Sitting of 31 January 1856

MINUTES.
NEW WRITS (during Recess).—For Huntingdonshire, v. Viscount Mandeville, now Duke of Manchester; for Totnes, v. Lord Seymour, now Duke of Somerset; for Wells, v. Robert Charles Tudway, esq., deceased; for Southwark, v. Right Hon. Sir William Moles-worth, bt., deceased; for Lincoln, v. Charles Delaet Waldo Sibthorp, esq., deceased; for Meath, v. Frederick Lucas, esq., deceased; for Armagh, v. Ross Stephenson Moore, esq., deceased.
NEW MEMBERS SWORN.—For Armagh, Joshua Walter M'Geough Bond, esq.; for Renfrew, Right Hon. Edward Pleydell Bouverie; for Hertford, Right Hon. William Francis Cowper; for Wells, Hedworth Hylton Jolliffe, esq.; for Totnes, Earl of Gifford; for Kidderminster, Right Hon. Robert Lowe; for Southwark, Vice Admiral Sir Charles Napier; for Huntingdon County, James Rust, esq.; for Lincoln, Gervaise Tottenham Waldo Sibthorp, esq.
NEW WRITS (now Ordered).—For Taunton, v. The Right Hon. Henry Labouchere, Secretary of State; for Leeds, v. The Right Hon. Matthew Talbot Baines, Chancellor of the Duchy of Lancaster; for Wigtonshire, v. Viscount Dalrymple, Manor of Northstead; for Edinburgh, v. Right Hon. Thomas Babington Macaulay, Manor of Hempholme; for Newcastle-upon-Tyne, v. John Fenwick Burgoyne Blackett, esq., Manor of Northstead; for Rochester, v. Hon. Francis John Robert Villiers, Chiltern Hundreds; for Cambridge University, v. Right Hon. Henry Goulbuvn, deceased; for Midhurst, v. Right Hon. Spencer Horatio Walpole, Chiltern Hundreds; for Tamworth, v. Captain John Townshend, now Marquess Townshend.
PUBLIC BILL.—1o Outlawries.

THE QUEEN'S SPEECH.
Message to attend HER MAJESTY: the House went; and being returned—
MR. SPEAKER reported, that the House had that day been to the House of Lords, when HER MAJESTY was pleased to make a most gracious Speech to both Houses of Parliament; and that, for the sake of greater accuracy, he had procured a copy thereof.
The right hon. Gentleman then read the Speech to the House.

THE ADDRESS IN ANSWER TO THE SPEECH.
MR. BYNG: Sir, In rising to move that an humble Address be presented to Her Majesty, in reply to the gracious Speech which we have this day heard read from the Throne, I feel that it would ill befit the respect due to this House, and the importance of the occasion on which Parliament re-assembles, were I not to solicit the kind attention and favourable consi-

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deration of hon. Members, not only on account of my own inexperience in addressing this assembly, but also for the sake of those momentous topics to which I shall have occasion to refer. The events of the last five months are so pregnant with recollections of pride, gratification, and sorrow, that the pen of the historian, and the calm and dispassionate judgment of posterity, can alone render them that meed of praise which is their due. But, while on many subjects connected with the past, differences of opinion and diversities of criticism may fairly be supposed to exist among us, there is one point on which I would fearlessly appeal to the judgment of the House, feeling convinced that upon that head nothing hut the most perfect unanimity will be found to prevail in this assembly. It is that we, the British House of Commons, in the joint name of the British people, while humbly acknowledging the mercy of Him from whom alone come victory and defeat, are anxious to tender our grateful thanks to those brave men who, having for upwards of eleven months endured the perils and fatigues of an arduous siege, with no more cheering alternations in their round of duty than the duties of the trenches, and the sufferings of the hospitals, who having endured cold and hunger, and exposure to an extent almost unparalleled in the annals of modern warfare, have finally obtained the reward of their patient heroism and endurance by the capture of one of the strongest fortresses that ever defied attack. Associated with the recollections of the heroes of our own army are the recollections of those gallant Allies who for upwards of two years have vied with us, not alone in feats of arms and personal daring, but in the more gentle and agreeable offices of mutual kindness, friendship, and cordiality. At the same time it would be invidious to make no mention of an alliance of a more recent date with a Sovereign who, surrounded by difficulties of no ordinary magnitude, and in the midst of a series of domestic sorrows, has won not only the affection of his own subjects, but the respect of strangers, by his constitutional sway, and by his love of freedom, and who, thinking it right to throw his influence into the scale of justice against wrong, has on the fields of the Crimea cemented his alliance with the Western Powers by the blood of the hardy and chivalrous people over whom he rules. While, however, upon
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these subjects, we have, doubtless, good reason for mutual pride and congratulation, there is a sad reverse of shade in this otherwise bright picture of the past. We have to recollect the many gallant lives that have been sacrificed in this contest; we have to remember the many happy homes now darkened by irreparable losses; and we have to regret that it has not pleased an all-wise Providence to permit that brave and gallant old man, who died as he had lived in the discharge of what he believed to be his duty, to witness the final triumph of that army which he loved, and by which he was so deservedly beloved in return. There must also be a feeling of regret among many of us that but scanty justice has been done to one who, having earned by personal merits in Eastern warfare the reputation of a distinguished soldier, accepted a command which he neither solicited nor wished for, and which command he felt compelled to resign under an accusation of incompetency—a verdict, however, which, pronounced by so many of his contemporaries, the calmer judgment of the future will, I think, hardly ratify. I allude to one who was justly termed the right arm of the late Sir Charles Napier in his Eastern campaigns—to one who owed his high position in the army neither to political patronage, nor aristocratic influence, nor Court favour; and, although in any future war, it is possible that a more fortunate commander may be found, I doubt whether an English army will ever be led by a more high-minded, a more upright, and conscientious officer than Sir James Simpson. If, however, in the vicissitudes and trials incidental to a state of warfare, we have to deplore the loss of the good and the brave—if we have to regret errors committed or opportunities thrown away—how much is there also to remind us that the people of this country, both high and low, both rich and poor, have been tried alike for no common or unworthy purpose. If ever there was a war which was entered into, not for any scheme of national aggrandisement, and only after the failure of a long and patient series of negotiations had proved to us that there was no other course which we could adopt in equity or in honour, this war has been that one. If ever there was a time when the people of this country cheerfully and cordially supported the Executive in the belief that we were one and all embarked in a cause which admitted of no abandonment or drawing

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back—if ever there was a time when private munificence endeavoured to administer to the comforts of our troops abroad, and to alleviate the poverty and the sufferings of those who wore necessarily left behind by their natural protectors—if ever there was a time when woman appeared a ministering angel, cheerfully resigning the luxuries and comforts of home, braving discomfort, sickness, and death, in soothing the agonies of our stricken national defenders, that time has been the period of this war; and the history of the last twelve months will testify how much good has been mercifully associated with some great and undeniable evils. Turning, then, thankfully, from the past, I hope I shall not be considered presumptuous if I venture to say that we may look to the future hopefully and confidently. A proposal, containing certain elements for negotiations, having been adopted by France and England on the one hand, has been submitted, on the other, by a great Germanic Power, to the consideration of Russia, and has been accepted by that country unconditionally and unreservedly, as we have every reason to believe. I am aware that in cases of this kind it is difficult to preserve the just line between over-confident exultation and unnecessary mistrust. We should, no doubt, temper the great joy and thankfulness with which we hear that the hand of the Destroying Angel seems to have been stayed, and that we may hope to return to those peaceful occupations and pursuits in which we were engaged for a period of nearly forty years previously to the breaking out of the war—we should temper that joy and thankfulness with the recollection of former unsuccessful negotiations, and the conviction of the great uncertainty that must prevail wherever diplomatic deliberations are concerned. If, however, we now calmly consider the relative chances of peace and war, and the consequences which may result to us from either the one or the other, so far as human foresight will permit, I venture to think that there is no cause among us either for despondency or for fear; for we have this day heard from the Throne the gratifying intelligence, that, notwithstanding the pressure and the burdens incidental to a state of war, the finances of the country are in a satisfactory condition, and that the revenue presents a favourable aspect. Should the details of the proposed treaty of peace correspond with the outline that has been
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submitted to our consideration, and with the sense which the English people are disposed to put upon them, I think that the objects of the war will thereby have been honourably and satisfactorily obtained, and that reasonable precautions will have been taken for the security of the future. If we could see the independence of the Principalities established—if we could see the protectorate which Russia has arrogantly usurped over the Christian subjects of the Porte abolished—if the freedom of the mouths of the Danube were ensured by a rectification of territory in that quarter, where it is so much needed—if we could effect a neutralisation of the Black Sea to the armed vessels of all nations—and if we could remove the standing menace which the armaments in that sea formerly presented to the integrity, not only of Turkey but also of Europe—I think we should all then admit that we have not fought in vain. If any conditions should be imposed on Russia beyond those specially named in the preliminary terms of peace, every one must hold that the safety and independence of the maritime Powers in the north of Europe is a subject which deserves the best consideration of the Western Powers, and that for that safety they are now more than ever bound to provide. Let us recollect how recently the interests of England, both commercially and politically, were identified with those of Sweden and of Norway, and we shall be the better prepared to see how desirable it is such a standing menace to the independence of neighbouring States which recently existed in the Black Sea should not be permitted to exist in the Baltic, to the detriment of the maritime Powers in that quarter. But should the preliminary outline submitted to the consideration of the Western Powers contain these bases of peace—although there is doubtless much that may be modified, altered, and improved upon in a complete series of negotiations—yet what I should wish to see recognised by the deliberate judgment of the House and the country is, that we have in them the elements of a safe and honourable peace. We must not, in the full flush of the successes that have attended the allied arms, forget the cause for which we originally took them up. We I must remember that we did not take them up for the sake of obtaining any addition to our territory—it was not for the purpose of annihilating Russia—it was not for the purpose of effecting a repartition of the soil of

