish rates will be raised on people who earn 5s. a day to compel them to support men who refuse to work for 6s. 6d.One thing more. The trades unions, when they go in for an increase of wages, promise an immediate gain to their members. Everybody can understand the advantage of an increase of wages. But when they go farther, when they interfere not only for the purpose of raising the rate of wages, but when they interfere with the freedom of labour of each other; when they insist that a man shall not be allowed to use those abilities which God has given him—that he shall not earn as much as he can by the labour of his hands for the support of his family, but insist on bringing all down to one low level, so that the skilful workman shall not do more than the most ignorant and idle—if this is to be allowed to take place, then, my Lords, I do not think I use too strong words when I say that it is absolute wickedness. One word more, my Lords, and I have done with the trades unions. In a speech delivered at Birmingham in I860, the hon. Member for Birmingham says that—
"Working men have associations, trade societies, organizations, and I want to ask them why it is that all these various organizations throughout the country could not be made use of for the purpose of obtaining their political rights."
Now, my Lords, after all that we have heard and seen of the way in which trades unions manage their own affairs—how carefully they treat the ticklish relations of capital and labour—with what caution and forethought they treat
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the question of labour so as not to press too hardly upon the interests of the employers—how tender they are of the workman's wages—I ask, are they the people whom, in the event of their having a Reform Bill, with a considerable extension of the franchise—are they the people whom, in such an event, you would wish to see possessed of the larger portion of the political power of this country? A question has been raised whether there is to be a Reform Bill or not; but the question is now answered, and there is to be a Reform Bill. It must be admitted that the present time is unquestionably favourable for its consideration. There is fortunately no suffering in the country. The commercial panic has passed away. It has pleased God that there should be no disturbance at home or abroad, men's minds are full of the subject. The people of England have undoubtedly spoken their opinions very decidedly on the subject. It can no longer be said that there is no waving for Reform. There are large numbers of the working classes whom every man in England would be glad to see admitted to the franchise. I believe that if you were to poll all England, a very small percentage of the population would be found to say that it would be better to have no Reform. Another question is, what is the Reform Bill to be? and here there may be some difficulty about the matter. If the past has not decided what a Reform Bill should be, it has clearly pointed out that which it ought not to be; for it has been pretty well established that the country will not have a hasty and ill-considered and incomplete Reform Bill, nor one that will not set the question at rest for some time. These are the qualities that I hope to see developed; but, above all things, it must be such a Bill that while it shall not dispose altogether of the question, shall set it at rest for a considerable time. I think, if I may use such a phrase, that it is simple nonsense to be talking of finality in reference to Reform, you might as well talk of finality in reference to steam or gas; for in an age of progress such as this in which we live there cannot be such finality. What was sufficient for our fathers was not enough for us. What will satisfy us will probably not do for those who shall come after us. Whether it be a Liberal or a Conservative Government, if it is to stand, it cannot stand still; its progress must be upward and onward, and

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its motto must be Excelsior. The fact is that the progress of education and the spread of knowledge—and especially of the knowledge of political economy—has brought about this, that, whether for good or for evil, the people of this country will to a great extent govern themselves. The Government has not power to control this feeling, but it has the power of direction; and this power is that which must chiefly be exercised. The wheel will no doubt go round and the stream flow on, and the nation at large must move on with it. The object of a good Government must, under those circumstances, be to direct the wheel into the right groove, and to turn the stream into its proper channel, so that it shall be a fertilizing current instead of a devastating flood. A Reform Bill framed in that spirit will, I hope, be introduced by Her Majesty's Ministers; and a Bill so framed will, I have no doubt, recommend itself to the consideration of all classes of the people. When I mention all classes, I must except those who, under the name of Reform, would produce revolution, and who, instead of the adequate representation of all classes, would prefer to see established the dominant superiority of one class. I would say to such persons, "Show yourselves in your true colours; do you want a true representation of the varied feelings and interests of this country by honest, earnest men, convinced of the truth of the principles they advocate, or do you wish that the representative body of this kingdom should be reduced into a mere transcript of the popular feeling of the day, and, indeed, of the feeling of the most suffering, and, therefore, the most impressionable, part of the people of the kingdom?" In making these remarks, I must not be understood as contending that they furnish an argument against all Reform. On the contrary, there is no Member of your Lordships' House more sincerely convinced than I am of the absolute necessity of a considerable extension of the franchise as well as a re-distribution of seats. The considerations to which I refer were simply an argument in favour of great caution in dealing with our system of representation, as made up of parts which, although they may each of them be open to objection and capable of amendment, have yet worked well together, and made up a useful and harmonious whole. It is an argument in favour of a judicious, cautious, and temperate Reform; of a hesitation neither cowardly nor un-
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wise over every footstep before it is definitively planted on that path where onward progress, be it to safety or to ruin, is fearfully easy—but return is impossible.
My Lords, I have now done; and I have only to thank your Lordships for the patience with which you have listened to me. But I will just add that the year that has passed has been one of suffering and of sorrow, owing to the prevalence of pestilence and other causes, yet during its course we have been spared the miseries of war; and I hope that, so far as we can judge, there is a better prospect before us for the future. And it is in accordance with this promise that the Government are about to propose what I think, without resorting to enthusiastic language, may be described as a very noble catalogue of measures which are likely to produce great good to the country; and it is now to the energy and sagacity of your Lordships' and of the other House of Parliament, and also to your courtesy and forbearance, that we must look for the hope of realizing a plenteous harvest from this "fair promise of the opening year." My Lords, in conclusion, I beg to second the Address which has just been moved by my noble Friend. [See Page 14.]
EARL RUSSELL: My Lords, I am happy to say with respect to the Address, which has been moved and seconded in a manner so fair and so temperate, that I can see no reason why we on this side of the House should offer to it any objection. But, with regard to the Speech from the Throne, I think it necessary to make a few observations. No one can complain either of the brevity of that Speech, or of want of variety in the topics with which it deals. I shall touch merely upon those points which I deem to be of the greatest interest and importance. The first which invites attention is the late war in Europe. In dealing with that question I would rather refer to a sentence which occurred in the Speech of Her Majesty at the end of last Session, than comment upon the very short paragraph in the Speech before us. At the close of last Session Her Majesty was pleased to declare—
"Her Majesty cannot have been an indifferent spectator of events which have seriously affected the positions of Sovereigns and Princes with whom Her Majesty is connected by the closest ties of relationship and friendship; but Her Majesty has not deemed it expedient to take part in a contest in which neither the honour of Her Crown nor the interest of Her people demanded any active intervention on Her part."

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I entirely agree with that proposition. It appears to me to state fully and satisfactorily the reason why Her Majesty's Government did not interfere in the war between Prussia and Austria. In the Speech read, Her Majesty is made to say—
"I hope that the Termination of the War in which Prussia, Austria, and Italy have been engaged may lead to the Establishment of a durable Peace in Europe."
My Lords, we all hope the same; but although I, for one, sincerely hope that will be the case, this is a point on which, I am sorry to say, I am not sanguine. We cannot help seeing that ever since the aggression upon Denmark, two years ago, in opposition to all treaties and all faith hitherto observed with respect to treaties, a spirit of aggression has prevailed, or seemed to prevail, in Europe, especially in the case of one Power, which may in the future lead to great calamities. The subject is one, therefore, with regard to which it is impossible not to have some apprehension. I trust it will not be so, but it is impossible to ignore the possibility of such a catastrophe; still more, if we refer to rumours afloat on the subject. The next topic which is referred to in the Royal Speech is that with regard to the United States—
"I have suggested to the Government of the United States a Mode by which Questions pending between the Two Countries arising out of the late Civil War may receive amicable Solution, and which, if met, as I trust it will be, in a corresponding Spirit, will remove all Grounds of possible Misunderstanding, and promote Relations of cordial Friendship."