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Europe, nor for any idle visions of fame—but we took them up to provide, as far as in us lay, for the independence and integrity of our Ally Turkey, and to stop the further advance of Russia in her path of ambition and conquest, by endeavouring to demonstrate, not only by the force of arms, but by an appeal to the judgment of the civilised world, that the verdict of the more right-thinking portion of Europe was against her. In any Conferences for peace which may be held, I trust that we may approach them in the same spirit as all must hope our antagonist will approach them. If we believe the terms proposed to be just, honourable, and indispensable, do not let us depart one iota from them, or shrink from maintaining a stedfast resolution to see the negotiations accelerated, and the terms finally adopted. On the other hand, do not let us be decoyed from the strict path of honour and moderation by any thirst for revenge, or dreams of further conquest. The moment that justice ceases to preside over our councils in this matter, shall we not have reason to fear that the same Nemesis which followed that mighty Sovereign who died in the midst of the struggle which he had so wantonly provoked might follow also upon our track? At the present moment it is difficult, if not impossible, to particularise the several negotiations that must ensue. We are told that the Conferences will be held in the capital of our august Ally; but their duration must necessarily be uncertain; but if, as we have every reason to hope, they are opened in all good faith and honesty of purpose on each side, I hope that during their progress Her Majesty's Ministers will meet from this House and from the country with that amount of patience and forbearance which is absolutely requisite under such circumstances. I would say, bear with them while the political horizon is obscure, and do not forestall that verdict which sooner or later the people of this country always pass upon those into whose hands they have committed great power and trust; but the moment that their task is accomplished, let the country, through its representatives here, pass upon them its formal judgment of approval or of condemnation. Should peace be happily restored—as God grant it may—on a firm and lasting foundation—let us hope that the judgment of this age, and the verdict of posterity, will severally record their approval of the course which England has adopted throughout this event-
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ful contest, and that those whose fate it may be to chronicle the past will be able to say, and to say truly, that in the year 1853 Europe, through the weakness of a member of its body, Turkey, was menaced with a sudden and crushing danger; but that England, forgetting for awhile its labours, suspending those multifarious industrial occupations which had been the source of her pride and her wealth for so many years, addressed herself to arms, and united with her ancient enemy, France, to repel this dangerous and insidious adversary; and that sparing no pains, shrinking from no expense, contributing her best blood and her costliest treasure in support of her Allies, she persevered in her generous course, until, at the end of two years, when her warlike energies, long dormant, were beginning to be freely developed, and when those who were best able to pass an opinion upon the subject, ventured to predict for her arms further triumphs and greater victories, both by sea and by land, news came that the justice of her cause had been recognised, that her adversary was disposed to treat upon fair and reasonable grounds—and that England then, mindful of the objects for which she had done and suffered so much, presented to the world an aspect of equity and moderation, accepted with the same earnestness and sincerity terms of peace which she believed to be indispensable, as she had manifested in refusing others which those conducting her affairs believed would have proved nothing but a mockery, a delusion, and a snare, and that, under Providence, she was finally instrumental in restoring to the civilised world the blessings of peace. This, Sir, would, in my opinion, be a verdict worth striving for; but it is possible that so wished-for a consummation is as yet premature, and that upon entering into a narrower acquaintance with the questions at issue, we may find that it is intended to cheat us by diplomatic intrigue out of what we have won by the sword at the cost of so much precious treasure and yet more precious blood. Should such unhappily be the case, there is but one course which I should wish to see adopted; let us show to the world that, however sincerely, honestly, and anxiously desirous we were to stop the further progress of the war, and its consequent horrors and bloodshed, this country considers it absolutely necessary to continue the struggle till the object for which the war was commenced had been

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fully attained. Let the noble Lord (Viscount Palmerston) appeal to the patriotism of this House and to the good sense of the country, let us rely, as I know we may rely justly, and with the greatest confidence, upon that great branch of the service which, for want of a fair opportunity of distinguishing itself, has not yet fully brought into play all those multiform powers which it now possesses. Let us appeal again to that army, now inured to the dangers and hardships of war—and which, in point of numbers, discipline, courage, and enthusiasm may well vie with any force that has ever been despatched from these shores—that army which has the memories of such good and brave men as Raglan, Cathcart, Campbell, Shadforth, Egerton, and Yea, to cheer them on in the path of duty—while there will be the consciousness that in any future hour of danger and difficulty there will not be wanting men as self-devoted and heroic as those gallant spirits who have passed away in the midst of their duty. It is possible that, should the contest be prolonged, it may become arduous and eventful; but, under Providence, I do not think the issue can be doubtful; and if it should happen that the same Minister who was called to power in the moment of doubt and gloom be permitted to put an honourable termination to a war which, under his tenure of office, has been successfully conducted, I do not think it will form one of the least pleasurable or satisfactory reminiscences of a long life, so much of which has been passed in the public service. Difficult as it no doubt is to withdraw our thoughts from the one great subject which engrosses the attention of all classes in this kingdom, there are two paragraphs contained in Her Majesty's gracious Speech which I have heard read with great satisfaction, and I trust that the promises contained in them will, during the present Session, bear much valuable fruit. I would wish earnestly to see the law so simplified and amended as to render justice easy of access to persons of all ranks, and that its vexatious and iniquitous delays should no longer exist, and I hope that the good work commenced last Session with respect to the law of partnership and limited liability will be perfected, and be followed by measures that will be hailed with gratitude by thousands of persons in this country, who will through its agency find safe opportunities for the employment of their capital, so that by this
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means enterprise will be fostered and industry augmented. Gratifying as it is to hear so satisfactory an account of the condition of the country, I think we should do well to remember that it is possible that we maybe called upon to endure further taxation and heavier burdens, to suffer the loss of further treasure and more life. It is for this reason therefore that I deem it impossible to overrate the importance of the present moment, big as it is with incident of incalculable importance to the welfare of the State. The peace of the civilised world, the progress or decay of those institutions which have humanised and ameliorated mankind—the future destinies of Turkey, the possible regeneration of Russia, the lives of thousands—I would almost add the happiness of every individual Member of this House—are trembling in the balance; and I earnestly trust that a higher hand, and a greater mind than ours—may guide our councils with wisdom, strengthen them with firmness, temper them with moderation, and, finally, in its own good time crown them with success. The hon. Member concluded by moving to resolve—
"That an humble Address be presented to Her Majesty, to convey to Her Majesty the thanks of this House for Her Majesty's Most Gracious Speech from the Throne:
"Humbly to congratulate Her Majesty upon the signal and important success which since the close of the last Session of Parliament the Arms of the Allies have achieved, and upon Sebastopol, the great stronghold of Russia in the Black Sea, having yielded to the persevering constancy and to the daring bravery of the Allied Forces:
"To thank Her Majesty for informing us that the Naval and Military Preparations for the ensuing year have occupied Her serious attention; but that, while determined to omit no effort which could give vigour to the operations of the War, Her Majesty has deemed it Her duly not to decline any overtures which might reasonably afford a prospect of a safe and honourable Peace:
"That accordingly, when the Emperor of Austria lately offered to Her Majesty,

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and to Her august Ally the Emperor of the French, to employ His good offices with the Emperor of Russia, with a view to endeavour to bring about an amicable adjustment of the matters at issue between the contending Powers, Her Majesty consented, in concert with Her Allies, to accept the offer thus made:
"To assure Her Majesty, that we participate in the satisfaction which Her Majesty expresses in informing us that certain conditions have been agreed upon which Her Majesty hopes may prove the foundation of a general Treaty of Peace, and that Negotiations for such a Treaty will shortly be opened at Paris:
"To thank Her Majesty for acquainting us that in conducting those Negotiations Her Majesty will be careful not to lose sight of the objects for which the War was undertaken, and will deem it right in no degree to relax Her Naval and Military Preparations until a satisfactory Treaty of Peace shall have been concluded:
"To thank Her Majesty for informing us that although the War in which Her Majesty is engaged was brought on by events in the South of Europe, Her Majesty's attention has not been withdrawn from the state of things in the North; and that, in conjunction with the Emperor of the French, Her Majesty has concluded with the King of Sweden and Norway a Treaty containing defensive engagements applicable to His Dominions, and tending to the preservation of the Balance of Power in that part of Europe:
"Humbly to thank Her Majesty for acquainting us that Her Majesty baa also concluded a Treaty of Friendship, Commerce, and Navigation with the Republic of Chili, and to convey to Her Majesty our thanks for having directed that these Treaties shall be laid before us:
"To thank Her Majesty for informing us that the Estimates for the ensuing year will be laid before us, and that we shall find them framed in such a manner as to provide for the exigencies of War, if
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Peace should unfortunately not be concluded:
"Humbly to acquaint Her Majesty, that we participate in the gratification expressed by Her Majesty at finding that notwithstanding the pressure of the War, and the burthens and sacrifices which it has unavoidably imposed upon Her people, the resources of the Empire remain unimpaired:
"To thank Her Majesty for the confidence with which Her Majesty relies on the manly spirit and enlightened patriotism of Her loyal subjects for a continuance of that support which they have so nobly afforded Her, and for the assurance that Her Majesty will not call upon them for exertions beyond what may be required by a due regard for the great interests, the honour, and the dignity of the Empire:
"To assure Her Majesty that we will give our best attention to the several subjects connected with internal improvement which Her Majesty has recommended to our consideration:
"To thank Her Majesty for informing us that measures will be proposed for applying a remedy to the inconvenience which a large portion of Her Majesty's subjects engaged in Trade have experienced from the difference which in several important particulars exists between the Commercial Laws of Scotland and those of the other parts of the United Kingdom:
"To thank Her Majesty for acquainting us that measures will also be proposed for our consideration for improving the Laws relating to Partnership, by simplifying those Laws, and thus rendering more easy the employment of capital in Commerce:
"To express our humble thanks to Her Majesty for informing us, that the system under which Merchant Shipping is liable to pay Local Dues and Passing Tolls, having been the subject of much complaint, measures will be proposed to us for affording relief in regard to those matters:

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"Humbly to assure Her Majesty that the other important measures for improving the Law in Great Britain and in Ireland, which Her Majesty informs us will be proposed to us, shall receive our attentive consideration:
"To assure Her Majesty that we unite with Her in fervently praying, that in these, and all other matters upon which we may deliberate, the blessing of Divine Providence may favour our Councils, and may guide them to the promotion of the great object of Her Majesty's unvarying solicitude, the welfare and the happiness of Her people."
MR. BAXTER,said, it was not necessary for him to request, on the present occasion, the indulgence of the House, since the observations he should have to make in seconding the Address just moved by his hon. Friend would be brief—more especially as some of the remarks he intended to have made had been anticipated in the able speech which had been listened to with such attention by the House. The internal condition of the country was at present so prosperous, and within the last week or two our foreign relations had so changed for the better, that his task had been rendered a comparatively easy one. There had been periods in the history of Great Britain when, at the commencement of the Session, hon. Members had differed so irreconcilably upon matters of the gravest importance, as to have found it extremely difficult to agree upon the tenour or the precise phraseology of the Address to be carried to the foot of the Throne. He felt confident that upon this occasion no such difficulty would arise, and no such contrariety would be displayed; for Her Majesty had been able to meet Her Parliament with better tidings than might have been anticipated, in circumstances which afforded room for congratulation, reason for hope. However momentous and pressing might be some of the domestic topics on which they might hereafter be called to legislate, it was needless for him to say that public interest undoubtedly centred at the present moment upon the war—a war which, like that waged by this country 150 years ago against Louis XIV., might emphatically and justly be styled the war of the people of England. The people knew its origin, sanctioned its policy, watched its progress,
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and thanks to the efforts of the press had been made acquainted, day by day, with the most minute events; and had made up their minds thoroughly as to its objects; and if he should not be too much trespassing on the prophetic province of the hon. Member for the West Riding (Mr. Cobden), he would venture to say that the courage, manliness, and unflinching perseverance of the people were about to be rewarded in a manner that would give a great impulse to the cause of freedom, and "teach presumptuous kings." It was not at all surprising that there should exist, in a country of free discussion like this, a small party opposed to international contest; it was to be deplored that some persons, eminent for their moral worth and their great ability, should have been disposed last year to advocate peace on what the great bulk of the nation believed to be insufficient terms; but they were but as a drop in the ocean of public opinion—opinion founded, not as the hon. Member for Manchester averred, on popular ignorance, but upon popular intelligence, and embracing all grades of society from the peer of the realm to the artisan at his loom. Hon. Members might not be aware that almost the entire of the population of the four neighbouring counties to that in which he resided were engaged in the linen manufacture, a trade dependent for the supply of the raw material upon Russia. When war was declared they had therefore but a gloomy prospect before them, a prospect of ports deserted, of mills and factories closed, and thousands of operatives reduced to destitution; and yet even there so great was the sympathy of the people with the great bulk of the nation in their resolution to begin, and afterwards to carry on the war with vigour, and so strong was the manifestation of that sympathy, both by contributions to the Patriotic Fund and in other ways, that had any member of the Peace Society gone among them to promulgate his views, very few gentlemen would have been bold enough to have given him a safe conduct. They relied upon the justice of their cause. They were accustomed to count the cost in the first instance, and had counted it on this occasion; and great indeed would have been the sacrifices they would have made, or the calamities and suffering which they would have endured, before they would have agreed to proposals for peace of an unsatisfactory or dishonourable character.

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It must be extremely gratifying to every British patriot, and to every man who not only looks back to the history of his country with pride, but forward wish hope for the future, to observe the fortitude, the unanimity, and the noble spirit of self-sacrifice and devotion which had characterised the British nation at every step of this great contest. He felt that he was not going too far when he asserted that the conduct of Englishmen at the present time afforded a parallel to that of the Romans in the days of Horatius Cocles—
"When none was for a party,
But all were for the state:—"
for if ever the inhabitants of these three kingdoms had stood shoulder to shoulder, firm and united, it had been in their determination to resist the aggression of Russia, and relieve Eastern Europe and Western Asia from the constant fear and the constant attacks of a vast military despotism, which, founded on popular ignorance, on the serfdom of millions, and on official peculation, had been graphically described by the hon. Member for the West Riding in 1849, as "the most gigantic political imposture in all Europe." This unanimity of sentiment had displayed itself in harmony of action throughout the nation; and no one could have witnessed the proceedings in Parliament last Session, or throughout the country since the war began—no one could have read the speeches delivered during the past recess by various hon. Members opposite, without perceiving that Her Majesty's Opposition were prepared to give to Her Majesty's Government a high-spirited, patriotic, and single-minded support in carrying on this war. In this respect they had proved faithful to the traditions of a great party, they had acted on the advice left us as a legacy by the great Lord Chatham, and they had afforded a remarkable practical illustration of the magnanimous diction of the ancient Roman, Non me impedient privatœ dissensiones, quo minus pro reipublicœ salute etiam cum inimicissimo consentiam. It appeared to him that they had not any reason to feel a want of confidence in the firmness, the patriotism, and the public spirit, either of the nation or of the Government. In a trying and difficult moment, the nation had manifested a substantial and unhesitating confidence in the noble Lord at the head of the Government, who had served it in such a manner, that it was superfluous on his (Mr. Baxter's) part to say that those services
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had met with the ready acknowledgment and appreciation of his countrymen, and he trusted, therefore, that no efforts of party would be made at the present time to detract from them. He need scarcely remind the House of Commons that the same unanimity and harmony of action which had hitherto characterised the proceedings of Parliament, and the effect of which had been to enable Her Majesty's Government to carry on the war with vigour and success, were required as much, if not more, in the present posture of affairs. Russia had commenced the present war under the most favourable auspices. She was intimately acquainted with the country which was about to become the theatre of operations; she possessed a military system well organised in all its branches, and ready for immediate action; and yet, according to the opinion of those intimately acquainted with the country, she already begins to feel the ground fall away beneath her feet. The sufferings that had been endured by her soldiers in encampment and on march—by her agricultural labourers, deprived in many instances of the animals and the implements necessary for the cultivation of the soil—by her landowners, unable to extract their rents from a suffering peasantry—by her merchants, with their ports blockaded and their commerce ruined—were known only to Him who knew all things; but he thought he was not far wrong in his conclusion that the Czar, considering the losses he had sustained from the present war, added to that caused by the enormous quantity of land thrown out of cultivation, the cost incurred in transporting large bodies of armed men over barren wastes, having to meet at every point the combined naval and military attack of France and England, pressed on the one hand by an aristocracy which had no confidence in the stability of the social system under which they dwelt, and on the other by the representations of those who knew that Russia had far more to fear from the continuance of this war, and the consequent uprising of European nationalities, than from the arms of France and England; looking, he said, at all those circumstances, there was little doubt that the Cabinet of St. Petersburgh had been driven into a sincere desire for the establishment of peace. Russia, in fact, was in the same position as France found herself in 1693, one marshal victorious in Catalonia, another victorious in Piedmont, her commanders issuing their orders in the

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Palatinate, her ambassadors assuring every Court of Europe that Louis never would make peace on the terms offered, and at the same time so exhausted by previous efforts that she was able to provide neither men nor money to carry on another campaign. With regard to the negotiations for peace, two things he thought would be required of Her Majesty's Ministers at the present crisis;—the first, a resolution to treat only as far as details were concerned, and not to deviate one jot or tittle from the principles laid down as the bases of negotiation; and further, not to submit to any delay, either in the assembling of the representatives of the various Powers, or the carrying on of the proceedings of the Conference. One thing was tolerably certain—namely, that the people did not want to see a repetition of what took place at Vienna last year. They wished to know, without any diplomatic subterfuge or reservation, and as soon as possible, whether or not Russia was prepared to accept the terms that bad been offered to her—yes or no. The second thing which he thought the people of this country would require of Her Majesty's Ministers was, that, while they treated with their adversary for peace, they would omit no single preparation for carrying on the war with renewed vigour. Unless every means were taken to administer with vigour the affairs of the army and navy, and unless these peace proposals were not permitted to interfere with the conduct of the war, the noble Lord at the head of Her Majesty's Government must understand that he would have to encounter not only a powerful enemy abroad, but a dissatisfied people at home. In illustration of that point, the House would perhaps permit him to read an extract from Macaulay's recently-published volumes, describing a speech made by William III. to the House of Commons on the 20th of October, 1696, on the occasion of negotiations for a peace with France:—
"Overtures tending to peace had been made; what might be the result of the overtures was uncertain; but this was certain, that there could be no safe and honourable peace for a nation which was not prepared to wage a vigorous war. I am sure (and here the historian quotes the ipsissima verba of William) we shall all agree in opinion, that the only way of treating with France is with our swords in our hands."
Adopting that view, and assuming this attitude towards Russia, he thought we should obtain a treaty as satisfactory as that of Ryswick—he thought there would be signed a second treaty of Paris, a treaty
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honourable to all parties, because founded on the eternal principles of truth and justice—a treaty which might—and God grant that it would—preserve the tranquillity of Europe during the lifetime of the youngest Member in that great assembly. On the other hand, by showing an over anxiety to bring about a pacification by omitting preparations for another campaign, by giving way at the council table on points which the people of this country considered of vital importance, by placing too great faith on promises which might be broken, and engagements which might be explained away, they would only delay a lasting peace, and render more deadly the war. If, as he had said, the people of Great Britain had given very striking evidence of their sense of justice and their firmness during the present contest, none the less conspicuous, it appeared to him, was the intelligence and moderation which they now displayed in regard to the terms of peace. Last year not all the eloquence of the right hon. Gentleman the Member for the University of Oxford (Mr. Gladstone) could persuade them to agree to the terms of peace offered by the Russian agents at Vienna, or restrain their efforts as long as the objects of the war remained unaccomplished. Now, he was equally persuaded that all the threats and harangues of foreign refugees and of agitators at home would fail to keep alive the flame of war when the people felt that as reasonable and honest men they had nothing left to fight for. The House would not expect him to examine at any length the conditions agreed to preparatory to the commencement of negotiations. Those articles had already found their way into all the newspapers from John o' Groat's to Cornwall, and formed the topic of conversation at every social hearth; it sufficed for him to say (and he believed he only echoed the sentiments of the great majority of his countrymen) when he said that the terms were honourable and creditable to their arms, and worthy of the Allies, commensurate with the efforts they had made. They afforded most ample recompense to France, England, and Sardinia for the sacrifices they had made. They opened up fresh fields to commercial enterprise; they marked a new era in the history of Europe and the world, an era when might would not be permitted to ride roughshod over right, and even when the most powerful and despotic of emperors would quail at the bar of public opinion. It would be very