I believe it is not quite the usual and grammatical construction of a sentence to talk about meeting a mode; but with regard to the substance of the paragraph, I see no reason why, because I, when at the head of the Foreign Office, did not accept certain propositions which were made to me, the noble Lord now at the head of that Department should not come to a different conclusion. I, myself, in dealing with questions relating to America—as, for instance, in the case of the Bay Islands—took a course more in conformity with the views of the American Government than my predecessors in Office had deemed it their duty to pursue. The honour of the country is not, I assume, compromised in the proposal which the Government have made. Indeed, I should hear with extreme and painful surprise that the noble Earl opposite had consented to any solution of the question of which this
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could be asserted. I conclude that the papers on the subject will be laid before Parliament at the earliest possible period, so that we shall be informed very soon what proposition has been made, and whether it has been met in the spirit which the Government seem so confidently to predict. There are various topics in the Speech which I do not think it necessary to deal with now. They are measures of great importance, and I trust that when they are produced your Lordships will find that they will be such as will be conducive to the welfare of the country. Passing over, however, these topics for the present, I come at once to a subject on which the attention of the country is fixed—I mean the subject of Parliamentary Reform. Upon that question the Speech from the Throne tells us—
"Your Attention will again be called to the State of the Representation of the People in Parliament; and I trust that your Deliberations, conducted in a Spirit of Moderation and mutual Forbearance, may lead to the Adoption of Measures which, without unduly disturbing the Balance of political Power, shall freely extend the Elective Franchise."
I may, I hope, conclude from this paragraph—which is somewhat mysteriously worded—that a Bill will very soon be introduced into the other House of Parliament dealing with Reform; and that it will contain provisions so fair and satisfactory that that House may be able to meet and consider it in a liberal spirit, and to give it its support. Having paid a good deal of attention to this subject, and having been much connected with it, I must request your Lordships to allow me to state how it has arrived at the not very satisfactory position in which it at present stands. There was, unfortunately, incorporated with the Reform Act—against the wishes of its framers—a clause called the Chan-dos Clause, which introduced into the electoral body in the counties a set of persons who, I should say, were about the most dependent class existing in the country—namely, the£50 tenants-at-will. It was urged against the proposal that those tenants would be sure to vote in a particular way; that they were, in fact, so dependent upon their landlords that they would vote as they were bidden. However, the House accepted the clause, and the Government of Lord Grey did not think it wise to interfere with its decision. The consequence was that the Act, which might otherwise have settled the question of Reform for fifty years, subsequently

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became the subject of discussion in the House of Commons. It was then proposed, by an hon. Member of great respectability, to reduce the county occupation franchise from £50 to £10, and the House agreed to the second reading of a Bill brought in for that purpose fifteen years ago. But it was then thought that if changes were to be made in the Reform Act, there were other classes of persons who also ought to have the elective franchise, and that their admission to it would strengthen the Constitution, would give additional force to what may be called the garrison of the Constitution, and enable a large class of deserving men in boroughs, renting houses somewhat under £10, to take a greater interest in political affairs. These deserving persons comprised the well-doing artisans in the towns of this country; and it was therefore proposed that they should be admitted along with occupiers at a lower rent than £50 in counties. This last proposal was strongly opposed. It was said, "You must not degrade the franchise." That was the phrase constantly used. Accordingly, when the noble Earl opposite (the Earl of Derby) was in power in 1859, it was declared that the extension of the franchise must be only in a lateral direction—that no proposal for lowering of the suffrage in towns could be admitted or listened to. That, as I conceived, was a very great defect in the measure of the noble Earl, excluding, as it did, by a new Reform Bill, every man, however deserving, whose rent happened to be under £10 from the franchise. That Bill had also another defect—it would have tended to restore nomination boroughs, for it was quite clear that by certain provisions of it landowners living 200 miles off would be enabled to go and vote, and thus swamp the inhabitants of the borough. I thought, therefore, that it was my duty to endeavour to persuade the House to reject the Bill. The House of Commons listened to me, and passed a Resolution which the Government were obliged either to accept or else they were bound to give up their Bill, The Government gave up their measure and dissolved Parliament. It is true that they afterwards intimated that they thought the borough franchise might be lowered, but that was only when a Motion of Want of Confidence in them was brought forward by the Marquess of Hartington. Since then the lowering of the franchise has been constantly opposed; and before
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the elections in 1865, it was declared by the right hon. Gentleman the Member for Buckinghamshire (Mr. Disraeli) that, most happily, the House of Commons had refused to "degrade" the suffrage. That, however, was not the real question, but whether the artisans of this country, the best of them living in houses somewhat under £10, should, or should not, have the power of voting for Members of Parliament. I made a variety of proposals upon that subject, but they were all to the same effect. There was not one of those which I do not still consider to be a good proposition, though some may have been better than others; but the party now in power constantly and openly opposed them all. Then, my Lords, what happened last Session? The Government of that day thought it right again to introduce a measure on that question; and I think your Lordships will see that the proposition to admit to the franchise in counties tenants at a value somewhat under £50, and in towns a number of artisans occupying houses at a value somewhat under £10, need not have frightened anybody, especially as a very similar proposal had been carried into effect with your Lordships' consent in respect to Ireland, where the occupation franchise is now fixed by Act of Parliament at £12 in counties and £8 in boroughs. By our Bill of last year we proposed an occupation franchise of £14 in counties and £7 in boroughs. It might at least have been dispassionately considered, but how was it met? Our proposals were met in a manner which I have always considered was neither honourable to those concerned, nor safe for the country; for it has been the cause of what the noble Lord the Seconder of the Address complained of, when he said that there were persons who, as he stated, were misleading the artisan classes. The noble Earl opposite thought it necessary last year to make a declaration as to the course which he should pursue with regard to our Bill. I have referred to the speech made by the noble Earl, in which he found fault with my conduct in regard to his Bill of 1859. The noble Earl said—
"How that Bill was encountered, defeated, and got rid of, perhaps the noble Earl has now forgotten. I can assure him I have not."—[3 Hansard, clxxxi. 100.]