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easy for him, as a commercial man, to expatiate upon other topics connected with the mercantile and commercial interests alluded to in Her Majesty's most gracious Speech; but the fact was, that even to men of business the war at the present moment was more absorbing than the ledger, and they thought more about Paris and St. Petersburgh, the mouths of the Danube, the Black Sea, the Baltic, and Sebastopol, than they did about shipping and commerce. There was no man, therefore, in such an assembly and upon such an occasion as this, who could expect to be listened to with patience, who did not confine himself exclusively to the great topic which agitated the nation. He would, therefore, at once conclude by most cordially seconding the Motion for the presentation of an humble Address to Her Majesty, in reply to Her Majesty's gracious Speech from the Throne.
Motion made, and Question proposed, "That," &c. [See p. 58.]
MR. DISRAELI: Sir, I feel confident that I am only expressing the unanimous opinion of the House when I say that we must all agree with the hon. Mover of the Address, who has spoken to-night with conspicuous ability, in expressing the satisfaction and the gratitude which we feel towards Her Majesty for informing us this day from the Throne that She has acceded to conditions which, She hopes, may prove "the foundation of a safe and honourable peace." I think, too, I am not misrepresenting the feelings of the House when I venture further to say that it is with no less satisfaction that we have heard, in the gracious Speech from the Throne, that Her Majesty, in conducting the negotiations which must be the consequences of Her having acceded to those conditions, will not lose sight of the objects for which the war was undertaken. Sir, I do not feel that I am at liberty at present to attempt to enter into any criticism of the conditions which are referred to in the gracious Speech. We have indeed—notwithstanding the slight intimation which has been, given us of their nature by the hon. Mover of the Address—no authentic information before us at the present moment on the subject of those conditions. There certainly has transpired in an irregular manner some information which no doubt has excited great interest; but, at the same time, we have been told that the conditions there stated are imperfect, and that much is intended which is not there communicated.
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Under those circumstances, therefore, it would be not only indiscreet, but it would be impossible, even if expedient, to enter into any criticism of what, after all, is only a political hypothesis. I am not intending by these remarks in any way to impugn the conduct of Her Majesty's Government in not communicating to the country in an official, authentic, and complete manner the nature of the conditions upon which they intend to insist, in order to secure the objects for which the war was undertaken. I take it for granted that they have acted, in the position in which they are placed, with the wisdom which becomes so great a responsibility. For my own part, Sir, I must express a hope that the House of Commons will, under these circumstances, exercise that prudent but high-spirited reserve, which, while it shrinks from embarrassing a Minister on whom is about to devolve the fulfilment of so difficult a duty, will at the same time watch with the utmost vigilance—I will not say suspicion—the course of all his proceedings. And, Sir, though it may be at the present moment impolitic, and, perhaps, impossible for the House of Commons to enter into a protracted discussion of the impending negotiations, yet I think no little advantage will be gained in the prosecution of these negotiations from the fact that the Parliament of England is in session. Although we may feel it our duty not to enter at this moment into a discussion of the terms which it may be the duty of the Allies to insist upon, I cannot but feel that the fact that Parliament is assembled will exercise a salutary moral influence on the Conferences; and I am sure that no Minister either in this or in any other country will, if we be silent, mistake our forbearance for indifference. There is another reason why I feel much satisfaction at the gracious assurance which we have this day received from the Throne, that in the attempt to conclude a peace the carrying out of the purposes for which the war was undertaken will be the object which Her Majesty's Government will seek to attain. We have on that subject had so many statements of a different character, and in a different spirit from individuals in office—and some of them the highest office—that it is a source of great satisfaction that, when Conferences are about to be opened under auspicious circumstances, we have in a document of such august authority as that

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which I have before me a definition of the business which will be conducted at those Conferences, more tending to the satisfaction of sober-minded persons than many of the statements which have heretofore been made by persons high in authority. It is but a short time ago—it was in the late Session of Parliament, but that is no long period when we are considering matters of such grave importance—it is but a short time since that in another place a noble Lord made a speech the professed object of which was to set forth the objects of the war, and that noble Lord assured the other House of Parliament that one of the objects of the war was to "vindicate the cause of the oppressed nationalities of Europe." What happened then? In a few days that noble Lord was invited to take one of the highest places in Her Majesty's councils. Of course, it is now obvious that the object of the Minister in giving that invitation to the noble Lord was that he should have his too-fervent enthusiasm subjected to the cooler atmosphere of Cabinet society; but, unfortunately, the people of England, and, I fear, those oppressed nationalities of which the noble orator was the advocate on that occasion, drew a different inference from his high promotion; and a misapprehension which might have led to very serious calamities has been prevalent throughout a great part of Europe. Sir, I shall make no reference to more recent statements respecting the objects and purposes of the war which have been made by other Members of the Government not occupying so exalted and responsible a position, except to say that I deeply regret them; and I think that those who have been so rash and inadvertent as to make such declarations will, after listening to the Speech which has been graciously delivered to-day, if they ever find themselves in similar circumstances, in future perhaps be induced to take a more temperate and moderate course. Sir, I regret that there are some gentlemen, both in and out of Parliament, for whom I have the greatest respect, who, after having taken a sound and satisfactory view of what should be the conditions of peace—namely, the accomplishment of the objects for which the war was undertaken—have still been induced, by what I cannot but feel to be a deplorable hallucination, to regret, while confessing that the objects of the war may be accomplished, that war should cease to proceed; and this, too, on a ground which
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appears to me to be scarcely one which can recommend itself to the sober consideration of any public assembly. We are told, that although we may have attained the objects for which we embarked in war, still it is expedient that the war should be continued in order to sustain or to increase the lustre of the arms of England; or rather, perhaps, because in the struggle that may, and which I trust will, soon cease, we have not achieved exploits so striking as those which illustrate some portions of our history. Now, Sir, the abstract principle that we ought to continue a war after having attained its objects, merely to gratify the vanity or to support the reputation of a community, is, in my opinion, one of a very questionable character; but I deny that in our present circumstances any application of that principle is possible. I, for one, will never admit that the lustre of our arms has been tarnished. It is not easy to find words to express the admiration which all must feel for the great qualities which have been exhibited by our troops throughout this struggle. It is not easy to describe the vast resources which we have at our disposal, and the energy which we have already displayed. I lay down as a principle, that the leading Powers of Europe should never engage in a war unless they are certain and predetermined to achieve victories, which may figure among what are called the decisive battles of the world, is really one of the most monstrous propositions that was ever addressed to the intelligence of a nation. To suppose, for example, that France or England is never to go to war unless she can be certain of achieving victories like Rocroi or Blenheim, Austerlitz or Waterloo, is totally to misunderstand the object for which great States should go to war. Instead of their being the vindicators of public law and the conservators of public order, you degrade them into the gladiators of history, and their brilliant achievements would only be crimes which might accomplish the ruin of this country. Therefore, Sir, I cannot at all admit that the principle that we ought to continue this war in order to obtain extraordinary results is one which we ought at all to sanction; and I am afraid that those in this country who fall into this fallacy are too much induced to do so by the taunts of foreign critics. But the very persons who indulge in those taunts are themselves the persons most persuaded of the substan-

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tial increase of the power of England. If you look to the authors of these statements respecting the decline of the prestige of England—I will not inquire who or where they may be—whether they are journalists who have become statesmen, or statesmen who have become journalists—you will generally find that they are the persons who are most competent to estimate the importance of England, and who are really the least inclined to undervalue it. They play upon the too easily excited susceptibility of the people of this country, and I will say of them, as was said of a great sceptic, that when they attempt to depreciate our achievements and our resources they really "tremble while they sneer." Sir, there is one paragraph in the Speech which I am sure will meet with the unanimous approval of the House. It is that to which the hon. Mover of the Address adverted with much eloquence, in which we express to Her Majesty our admiration of the "persevering constancy and the daring bravery" by which the stronghold of Russia in the Black Sea was reduced. I hope, Sir, that whatever may be our political differences, there will never in this House be any difference as to the sentiments of admiration with which we view the achievements and the exertions of our fellow-countrymen when they are supporting the honour and the interests of Her Majesty's realm. I think, however, that there is another siege not less distinguished by persevering constancy, and by daring bravery, although that constancy and that courage did not reap the reward which the assailants of Sebastopol have been so fortunate as to secure—I think, there is another siege which, on a night like the present, it would ill become the House of Commons to pass unnoticed and unnamed. I am not anxious on this occasion to call upon the Government for that explanation which of course will hereafter be demanded as to the circumstances which led to the mysterious catastrophe of Kars, but I hope they fully understand that that is a subject upon which this country and this House will expect and will require the most ample explanation. Let us at least, whether there be peace or whether there be war—let us express our admiration of those who, although they may have been unfortunate, were not subdued—let us express our sympathy for an energy, which was, perhaps, betrayed, and for a courage which we know was unsup-
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ported, and at a moment when we are called upon, and rightly called upon, to express our admiration of the great achievement which has rendered the names of the Allies illustrious in the Black Sea—let us vindicate the conduct of those who have so well deserved—if they have not attained—success in another quarter, and let us make our absent countrymen understand that it is not merely the man who achieves but the man who deserves success, who in this House is honoured. Sir, after the Address from the Throne to-day—after the grave expression on the part of Her Majesty with regard to the impending negotiation, it is impossible to resist the conviction that the prospects of peace are most favourable. It is true we may be disappointed; it is true that on this, as on previous occasions in our history, we may find that when the cup has reached the lip, the draught may yet not be quaffed. All this I admit, but we have at least the satisfaction of knowing that if Her Majesty fails in the negotiations which are now about to be carried on—if the conditions of peace of which the noble Lord is cognisant, but with which we are unacquainted, may not effect that great result which is now generally expected, and generally desired—we have the satisfaction of knowing that Her Majesty may appeal with confidence to Her Parliament to support Her in a renewed struggle, and that there is no sum which Parliament will not cheerfully vote, or Her people cheerfully raise, to vindicate Her honour and maintain the independence and interests of Her kingdom. It is with this conviction that our negotiators will enter upon their important duties. After the intimation from the Throne, the prospect of peace is one which I trust will not be dissolved. The hon. Gentleman who seconded the Address referred most justly to the exhaustion of Russia as the best security for peace at this moment. Under these circumstances, I cannot but hope that we shall soon have it, upon authority, announced that a general treaty of peace has I been successfully negotiated; and that it will prove to be a treaty that will accomplish the objects for which the war was undertaken.
VISCOUNT PALMERSTON: I have waited, Sir, to the last moment before rising, being of course anxious, if any other hon. Member wished to express his opinions upon the subject under discussion, to reserve myself till I had learnt what

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might fall from him, that I might be in a position to reply to any observations which might be made. I must, in the first place, beg to express my thanks to my hon. Friends the Mover and Seconder of the Address for that strain of eloquence and good feeling, and, above all, for the ample consideration they have bestowed on the subject of that Address, a display of talent which, while it did honour to them, must, I am sure, have been particularly gratifying to the House. I hope that the specimens which they have just given us of their powers both of oratory and argument will only be the prelude to many other addresses in those debates that will hereafter take place in this House. I am bound also to say that nothing could be more becoming the position which the right hon. Gentleman who has just sat down fills in this House than the course which he has taken on the present occasion. I entirely agree with him, whatever may have been said or thought to the contrary, that, when great national questions are pending between the Government of this country and the Governments of other Powers, so far from the presence of Parliament being inconvenient or hurtful to the public service, it, on the contrary, gives strength and support to the Government while that Government is pursuing a proper and right course; and, on the other hand, it is a check upon any Government which may at any time entertain a wish to deviate from their duty. Therefore, though rumours were spread abroad that it was the intention of the Government to propose an adjournment of Parliament for a certain period, no such intention ever passed through our minds. On the contrary, I think it advantageous to the best interests of the country that it should have so happened that when the great question of peace or war was pending there should have been assembled the great council of the nation to give to the Government that support and strength which the welfare of the country may require to receive from it. The right hon. Gentleman has very properly pointed out to the House the course which he recommends it to pursue. In the present state of these matters it is not fitting that the Government should enter into any public explanation of the particular position in which the negotiation now stands. As soon as any step has been taken which shall place Her Majesty's Government in a position in which, consistently with their duty, they can lay be-
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fore Parliament any statement of propositions actually agreed to, it will be their duty to give this House every information which the public interest will allow them to give. At the present moment this is not in our power. Sir, I concur entirely with those who have said that it would not be our duty to urge this country to continue the efforts and sacrifices of war if we are able to obtain now the accomplishment of those objects for which the war was undertaken. No doubt the resources of the country are unimpaired. No doubt the naval and military preparations which we have been making during the past twelve months, which are now going on, and which will be completed in the spring, will place this country in a position, as regards the continuance of hostilities, in which it has not stood since the commencement of the war. We should, therefore, be justified in expecting that another campaign—should another campaign unhappily be forced upon us—would result in successes which might perhaps entitle us to require—perhaps enable us to obtain—even better conditions of peace than those which have now been offered to us, and have been accepted by us. But if the conditions which we now hope to obtain are such as will properly attain the objects for which we are contending—if they are conditions which we think it is our duty to accept, and with which we believe the country will be satisfied—then undoubtedly we should be wanting in our duty, and should not justify the confidence which the country and this House has reposed in us, if we rejected terms of this description merely for the chance of obtaining greater successes in another campaign. These, Sir, were the feelings which actuated Her Majesty's Government. We felt, like many others in this country, that the future chances of the war were in our favour—we felt, like many others in this country, that the available resources of the enemy with whom we are contending were daily diminishing, while our resources, our preparations, and our means of carrying on the war were continually increasing. But, Sir, we felt that we should not be justified in rejecting overtures which promised the possibility of a safe and honourable peace merely for the prospect of obtaining even greater successes in another year of war. Sir, I think the country will approve the course which we have pursued. The country is in this position—if we succeed in obtaining a peace which will be satisfactory