Then, going on to make a declaration of the course which he should himself pursue with respect to any measure introduced by the then Government, on February 6,1866, the noble Earl proceeded as follows—

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"I will express no opinion upon their measure until I have seen it. I hope it will be such a measure as I shall be able to support, that it will be a reasonable and satisfactory settlement of this great and important question, which I believe it is desirable to settle, and settle once for all. And I promise the noble Earl another thing—that his Bill shall have fair play; that it shall not be thrust aside by any underhand methods; that there shall be no factious movements or combinations against it on the part of those who can combine for nothing else; that it shall be dealt with on its merits; that if we can approve it we shall give it our cordial support; but that, on the other hand, if we disapprove it and think it is imperfect, inadequate, or dangerous, and, above all, if we think it one leading to future agitation within a brief period of a perilous character, then with whatever means we may possess we shall do our best to throw it out by fair debate and honourable opposition."—[3 Hansard, clxxxi. 101.]
My Lords, it is my privilege to give my opinion on this matter, and I must say I think our Bill did not have "fair play;" that it was encountered by "underhand methods" and by "factious movements and combinations on the part of those who could combine for nothing else;" that it was not "dealt with upon its merits;" and that it was not met by "fair debate and honourable opposition." That, my Lords, is a statement of my opinion. It is hardly necessary that I should now trace the career of that Bill through the House of Commons, but I may state what I hold to be a fair opposition. Our plan for reforming the county occupation franchise was by placing it at £14. It was proposed, on the other hand, that £20 should be the limit fixed. That was, I think, a fair mode of meeting the Bill, and an honourable way of dealing with the question; and if it had been adopted by the House of Commons, it would have formed a basis for the county franchise. Now, let me state what I regard as a course of quite a different character. It was said that a Bill proposing in the first place to deal with the franchise in England, similar to one which had been passed in the case of Ireland, was not sufficient. It was proposed that the measures for the re-distribution of seats should be dealt with in the same Bill as the franchise; and that proposal was supported, not by those who wished to see a great and complete measure of Reform, but by those who were opposed to any change in the present system, and who thought it would be inconsistent with the public interests to have any Reform at all. That proposal was defeated; but it was afterwards agreed by the Government that the Re-distribution Bill
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should be grafted upon the Bill for extending the franchise. Again, when we submitted our measure providing for the re-distribution of the seats, it was sought to graft upon that the further proposal that the part of the Bill dealing with the re-distribution of the seats should be taken first and disposed of before proceeding with the other part of the question. Now, if your Lordships will consider that in 1832 the question of the simple re-distribution of seats occupied from the beginning of July till the end of September, and that our draft Bill contained, not only proposals for taking away Members from certain boroughs, but also for grouping different towns together with a view, if possible, to prevent bribery and corruption, you will at once perceive the inevitable result. Had the House of Commons decided upon proceeding with that portion of the measure first, there would have been such lengthened controversies every day, not only upon the different places that were to be grouped, but also as to one borough being ten miles distant and another not more than eight, and the like minutim, that it would have taken probably from the beginning of July to the end of September to get through Committee, and it would then have been quite impossible before the close of the Session to have had any discussion on the real question—namely, whether a £6, a £7, or an £8 rating, or any other franchise, should be adopted for boroughs. That was the way in which the then Opposition evaded dealing with the Bill of the late Government on its merits. They endeavoured to defeat it by underhand proceedings, and by a proposal contrary to the rules of the House of Commons, and the practice of honourable opposition. It was contrary to the regulation that all parties have adopted for many years, that of giving notice of any important Amendment, and placing it on the Votes in a printed form, so that those who have to meet it should know what that Motion is. That step was taken without any such notice, and without any knowledge on the part of the Government that any Motion was about to be made. The Government were not aware of the Amendment till within five or ten minutes before it was moved, and they had come down prepared to deal with a Motion of which notice had been given in the regular way. That was the course adopted by the Opposition. I call that an unfair and underhand course. I say that, with