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and safe, we shall reap the fruits of the efforts which we have made and the sacrifices we have endured. If, on the other hand, that end cannot be accomplished—if we can show to the country that there has been no fault on the part of those who had the conduct of the negotiations—I know there is in this country strength for continuing the war, spirit and determination to carry it on in a just cause until its full accomplishment. I feel convinced that that strength, when put forth, that spirit when aroused, will in the end accomplish those objects which we might have failed to accomplish by other means. Sir, it is impossible to speak or to think too highly of the brave men whose gallant exploits, patient sufferings, and unflinching courage and perseverance have had justice done to them by those who have taken part in this discussion. I agree entirely with the right hon. Gentleman opposite, that we have reason to be proud of the gallantry, the courage, and the daring exploits of our brave troops in the course of this war, and that we have no need to continue the contest to gain glory for our arms. The fight at Alma, the ridges of Inkerman, ay, and Balaklava and the Redan, too, are exploits which do the highest honour to the courage and bravery of our troops, and which prove that our soldiers of the present day are equal to any of those who have been crowned with laurels in former wars. Therefore, Sir, it is not for glory or for victories that this country need continue hostilities, if the objects for which we began the contest can be obtained by other means. The right hon. Gentleman has alluded to an event which undoubtedly excites feelings of regret mingled with admiration—the fall of Kars. A greater display of courage or ability, of perseverance under difficulties, inexhaustible resources of mind, than was evinced by General Williams, never was exhibited in the course of our military history. When that event comes to be discussed I think we shall be able to show that no effort of Her Majesty's Government was wanting to prevent that unfortunate calamity—a calamity, however, which was not attended by anything like defeat on the part of our gallant countryman or the garrison which he commanded, for it was the victors who were compelled to surrender, not by the force of the enemy's arms, but by the unfortunate want of those resources which were necessary to enable a city to endure a siege. It was a defeat most honourable to those who surrendered
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—more honourable than many successful resistances recorded in history. I can assure the House that Her Majesty's Government have taken all the measures in their power to obtain the exchange of General Williams and his brave companions for Russian prisoners at present in our hands, and I hope, whether hostilities continue or not, that such exchange in the regular course of such transactions will be effected. I shall not enter now upon those other questions of domestic interest upon which measures will be proposed to the House. I trust the House will give Her Majesty's Government credit for a determination not to overlook domestic improvement, although their exertions have been mainly directed towards preparations for war. The two subjects can proceed together, and I trust the measures which we shall feel it our duty to introduce in relation to the matters indicated in Her Majesty's Speech, will be found by the House to be conducive to the improvement and prosperity of the country, and as such will receive the early and favourable consideration of the House. It is stated in Her Majesty's Speech that the Estimates will be presented to you framed in a manner to provide for the exigencies of war in the unfortunate event of a peace not being concluded. It is our intention to lay on the table those Estimates framed upon a war basis, but we shall only ask for a portion of the sums to be voted—that is, only provision for a short period—so that, should peace be re-established, the Government and the House may come to an understanding as to what diminutions an altered state of circumstances may render proper. I should have wished to delay anything which I might have to say until I was quite sure that no further observations would be made which might require a reply, and I hope the House will adopt the spirit in which the right hon. Gentleman (Mr. Disraeli) has addressed it on the present occasion by acting unanimously, and by abstaining from those more detailed criticisms which, although perfectly justifiable upon all great public matters, might in the present case lead to misconception and misrepresentation in other quarters—I mean, of course, abroad. I hope, therefore, that the House, by following the course which the right hon. Gentleman has so honourably pursued, will show to the world that, while the people of England are desirous of restoring to Europe that peace which, both from principle and

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from national interest, they feel to be essential to their welfare, they are determined so far to place confidence in those who for the moment are responsible for the conduct of the national affairs that they will not impede or embarrass negotiations by premature discussions, but reserve to themselves the right which Parliament and the people of this country undeniably and inherently possess to call to strict account those who are intrusted with the conduct of public affairs—to confirm those acts which have been done in conformity with duty, and to manifest their displeasure if their confidence has been misplaced. It is with that feeling that we are prepared to undertake these negotiations. We trust that we shall be able to show that in the course of those negotiations we do not abandon any principle, or forego any object which the country has a right to expect us to stand by; and, on the other hand, we shall be found to have shown that spirit of conciliation which the country is entitled to expect, and that we are not actuated by any spirit inconsistent with that which should animate the representatives of a great country when entering upon an important negotiation like that which is about to commence.
MR. ROEBUCKsaid, the noble Lord had just stated that the assistance of Parliament during negotiations was a matter of very great importance, but that Parliament was not to express any opinion with regard to them. He (Mr. Roebuck) wanted to know what the noble Lord meant? The noble Lord had told the House that they were to put confidence in him, and trustingly rely upon his protecting the interests of the country; and that if he should deceive them, Parliament might punish him by way of revenge. In other words, the Ministers of the Crown offered themselves to Parliament as a recompense for the loss of the nation's interest and honour. The loss of the Ministers' heads was to be regarded as an equivalent for the loss of our honour and interest. It was his opinion that Parliament was there assembled to watch over the interest and honour of England; and although the details of the negotiations had not been presented to them by the Ministers, yet, in their deliberative capacity, hon. Gentlemen, knowing what the honour and interest of their country demanded, had a right to chalk out to Ministers the course that they ought to pursue. The right hon. Gentleman the Member for Buckinghamshire, had said
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that he would not enter into a disquisition on the subject of these negotiations, and for that abstinence he gave a very good reason. He (Mr. Disraeli) said he did not know the principles on which the negotiations were about to be entered into. Now, he (Mr. Roebuck) was in exactly the same state of darkness as that right hon. Gentleman; but he did know, or he fancied that he knew, that England's interest demanded, and he thought it was the duty of that House to require, that the course which Ministers ought to pursue with reference thereto should be pointed out to them by Parliament. The noble Lord had not in the least told them what they were to expect, but he concluded by saying that, as the representatives of the people had placed him in power, they ought to repose confidingly in his wisdom, prudence, and honour. But he (Mr. Roebuck) had not that confidence in the noble Lord, nor did he believe that the people in this country had. They had seen a great country brought imprudently into a great war. They had seen that war inefficiently conducted—and it became their duty to say that the country must not be permitted to come out of that war with disgrace. The noble Lord had talked of the objects for which we entered into war, but he had not told them frankly, honestly, and candidly, as he ought to have done, for what we really did enter into war. But feeble and humble as he (Mr. Roebuck) was, he would attempt to supply the place of the noble Lord in that respect. He would tell the House what he firmly believed we entered into that war to gain. He would then discuss the mode in which we conducted that war, and then he would endeavour to show—and the House would appreciate—what sort of confidence the noble Lord was entitled to with respect to these negotiations. It appeared to him (Mr. Roebuck) that we entered into the present war for the interests of humanity. He might be accused of using large terms unworthily, and of using language that was not called for; nevertheless, he would persist in maintaining that we entered into war in defence of the interests of humanity. Russia, ever since the reign of Peter, who was miscalled the Great, had pursued one course of aggression. She had, by fraud and by force, extended her power and dominion. We had stood by—we had looked on—we had shamefully allowed her to pursue her course without let or hindrance. But the cup that was thus being

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filled became full to overflowing, and what was the last drop that made it overflow? In the cast of Europe there was a Power whose existence was of importance to England, and that Power was Turkey. The dominions of Turkey were situate between the acquisitions of Russia and our dominions in Asia. Once in Constantinople—once in possession of the Asiatic territories of Turkey—Russia would be formidable to England in India. Do not let them fancy that Russia was not aware of that. Russia knew very well why we entered into the present war, and it did not become us to be the only people blind in the matter, for the world was well aware of what we were fighting for. Russia, in pursuance of her system of aggrandisement, at length threatened the very existence of Turkey. She not only thrice threatened, but she actually violated the rules of international law, and crossed the Pruth. Then it was that England, taking fright, at last saw that this tremendous Power was becoming dangerous to England. We allied ourselves with France. With that alliance we imagined that we should be able to cope with this great Power in the north of Europe. Therefore he contended that our object in entering into the war was to prevent Russia from acquiring such a preponderance in Europe as would enable her to override both France and England. England, more especially, was bound up with the civilisation of mankind. Her interests were the interests of humanity. Anything that militated against her interests, militated likewise against the interests of humanity. And what did we do to prevent Russia from acquiring the dreaded preponderance in Europe? We entered into war at a moment when we were totally unprovided with the means of carrying it on. We sent a fleet to the Baltic that was truly magnificent, but at the same time it unhappily was wholly unfit for the purpose for which it was sent forth. We sent an army to the East, as if we intended the destruction of that army, for we landed it upon a most pestilential spot, with respect to which we had already been warned. We then, without any preparation, threw our army upon the shores of the Crimea. But for the press of this country, whose statements were confirmed by hon. Members of that House, that army would have dwindled away, and not a single soldier would have survived. The army of England would have been as a thing that had disappeared from the face of the earth, and then we
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should have had the noble Lord's head to have compensated us for the loss of our army. He (Mr. Roebuck) was now going to touch upon a delicate matter. The right hon. Gentleman the Member for Buckinghamshire had alluded to certain observations which had not been made in public—which he (Mr. Roebuck), at least, had never heard in public or read in the press. There could be no doubt, however, that these observations were frequently made in private. We were told that we must enter into this peace because our Ally—our great Ally—our "big brother," as he was called—chooses to lead the way. He (Mr. Roebuck) denied that that was the truth. Time had been when this country stood alone. When the greatest warrior that the world ever saw—the Great Napoleon—made Europe resound with his conquering legions, England stood alone, and she conquered. Shall it be said that now, with all the appliances which modern science had given us—with a fleet that the world never saw equalled, with an army greater than any English general ever commanded—shall it be said that we are not able to cope with Russia when we coped with Napoleon? If such had been the language held by our Administration—if they had held up their heads and exhibited a front which England demanded of them, could any one suppose that we should now have been driven into peace, when, as the noble Lord himself acknowledged, if we had fought the next campaign, we should most probably be in a much bettor position? For let us understand the position in which we now stand. We were suing for peace. He used the word "suing" advisedly. Kars had fallen. Before the Redan the English army had been repulsed. An English navy had come a second time from the Baltic without a single act accomplished. Our arms had been tarnished. Let not hon. Members suppose that he was speaking disparagingly of the gallantry of our army. He recollected what had been said of it—that it was an army of lions, led by jackasses. That expression, he thought, accurately described our army. And that was the state of things in which we wore seeking for peace, and if peace be obtained now with all these sacrifices, will not Russia, he asked, have reason to rejoice? There had been arrayed against her the greatest nations in the world, but what conquests had they achieved? Not only two but four nations were arrayed in battle against her, and yet the whole of