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regard to the Bill of the late Government it was not met on its merits, but an attempt was made to form a combination against it on the part of those who were unable to combine on any other subject. If I am well-founded in my history of what then took place, the noble Earl opposite has no occasion to "thank God that he was not as other men," nor even as those Publicans of 1859, because he was quite as bad as those Publicans. With respect to the Bill which the noble Earl is about to produce, I only hope that it will be produced soon; that it will contain such provisions that it may receive the support of the House of Commons and of your Lordships. For my own part, I neither promise to support it nor do I threaten opposition to it. If it be a good Bill, no doubt we shall be happy to see it carried. If it be a bad Bill, with an incomplete or delusive franchise, it would only lead to that to which the noble Earl last year justly objected. If we think it will lead on a future occasion to agitation of a perilous character, it will be our duty to oppose it. If the House of Commons pass a fair Bill, and your Lordships approve it, giving a great body of the artisans of this country the privileges which they are well fitted to exercise—if we impose upon them the duty which they are well fitted to perform, that of exercising the of the most important functions which can be exercised in a free country in voting for representatives to Parliament; in short, in selecting men on whom the conduct, power, faith, and freedom of this country depend for many years—if you give them that advantage freely and fairly, and to a proper extent, then you may hope to settle this question. But if, on the other hand, you endeavour by any tricks or shuffles to cheat them of that fair right, and endeavour to give them less than that to which they are entitled, you will not succeed, and you will lay the foundation of future agitation. I am aware that many of the public meetings have declared in favour of manhood suffrage, but hardly any one in either House of Parliament wishes for such a suffrage, and if you give the working classes of this country a fair proportion of votes you may hope to settle this question for a considerable time. But if you deal with it unfairly and inadequately there can be no better theme for agitation at the General Election, which must take place soon after the passing of such a Bill, than that the present House of Commons
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cheated the country, and that it was necessary to have a new Reform Bill and new Members of Parliament who would do their duty to their constituents more honestly than the Members of the present House of Commons. If I were an agitator I would wish for no better theme. The noble Earl having arrived at the conclusion that there ought to be a large Reform, will, I trust, reduce the franchise to such an extent that his measure will be accepted by the country. We all know very well that there are different methods of reasoning which affect different minds. Some people are very well convinced by the inductive method; others are more convinced by the method of deduction. Some like the algebraic, and others the geometric method. But with regard to noble Lords opposite there is no way which succeeds so well as being in Office. The noble Earl, in a speech delivered by him at Liverpool in the course of the summer, dwelt upon the great advantage arising from a change of Government from time to time. I quite agree with him in what he said; but there is a further advantage which he did not mention—namely, that when the noble Earl comes into Office he perceives the truth of propositions which he has been opposing for fifteen years. I have only further to say that I trust the measure which the Government have announced with respect to Ireland will have all the merits which ought to belong to our legislation on this subject—that it will have no injurious effects on the rights of property, but that it will enable tenants to make improvements. If the noble Earl secures those objects he will confer a great advantage upon Ireland. The last time the noble Earl was in Office he was particularly fortunate in the selection of his Lord Lieutenant. Lord Eglinton per-formed the duties of Lord Lieutenant in a manner which won the respect and admiration of all parties in Ireland and in this country. I believe that he has been equally fortunate in the selection of the present Lord Lieutenant, who has conducted himself in a manner to which no one can object. Of course, the duties of a Lord Lieutenant are those of Administration solely. As the late Lord Wellesley said, the duty of the Lord Lieutenant is to administer the law and not to alter it. There are other questions of importance affecting Ireland—among them that of landlord and tenant—which, when we have got rid of Reform, will deserve the atten-

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tion of your Lordships as much as any question can. My noble Friend (the Earl of Kimberley), when he was Lord Lieutenant, made many valuable suggestions in regard to Ireland. But nothing can be undertaken on the subject of Ireland without the deepest consideration. The best intentions are not enough, but I do trust that measures for the amelioration of the condition of Ireland will be considered with deliberation and will be carried. I thank your Lordships for your attention, and have only to add that I do not consider it necessary to move any Amendment to the Address.