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those four armies were cooped up in a corner in the Peninsula, and held at bay there; and, in fact, was not Sebastopol as much out of our reach now as it was the year before? Could it be said, then, that our arras had achieved triumphs sufficient to compensate us for all our labour and cost in the war? If peace were now agreed to, would it redound to England's glory? He did not like to take upon himself the character of a prophet, but he thought that if peace, preluded by such a war, were entered into, Russia would be in Constantinople in ten years; and when she is there the Black Sea is hers, Asia Minor would be hers, then Persia. Affghanistan would follow, and then she touches on India. That is what we are afraid of—that is what she is looking to, for the aggrandisement of Russia tends to the acquisition of the Indian peninsula. Well, then, shall it be said that when this northern avalanche threatens destruction we shall enter upon such a peace as we are told we are about to conclude? And now he would ask what protection it would give against the aggression of Russia? We have coined a new word—the "neutralisation" of the Black Sea. Last year we were told, when the noble Lord the Member for the City of London (Lord John Russell) was made the scapegoat—when the Four Points were derided—when the Conferences of Vienna were laughed at, and when the noble Lord retired, he might almost say ignominiously, from the Administration of the noble Viscount—that the terms of Russia with regard to the Black Sea could not be listened to. But he wanted to know what difference there was between those terms and the proposed neutralisation of the Black Sea? Did it mean that the forts in the possession of Russia in the Black Sea are to be razed, that Nicholaieff was to be abolished as a fortress, and that we mean the Sea of Azoff to be considered a part of the Black Sea? Suppose Russia chooses to build gun-boats at Nicholaieff. Is that to be a casus belli? and, if so, shall we get our grand Ally again? Those gunboats would come into the Black Sea; they would get under the guns of Sebastopol and beyond our reach, and in twenty-four hours they would be in Constantinople. Now, what was to prevent it? Why, we are to have consuls in the Black Sea to tell us what is to happen. Negotiations are to take place, protocols are to follow; but meanwhile the
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gunboats are to be built and brought under the guns of Sebastopol, and we shall be laughed at for our pains. He wanted to know if we were to have another campaign, if we drove Russia out of the Crimea, and if, discarding that pretended liberality which says we are not going to take any territory from Russia, we were to take the Crimea from her, and erect the Principalities, including Bessarabia, into a kingdom,—he would ask, if we did that, should we not then have some protection against Russia? But for all those things we have now no guarantee. As it is, the power of Russia is as intact in Constantinople, as it was at the beginning of the war. It is true that Russia has now no fleet in the Black Sea, but she may begin to build a fleet of gunboats, and where shall we be then? The honour and interests of England are now in the keeping of that House, and it becomes the duty of hon. Members to watch over the negotiations, to know every step that is taken and every proposition that is made. It has been said that Paris is a desirable place for the Conferences, because it is so near; but that is an additional reason why we should now interfere, in order that we may not only stop the perpetration of any mischief, but interfere for purposes of good. Parliament will best watch over the interests of England by calling for explanations at every step of the proceedings, and by giving blame where blame is deserved. We must ever remember that we are dealing with a Power in which we can have no confidence—which has schemes of aggrandisement propounded a century ago, and ever since steadily pursued by her rulers. He therefore called upon the House to watch carefully over the negotiators and the negotiations of Paris.
MR. STAFFORDsaid, that since the House had separated, he had visited all the hospitals in the East to which our brave troops were sent, from the fine hospital of Renkioi to the furthest hospital in the Crimea; but sanguine as his expectations were of the improvements made in them, they were surpassed by the reality. Not only were the patients in those hospitals supplied with every necessary and comfort, but he might even say with every luxury which they could wish for. In answer to his inquiries, he heard nothing but expressions of satisfaction and gratitude to the country that cared so well for her soldiers. He could also bear the same

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testimony to the improvement which had taken place in the transport service. He could speak from experience, because, having come from Balaklava in a transport ship, with a cargo of sick and wounded, he could say that nothing could be better than the ventilation, diet, and medical attendance of the patients. Such a state of things was highly gratifying to him as a spectator, and could not be less so to the noble Lord who had brought it about, and to those Members of the last Government under whom so many of these reforms were organised and commenced. Whether we had now war or peace, we could say to every recruit and every regiment—"All the miseries and evils of war that can be mitigated shall be mitigated by the solicitude of your country." If peace came, there would be some consolation in reflecting that, whatever errors and mistakes might have been made at the commencement of the war, at its conclusion we should leave both our hospitals and our transports worthy of the imitation of every civilised and humane Government.
SIR DE LACY EVANSsaid, that while agreeing with much that had fallen from his hon. and learned Friend (Mr. Roebuck), he could not agree with him in thinking that we felt any alarm for our territory in India from Russian aggression. It would be prejudicial to the interests of this country, if foreign nations and governments supposed that to be the case. It would also be unjust to the enlightened spirit and patriotism of the people of this country to suppose that we had entered into war from any such motive. It might be that the Russian Government had designs of possessing itself of the countries bordering upon our Indian territory, but if she pursued that ambitious policy we had great powers and means of resistance. For himself, he did not see the slightest ground for being alarmed at Russian projects in that quarter. The country had entered upon the war with the desire of protecting the rights of nations, of defending civilisation, and protecting the principles of international law, and more with regard to Europe generally than on her own account. The subversion of our power in India would not be by any means an immediate result of the acquisition of Constantinople by Russia, but the people of this country thought such an acquisition by Russia would be most dangerous to the independence of every nation of the world.
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France also had a far greater interest than England in preventing the establishment of Russia in the Dardanelles; for, if she succeeded in effecting that establishment, her power would become great in the Mediterranean, from which, although we certainly possessed a few rocks there, it was more important to France than to England that she should be excluded. England, with her great commerce and powerful navy, would be the last Power in Europe to feel the influence of the aggrandising policy of Russia, and therefore it was much to her credit that she had so steadily and with such determination maintained the general interests of humanity, and greatly to her honour to be one of the most forward nations in fighting the battle of Europe in this war. He was rather surprised at the speech of the right hon. Gentleman the leader of the Opposition. It certainly was proper for the right hon. Gentleman, as a possible future Minister of State, to exercise great discretion upon the topic of negotiations, but he thought the right hon. Gentleman had carried his complaisance to his opponents a little further than was required by the interests of the country. That part of the noble Lord's (Viscount Palmerston's) speech to which his hon. and learned Friend had referred, with regard to the convenience of the negotiations going on during the session of Parliament, was not easy of explanation. He believed the country looked upon the conditions of peace which had been offered as the very minimum which could be accepted by us, and it was important that Europe should know that the people of England, although the prospect of peace was very dear to them, were perfectly prepared to proceed with the war with still greater vigour than they had yet displayed, and that the resources of England, instead of being exhausted, were only now about to be fully developed. Those resources had hitherto been most inadequately and incapably developed, but if the war were carried on they would display themselves to far greater advantage than they had yet done. The military service had not been at all adequately brought forward; it was marvellous how bungling had been the efforts of the present Government to bring it forward. Their performances with regard to the army and the militia had certainly been miserably deficient in comparison with the Estimates they had presented to the House

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last Session. He believed that the number of our forces, independent of those in India, was now about 200,000 men, of whom not more than about one-fourth were engaged in the East. Where, he wished to ask, were the rest? They were either not employed at all, owing to the extreme mismanagement of the military departments, or they were dispersed in different parts of our dominions. Many thousands were in the Colonies, doing nothing but police duty, and from which service they could be well spared. It was desirable to let the world know that this country had not yet displayed its force, and that if an inadequate peace were accepted, it would not be because it had not the power of insisting upon better terms. He would not, however, enter into the conduct of the military departments at greater length, because he should have a more legitimate opportunity of doing so when the Estimates were laid before the House. He knew nothing of the conditions upon which the negotiations for peace were to be opened, except through the usual public channels of information; but he must avow that, judging from what he had there seen, he could not perceive in those conditions any guarantee for a secure peace. He did not mean to say there was not some little concession, but there was not sufficient, nor could he see that Austria had done much besides her offer of mediation, for she had not actively engaged in hostilities, and shed no blood, and spent but little money. As regarded affairs in Asia, he must declare his opinion that there the prestige of England had been materially injured. ["Hear, hear! and no, no!"] Yes, he repeated, in Asia the prestige of Great Britain had been materially injured—and he would deeply lament if some advantages in regard to Asia could not be obtained. He had no wish for the acquisition of territory, but it was not because he disclaimed that, that he would not be anxious to compel a Power which had wrongfully taken so much from her neighbours to give back a little of the spoil. They ought not to be content with a slice of Bessarabia when they saw how much Russia had taken from Turkey during the last thirty or forty years. He thought it was impossible to impress too strongly upon those engaged in the negotiations about to open, that England, at all events, did not desire peace from any want of power, even if she
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were alone, to prosecute and carry on the war. His hon. and learned Friend had called attention to a period when England met the greatest warrior of all time in defence of public right and public law; and, as at that day, should any unforeseen or unexpected cause induce our great Ally to be more desirous than we wore for a speedy peace, in his (Sir De L. Evans) opinion our naval and military resources were amply sufficient to carry on the contest with, he believed, final success and great advantage to civilisation.
LORD JOHN MANNERSsaid, he felt that the circumstance of the noble Lord (Viscount Palmerston) having spoken, entirely precluded him from saying one word in the way of criticism, either on the conduct of the war, or in regard to that diplomacy which was expected to issue at the present juncture. On that subject he quite concurred in the remark of the right hon. Gentleman the Member for Buckinghamshire (Mr. Disraeli). The hon. Mover of the Address, who had expressed himself with so much force and ability, said, with regard to the Five Points which had been under discussion, not only that he was himself in favour of them, but that he believed the great majority of the people of this country would be perfectly satisfied with a peace concluded on that basis. Now, while he (Lord J. Manners) did not, as he had already intimated, wish to enter into any discussion whatever as to the nature of those proposals, he must guard himself against being supposed to consider them as fulfilling the objects for which the country entered into the war. If it turned out that those proposals secured the independence and integrity of the Turkish Empire in Asia as well as in Europe; if it turned out that they secured the independence of the eastern littoral of the Black Sea, as well as of the western; if it turned out that they would restore the prestige which this country had unquestionably lost in Asia; if it turned out that they would bar the march of Russia to Constantinople through Asia as well as through the Danubian Principalities, then, indeed, should he concur in the eulogy which had been passed upon them by the hon. Gentleman, and he should rejoice from the bottom of his heart that a peace of that nature were the result. But if, on the other hand, the great object for which this country entered into the war were not secured by a peace based on those proposals—if Russian pres-