THE EARL OF DERBY: My Lords, I trust that, in addressing your Lordships, I may be permitted to express my gratitude to my noble Friends behind me for the very succinct, clear, and able manner in which they moved and seconded the Address. I should hardly have thought it possible to go through the varied topics of a Speech from the Throne with so much clearness, discretion, and brevity as was done by my noble Friend who moved the Address. There was not a single topic of the Speech which he left untouched, and not one which he did not touch upon with the most perfect fairness and discretion. I must also express my satisfaction that the noble Earl who has just sat down has not found any matter for comment—certainly not for objection—in the Speech from the Throne. I am more satisfied with the course which the noble Earl has found it expedient to pursue than even with his assurance that he does not intend to move an Amendment to the Address. In his somewhat lengthened discourse the noble Earl—with the exception of one important topic—has not commented on the Speech, but has thought it necessary to enter into an historical discussion as to the progress 'or non-progress of Reform for the last five-and-thirty years, and concerning the various Bills, and discussions, and disputes which have taken place. My Lords, I may say, at the outset, that I must decline to follow the noble Earl into that part of his speech. It is our earnest desire and hope that this great question of Parliamentary Reform may meet with an early and satisfactory settlement. Her Majesty's Ministers having announced their intention of bringing forward the question at a very early period, I may at once relieve the noble Earl's anxiety as to any attempt at delay upon our part by saying that upon the very earliest possible day—
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I believe on Monday next—it is the intention of my right hon. Friend the Chancellor of the Exchequer to lay before the House of Commons in detail the proposal which Her Majesty's Government intend to bring forward. But, my Lords, I am compelled to say that there is no hope of a satisfactory settlement of such a question if it be taken up in the spirit and in the temper which I am sorry to say the noble Earl has manifested. If it be the intention to meet this question, not with the view of considering what is best to be done, but by bandying recriminations with the opposite party, and with charging them with unfairness, inconsistency, and double dealing, and what not, and by carrying the recrimination backwards to a period of fifteen years or more, then I say, my Lords, there is no hope of this question arriving at a satisfactory settlement. In that case I should deeply regret the course which Her Majesty's Government have been induced to pursue in raising a question which can only lead to angry discussions without any probability of a satisfactory result. My Lords, we do desire to see this question satisfactorily settled. If, however, we desire to see the representation of the country placed upon a sound basis—if we desire to see a settlement of the question, which I do not say should be final, but which shall render unnecessary and improbable any agitation with regard to further measures for a very considerable time, then I say that such an object cannot be attained by making the question one of party and of political strife for the purpose of obtaining Office or Parliamentary majorities. The subject must be examined in a fair, deliberate, and dispassionate spirit. We must be prepared to give and take—we must be prepared to meet each other's views—we must be prepared, above all things, to cast away all questions of party and all questions of strife and political power. [Laughter Noble Lords laugh; but I say this, and I am speaking from the deepest conviction in my own mind, that there is no possible Government in this country that could, at the present moment, by itself carry a Reform Bill. The noble Earl tried it last year, when he thought he had a majority. He laid down the broad principle, that no Government was required or justified in bringing forward a Reform Bill unless they thought they had a reasonable prospect of being able to carry it. I do not go quite so far

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as the noble Earl; but I say that in the present state of parties no Government—be it on this side of the House or be it on that side of the House—can hope to carry by their own separate and distinct exertions such a Reform Bill as they might think the most desirable. If this question is to be settled it must be settled by mutual compromise, and by mutual forbearance, and not by bandying recriminations and reproaches upon past discussions and past differences. Although I cannot commend the accuracy of the noble Earl's recapitulation of what took place either in 1859 or 1866, I will not follow him into the topic. I will not argue with him as to the statement which the noble Earl made that from the period extending from 1832 down to 1866 the desire and attempt of the Conservative party was to keep the borough franchise from being reduced below £10, and to keep the county franchise from being reduced below £50. I may, however, say that, with regard to the county franchise, it is notorious that in 1859 the then Government proposed a larger reduction of the county franchise and a greater extension than has been proposed since that period. But the sense of the House, of the public, and of the country was pronounced against the proposal. It was, I think, a matter open to argument, that the county and borough franchise should stand upon the same footing; and it was in accordance with this view that when we proposed largely to reduce the county franchise we declined to reduce the borough franchise, so that we might maintain an equality betwixt the two. That proposal, however, was not sanctioned by the country or Parliament, and has never been introduced since, it having been generally admitted that there should be a difference with regard to the amount and character of the qualification of the counties and boroughs. From that time the noble Earl certainly has not given us many opportunities of expressing our opinion upon the subject. Since 1860 down to 1866 he was perfectly satisfied to leave the whole question of the franchise and Reform alone; and it was not till last year that his newly awakened zeal for the benefit of the artisans and the working classes led him to bring forward a hasty, imperfect, and crude proposition. How the Bill was defeated is matter of history. It was not defeated solely by the political opponents of the noble Earl, but by many of those who, being his supporters, felt
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the measure was so ill-considered, so incomplete, so unsatisfactory, and at the same time so dangerous, that, although the House of Commons had unanimously assented to the principle of a Bill extensively lowering the franchise, and introducing material changes, yet, when they came to discuss the details of the measure, they felt they could not give it their support. It was not, therefore, by the opposition mainly of the opponents of the then Government, but practically by the opposition of those who were generally supporters of the Government, and Members of the Liberal party, that that Bill was pronounced to be one to which the House of Commons could not give its sanction. I beg your Lordships' pardon for having been led into taking so much notice of the topics that have been introduced by the noble Earl. I will not say a word further about the measure which Her Majesty's Government are to bring in, but that this question should be left for discussion until the time when it is fairly brought before the House. I think that this question cannot be brought forward in a satisfactory manner upon such an occasion as the discussion of the Address to the Crown; but that when it is brought forward it should be laid before the House in such a manner as will fully and clearly set forth the reasons for the course which it is intended to pursue, and will give the House, which is principally, though not exclusively, interested in its settlement, a full opportunity of passing their judgment upon the measure recommended by Her Majesty's Ministers. Passing from this subject, there are only one or two further topics contained in the speech of the noble Earl to which I can advert. In the first place, he expressed a hope that in any proposition that might be made by the United States Government for the settlement of those unfortunate differences which have arisen out of the late Civil War, the present Government may do nothing which may sacrifice or imperil the honour of this country. He did not complain that Her Majesty's present Government had taken a different course from that which he had thought fit to pursue; but he hoped we should make no concessions calculated to sacrifice the honour of the country. My Lords, although certain negotiations have taken place, the correspondence has not yet arrived at the point at which I should think it consistent with my duty to lay it before the House; but I

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may venture to say that in that correspondence whenever it shall be laid before your Lordships—and it shall be laid on the table at as early a period as the public service will allow—the noble Earl will find that while Her Majesty's Government are disposed to come to an amicable solution of the matter if they are capable, they will in no degree depart from that which is due to the honour of the country, or forfeit any of those rights which properly belong to independent nations. The noble Earl has stated that he believes some proposition has been made to the Government of the United States. The fact is this:—Shortly after the accession to Office of the present Government the United States Government addressed a despatch to the noble Lord at the head of the Foreign Office recapitulating the grounds of complaint which they stated they had against the British Government. In point of fact, these were the same as those which had been before pressed upon the noble Earl. In answer to the despatch my noble Relative thought it necessary to enter, not acrimoniously but particularly, into a discussion of the various points which the United States Government presented for adjustment and compensation. I may say that there was one question which pressed upon my mind, as it had on the mind of the noble Earl opposite, and upon which we found it impossible to come to any compromise, and that was the question of the right of this country to decide at what time, and under what circumstances, it should recognise belligerent rights. With regard to this point, I think the answer which the noble Earl formerly gave was entirely conclusive—namely, that in the first place the question of the discretion to recognise belligerent rights was inherent in an independent country; and in the next place, that in this particular instance the recognition of belligerent rights did not precede but followed the declaration of blockade on the part of the United States Government. Blockade is essentially an exercise of belligerent rights; and after the blockade had been declared by one of the belligerents, there were but two courses for the Government of this country to pursue—namely, to refuse to recognise the validity of the blockade on the ground that there were no belligerents, or to recognise the belligerent rights of both parties. Between these two alternatives the late Government selected that which the noble Earl truly said was