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tige were not diminished in Asia; if Constantinople would still be open to Russia by the same route that Marshal Diebitch took in 1827–28, and General Mouravieff might take now; if Turkey were not secured in her eastern as well as in her western territory; all he could say was, that he would express no opinion in favour of such a termination of the war—should feel no gratification at a peace which was concluded on so inefficient and unsatisfactory a basis.
SIR HENRY WILLOUGHBYsaid, he was anxious to call the attention of the House to a single point, which appeared to him to involve a constitutional principle. He understood the noble Lord (Viscount Palmerston) to say that there was an advantage in that House sitting while the negotiations were going on. Now, he had always understood that the entire responsibility of such negotiations rested with the Executive, and that that House ought not to meddle with them. It should therefore he thought, be distinctly stated, what were the intentions of the Government with regard to the matter. Did they mean to place on the table of the House, from time to time, the various documents relating to the negotiations, or did they mean to conduct the negotiations on their own responsibility, in accordance with the principle which had hitherto regulated the negotiations of this country with foreign Powers? If a new principle was to be adopted, the sooner that was understood the better; but, for his own part, he believed it would not be safe to abandon the old rule, that the Executive must carry on the negotiations on its own responsibility. Of course after the negotiations had terminated, the House would take whatever course it might consider best for the interests of the country.
VISCOUNT PALMERSTON: What I said appears to have been entirely misunderstood. What I meant to say, and what I think I did say was, that it would be a great matter for the Government in carrying on these difficult negotiations to have the support of Parliament—to have Parliament sitting and employed at the time—so that if the Government want the support of Parliament they may apply to it immediately. What I said was, that, under such circumstances, the Government would derive great support from the great Councils of the nation. But I also stated distinctly that it is the duty, and that
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it was the intention of the Government, not to shrink from the full responsibility imposed upon them to conduct the negotiations with which they are charged. I never meant at all to throw on the House of Commons that responsibility which properly belongs to the Queen's Ministers. I repeat, I only said it would be a great advantage to the Government, if they wanted the support of Parliament, to be able at once to obtain it if Parliament thought the Government deserving of it.
MR. HADFIELDsaid, he hoped that in the important negotiations which were about to be carried on, the commercial interests of the country would not be neglected. After all the sacrifices which the country had made there did not appear as yet to be a single stipulation with reference to those interests, and as it was by means of the commerce of the country that such great contests as the present one were maintained, he thought that commerce was entitled to great consideration. Attention to such matters would do more than anything else to prevent the recurrence of war, and to secure prosperity, not only to themselves, but even to their enemies, by promoting "peace and good will" among nations.
MR. V. SCULLYsaid, he wished to call the attention of the noble Lord at the head of the Government to the fact, that while Her Majesty's Speech had adverted to important points in connection with England and Scotland, nothing was said about Ireland. Notice had been given of three Bills having reference to Ireland, but nothing had been said upon the great question which excited so much interest throughout that country.
Question put, and agreed to.
Committee appointed, "to draw up an Address to be presented to Her Majesty upon the said Resolution:"—
Mr. BYNG, Mr. BAXTER, Viscount PALMERSTON, The CHANCELLOR of the EXCHEQUER, Sir GEORGE GREY, Sir CHARLES WOOD, Mr. VERNON SMITH, Mr. ATTORNEY GENERAL, Mr. SOLICITOR GENERAL, Mr. HORSMAN, Mr. LOWE, Mr. BOUVERIE, The JUDGE ADVOCATE, Mr. COWPER, Mr. WILSON, Mr. HAYTER, and Mr. FITZROY, or any Five of them.
Queen's Speech referred.
House adjourned at half after Seven o'clock.

MINUTES.
Sat First in Parliament.—The Duke of Manchester, after the Death of his Father.
PUBLIC: BILLS.—1a Select Vestries; Leases and Sales of Settled Estates.

MEETING OF THE PARLIAMENT.
THE PARLIAMENT, which had been prorogued successively from the 14th August to the 23rd October, to the 11th December, and to the 31st January, met this day for the despatch of business.
The Session of the Parliament was opened by The QUEEN in Person.

THE QUEEN'S SPEECH.
THE QUEEN, being seated on the Throne, and the Commons being at the Bar, with their Speaker, HER MAJESTY was pleased to make a most Gracious Speech to both Houses of Parliament, as follows:—
"My Lords, and Gentlemen,
"SINCE the Close of the last Session of Parliament the Arms of the Allies have achieved a signal and important
2
Success. Sebastopol, the great Stronghold of Russia in the Black Sea, has yielded to the persevering Constancy and to the daring Bravery of the Allied Forces.
"THE Naval and Military Preparations for the ensuing Year have necessarily occupied My serious Attention; but while determined to omit no Effort which could give Vigour to the Operations of the War, I have deemed it My Duty not to decline any Overtures which might reasonably afford a Prospect of a safe and honourable Peace. Accordingly, when The Emperor of Austria lately offered to Myself and to My august Ally The Emperor of the French to employ His good Offices with The Emperor of Russia, with a view to endeavour to bring about an amicable Adjustment of the matters at issue between the contending Powers, I consented, in concert with My Allies, to accept the Offer thus made; and I

3
have the Satisfaction to inform you that certain Conditions have been agreed upon which I hope may prove the Foundation of a General Treaty of Peace.
"NEGOTIATIONS for such a Treaty will shortly be opened at Paris.
"IN conducting those Negotiations I shall be careful not to lose Sight of the Objects for which the War was undertaken; and I shall deem it right in no Degree to relax My Naval and Military Preparations until a satisfactory Treaty of Peace shall have been concluded.
"ALTHOUGH the War in which I am engaged was brought on by Events in the South of Europe, My Attention has not been withdrawn from the State of Things in the North; and, in conjunction with The Emperor of the French, I have concluded, with The King of Sweden and Norway, a Treaty containing defensive Engagements applicable to His Dominions, and tending to the Preservation of the Balance of Power in that Part of Europe.
"I HAVE also concluded a Treaty of Friendship, Commerce, and Navigation with the Republic of Chili. I have given Directions that these Treaties shall be laid before you.
"Gentlemen of the House of Commons,
"THE Estimates for the ensuing Year will be laid before you. You will find them framed in such a Manner as to provide for the Exigencies of War, if Peace should unfortunately not be concluded.
"My Lords, and Gentlemen,
"IT is gratifying to Me to observe, that, notwithstanding the Pressure of the War, and the Burthens and Sacri-
4
fices which it has unavoidably imposed upon My People, the Resources of My Empire remain unimpaired. I rely with Confidence on the manly Spirit and enlightened Patriotism of My loyal Subjects for a Continuance of that Support which they have so nobly afforded Me; and they may be assured that I shall not call upon them for Exertions beyond what may be required by a due Regard for the great Interests, the Honour, and the Dignity of the Empire.
"THERE are many Subjects connected with internal Improvement which I recommend to your attentive Consideration.
"THE Difference which exists in several important Particulars between the Commercial Laws of Scotland and those of the other Parts of the United Kingdom has occasioned Inconvenience to a large Portion of My Subjects engaged in Trade. Measures will be proposed to you for remedying this Evil.
"MEASURES will also be proposed to you for improving the Laws relating to Partnership., by simplifying those Laws, and thus rendering more easy the Employment of Capital in Commerce.
"THE system under which Merchant Shipping is liable to pay Local Dues and Passing Tolls has been the Subject of much Complaint. Measures will be proposed to you for affording Relief in regard to those Matters.
"OTHER important Measures for improving the Law in Great Britain and in Ireland will be proposed to you, which will, I doubt not, receive your attentive Consideration.
"UPON these and all other Matters upon which you may deliberate I fervently pray that the blessing of Divine Providence may favour your Councils, and guide them to the Promotion of

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the great Object of My unvarying Solicitude, the Welfare and the Happiness of My People."
HER MAJESTY then retired.
House adjourned during pleasure.
House resumed.