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most friendly to the United States—namely, they recognised the very imperfect blockade. At the same time, they found themselves under the necessity of recognising correlative obligations. I cannot but think that this is a point which the United States Government will not, upon reflection, think it necessary or expedient to press, and for this reason:—We saw lately, I think it was upon the introduction of the now French Minister from Washington, that a declaration was officially made to the effect that after the evacuation of Mexico by the French troops there would no longer remain between the two countries a single question which could lead to a ground of difference, or be made the subject of complaint; and thus nothing would remain to interfere with the cordial relations which the United States always desire to keep up with France. Now, with regard to the recognition of belligerent rights, Her Majesty's late Government and the Government of the Emperor of the French proceeded in concert, acting simultaneously, and pursuing a precisely identical course; and even if I attributed to the United States Government a feeling of unfriendliness towards this country—which I am very far from doing—they could not denounce as a reasonable ground for complaint, compensation, and remonstrance against this country that which they have officially declared to be no obstacle between friendly nations on the part of the Government of France, whose action was simultaneous and identical with that of this country. But we have said this—if the Government of the United States will state the principle upon which the arbitration is to proceed; if they will point out the precise question which they wish to have referred to arbitration, and the grounds on which they ask for redress and compensation, we, on our parts, shall be quite ready to meet them in a friendly spirit for the purpose of discussing the particular questions on which the arbitration is sought; and if we can find an impartial arbitrator, we shall be prepared to submit those questions to his judgment. These are, in substance, the proposals we have made to the United States Government. It remains to be seen whether negotiations founded on those principles can be brought to a satisfactory conclusion. I hope and trust that they may; because I am convinced that there are no countries whose interests are more deeply involved in the maintenance of friendly relations with one another

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than this country and the great Republic on the other side of the Atlantic. I believe that nothing could be more suicidal than a war between England and the United States; and that no other countries in the world could either inflict upon each other so large an amount of injury, or be productive to each other of so many benefits. There is, I think, only one other point in Her Majesty's Speech to which the noble Earl adverted, and that is the measure which we propose to introduce for the settlement of the relation between landlord and tenant in Ireland. I do not at all wish to detract from the merits which the noble Earl ascribed—and very properly ascribed—to the Administration of the late Lord Lieutenant of that country; and I agree with the noble Earl that one of the Irish questions most necessary to be solved, and at the same time perhaps most difficult of solution, is that question of the relation between landlord and tenant. I will not, however, anticipate the discussion of that particular measure which we propose to bring forward. The Bill upon the subject is prepared, and is ready to be laid upon the table of the other House; and I will only say that in preparing that Bill Her Majesty's Government were anxiously desirous of giving, on the one hand, every facility to tenants for improving their holdings and for benefiting themselves by those improvements, and, on the other hand, of maintaining those just rights of property on the part of landlords which cannot be interfered with without destroying the whole social condition of this country. As the noble Earl did not think it necessary to comment on any other portion of Her Majesty's Speech, and as, after waiting for a little time, I did not find that any other noble Lord was desirous of addressing your Lordships, I will not touch any further upon the various topics to which the Speech refers; but I will content myself with expressing my thankfulness to your Lordships for the manner in which you have received the Speech and the Address, and I hope that the temperate spirit which has been displayed upon this occasion, furnishes a just indication of the courtesy and the candour with which the measures that may be submitted to your Lordships will be received during the remainder of the Session.
Address agreed to, Nemine Dissentiente, and Ordered to be presented to Her Majesty by the Lords with White Staves.

CHAIRMAN OF COMMITTEES.
The LORD REDESDALEappointed, Nemine Dissentiente, to take the Chair in all Committees of this House for this Session.
COMMITTEE FOR PRIVILEGES—Appointed.
SUB-COMMITTEE FOR THE JOURNALS—Appointed.
APPEAL COMMITTEE—Appointed.
House adjourned at half past Seven o'clock, to Thursday next, a quarter before Five o'clock.