ADDRESS IN ANSWER TO THE SPEECH.
THE QUEEN'S Speech having been reported by The LORD CHANCELLOR,
THE EARL OF GOSFORD THE EARL OF GOSFORD rose, and said: My Lords, in rising to move that an humble Address be presented to Her Majesty, in reply to Her Majesty's most gracious Speech from the Throne, I feel deeply the necessity of requesting from your Lordships the utmost possible amount of that forbearance and indulgence usually accorded to those addressing your Lordships on occasions similar to the present. On my part, it shall be my endeavour to trespass on your Lordships' time as briefly as may be consistent with the importance of the subject before me; and, at all events, I trust I shall be able to avoid all allusions or expressions which might tend in the slightest degree to excite anything like annoyance or irritation. But a short time ago, the duty which I am endeavouring, however imperfectly, to perform, would have been comparatively light and easy. It would then have been no difficult matter, nor would it have required any great powers of persuasion, to induce your Lordships to accede to the fullest, the most vigorous, and, to the enemy, the most destructive prosecution of the war. Few in your Lordships' House, and fewer still out of it, would have been found opposed to such a course. For myself, if I may be permitted to trouble your Lordships with so unimportant a matter as an expression of my opinion, I have no hesitation in saying that such would have been most congenial to my own feelings; for of the justice and of the necessity of the war in which we are engaged, I have never for one moment entertained the slightest doubt or misgiving. It is not necessary, neither do I wish, to enter into anything like a consideration of the origin of this war. There are some, who, I am aware, hold the opinion, that, under a different course of policy, this war would have been avoided. In that opinion I cannot concur. I admit that perchance there was the possibility that it might have been postponed for a time: for a short time I believe it
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would have been, but then only to a moment less opportune to ourselves, and more advantageous to the enemy. But I had little difficulty in reconciling myself to the prosecution of a war which was not merely rendered justifiable and necessary, but which was actually forced upon us by the aggressive ambition of Russia. I will go one step further, and avow that I was looking with something like joyful anticipation to the probable results of the campaign of 1856. But the scene has changed. With my feelings strongly enlisted on the side of a vigorous prosecution of the war, I find myself somewhat suddenly—and I am bound to add, somewhat reluctantly—transformed into an advocate for peace. Every reasonable man—every reasonable Christian man—must in his heart prefer a state of peace to a state of war. But the main justification of all war, and particularly of the war in which we are now engaged, is that by a vigorous prosecution of it we shall obtain a sound and substantial peace. But we have not yet arrived at the moment in which it can be said with any truth that peace is either essential or necessary for our interests. Far from it. We are only at this moment beginning to shake off the rust and stiffness of forty years of comparative inaction. We are only just beginning to find ourselves capable of carrying on this war vigorously and efficiently. Our immense resources are only just beginning to tell. The condition of our army generally—never I trust to be again neglected in time of peace—was never in a greater state of efficiency for the purposes of war. The enormous power of our navy, augmented by all the modern appliances of science, and comprising vessels of every class suited to the peculiar appliances of the war, was never in a more efficient or powerful condition than at the present moment. The great successes already achieved, and the prospect of achieving successes still greater—all these render it but natural that there should be in the minds of many, not merely some disinclination from peace, but that there should be some strong and anxious desire to press our power to the utmost in order to reduce our adversary to the lowest state of distress. Under these circumstances, engaged with an adversary who, we have reason to believe, is crippled in resources both in men and money—an adversary who views probably with feelings of apprehension the prospects of the ensuing cam-

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paign—under those circumstances it is not surprising that there should be some reluctance in this country to peace. Yet, my Lords, sympathising as I do most fully with these feelings, I am bound to ask myself, and to ask your Lordships, whether we are at liberty to indulge in such feelings unreservedly and without limitation—whether we are at liberty to refuse pacific overtures coming from another quarter? There may be considerations and circumstances tending to change our course, tending to render our further perseverance in this war not merely impolitic, but actually unjustifiable. I will omit all considerations of the further loss of treasure and sacrifice of life; but there is one main consideration which I feel confident will weigh with your Lordships and with the country. The objects of this war are pure and simple enough; and if without the intervention of another campaign we can safely, substantially, and, humanly speaking, with some chance of permanency, attain these objects, our duty then becomes clear. All other considerations must give way, and we shall be bound at once to give our best endeavours to the attainment of such important objects. But, my Lords, let me not be misunderstood. I have already stated that I have become somewhat reluctantly an advocate of peace. I am so only conditionally, that we shall be able to come to an agreement on terms safe and honourable to ourselves and to our Allies—terms not only calculated to effect the objects of this war, so far as the aggressions of Russia upon Turkey may be concerned, but such further and additional terms as will stay the policy of Russia in other quarters—terms which our successes entitle us to require. They must be, moreover, terms offering a fair prospect of permanent peace, terms precise and so express as to leave no loophole for evasion on the part of our antagonist, and I will say, also, terms which when so expressed our antagonist must assent to irrevocably and unmistakably in our own sense. Thus far as an advocate of peace I may be willing to go; but I can go no further. Failing such terms as these, I would say we should give up all attempts at negotiation, and would recommend that, again addressing ourselves to action, we should endeavour by further warlike operations to accomplish the just objects we have in view.
I feel that some apology is necessary to your Lordships for having occupied your time on a matter which after all relates
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merely to my own opinions on this subject; but I assure your Lordships that I will not trespass on your time at any length in adverting, which I shall now do, to the other topics of Her Majesty's gracious Speech. First and foremost, I find a reasonable congratulation expressed on the great feature of the last campaign—the capture of Sebastopol. Well bestowed, indeed, is the praise accorded by Her Majesty to those brave men to whose persevering constancy and daring bravery this great achievement is to be attributed. If we have succeeded in destroying the enemy's great stronghold in the south, the treaty with Sweden appears to me a matter of scarcely minor importance; for by its means we have, in a bloodless but effectual manner, successfully checkmated the enemy in the north. There is one topic in Her Majesty's Speech, on which I might be inclined to trespass longer on your Lordships' time, were it not that I find it stated so explicitly that in conducting these negotiations care will be taken not to lose sight of the objects for which the war was undertaken, and that Her Majesty will deem it right in no degree to relax her naval and military preparations until a satisfactory treaty of peace shall have been concluded. I hope, my Lords, that due effect will be given by Her Majesty's Government to that statement. My Lords, the surest way of obtaining such a peace as we desire is to speak out boldly, and to show that there will be no relaxation in our efforts until we have obtained the objects which has rendered this war a war of necessity.
My Lords, it is unnecessary for me to do more than to allude to that part of Her Majesty's Speech, in which Her Majesty says—
"I rely with confidence on the manly spirit and enlightened patriotism of my loyal subjects for a continuance of that support which they have so nobly afforded Me; and they may be assured that I shall not call upon them for exertions beyond what may be required by a due regard for the great interests, the honour, and the dignity of the empire."
My Lords, I feel confident that so long as we have justice on our side, so long the good sense and the patriotism of the people of this country will resist all delusions that may be put forward to lead them into opposition to this just and patriotic war.
My Lords, in the midst of war, and the pressure arising from without, it will be a matter of satisfaction to your Lordships to find that time is still left for the consideration of internal and domestic matters. It must be a matter of great satisfaction to

9
us to find that our attention is called to the difference which exists in some important particulars between the commercial laws of Scotland and those of the other parts of the United Kingdom, which has occasioned considerable inconvenience to the persons of this country who are engaged in trade, and that a measure will be submitted to us for remedying this evil. I find also that a measure will be proposed on a matter of great importance, for improving the laws relating to partnership by simplifying those laws, and thus rendering more easy the employment of capital in commerce. I find also that commercial shipping is to be relieved from local duos and passing tolls, which it is stated have been the subject of much complaint. It is also a matter of great satisfaction to find that other important measures are to be introduced for improving the laws of the country.
My Lords, I do not know that there is more of Her Majesty's Speech which calls for observation from me. This I may say that my earnest hope is that the negotiations begun may be brought to a safe and solid conclusion. I confess I am greatly relieved from apprehension on this subject by the confidence that I have in the noble Lord at the head of Her Majesty's Government, and in the noble Lord to whom I believe the conduct of these negotiations is to be entrusted. If I had entertained the slightest misgivings as to the straightforwardness and honesty of the intentions of these noble Lords, or as to their determination to pursue a patriotic course, I should not have been here to address these observations to your Lordships. The noble Earl concluded by moving—
"That an humble Address be presented to Her Majesty in answer to Her Majesty's most gracious Speech from the Throne."
The following is a copy of the Address agreed to:—

MOST GRACIOUS SOVEREIGN,
"WE, Your Majesty's most dutiful and loyal Subjects, the Lords Spiritual and Temporal in Parliament assembled, beg leave to convey to Your Majesty our humble Thanks for Your Majesty's most gracious Speech from the Throne.
"WE humbly congratulate Your Majesty upon the signal and important Success which, since the Close of the last
10
Session of Parliament, the Arms of the Allies have achieved; and upon Sebastopol, the great Stronghold of Russia in the Black Sea, having yielded to the persevering Constancy and to the daring Bravery of the Allied Forces.
"WE humbly thank Your Majesty for informing us that the Naval and Military Preparations for the ensuing Year have occupied Your Majesty's serious Attention; but that, while determined to omit no Effort which could give Vigour to the Operations of the War, Your Majesty has deemed it Your Duty not to decline any Overtures which might reasonably afford a Prospect of a safe and honourable Peace. That accordingly, when The Emperor of Austria lately offered to Your Majesty and to Your august Ally The Emperor of the French to employ His good Offices with The Emperor of Russia, with a view to endeavour to bring about an amicable Adjustment of the Matters at issue between the contending Powers, Your Majesty consented, in concert with Your Allies, to accept the Offer thus made.
"WE assure Your Majesty that we participate in the Satisfaction which Your Majesty expresses in informing us that certain Conditions have been agreed upon which Your Majesty hopes may prove the Foundation of a General Treaty of Peace; and that Negotiations for such a Treaty will shortly be opened at Paris.
"WE humbly thank Your Majesty for acquainting us, that, in conducting those Negotiations, Your Majesty will be careful not to lose Sight of the Objects for which the War was undertaken, and will deem it right in no Degree to relax Your Naval and Military Preparations until a satisfactory Treaty of Peace shall have been concluded.
"WE thank Your Majesty for informing us, that, although the War in which Your Majesty is engaged was brought on by Events in the South of Europe, Your Majesty's Attention has not been withdrawn from the State of Things in the North

11
and that, in conjunction with The Emperor of the French, Your Majesty has concluded, with The King of Sweden and Norway, a Treaty containing defensive Engagements applicable to His Dominions, and tending to the Preservation of the Balance of Power in that Part of Europe.
"WE humbly thank Your Majesty for acquainting us, that Your Majesty has also concluded a Treaty of Friendship, Commerce, and Navigation with the Republic of Chili; and to convey to Your Majesty our Thanks for having directed that these Treaties shall be laid before us.
"WE humbly beg leave to acquaint Your Majesty that we participate in the Gratification expressed by Your Majesty at finding that, notwithstanding the Pressure of the War, and the Burthens and Sacrifices which it has unavoidably imposed upon Your People, the Resources of the Empire remain unimpaired. We humbly thank Your Majesty for the Confidence with which Your Majesty relies on the manly Spirit and enlightened Patriotism of Your loyal Subjects for a Continuance of that Support which they have so nobly afforded Your Majesty; and for the Assurance that Your Majesty will not call upon them for Exertions beyond what may be required by a due Regard for the great Interests, the Honour, and the Dignity of the Empire.
"WE assure Your Majesty that we will give our best Attention to the several Subjects connected with internal Improvement which Your Majesty has recommended to our Consideration.
"WE thank Your Majesty for informing us that Measures will be proposed for applying a Remedy to the Inconvenience which a large Portion of Your Majesty's Subjects engaged in Trade have experienced from the Difference which in several important Particulars exists between the Commercial Laws of Scotland and those of the other Parts of the United Kingdom.
"WE thank Your Majesty for acquainting us that Measures will also be proposed for our Consideration for improving the Laws relating to Partnership, by simplifying those Laws, and thus rendering more easy the Employment of Capital in Commerce.
"WE beg leave to express our humble Thanks to Your Majesty for informing us, that the System under which Merchant Shipping is liable to pay Local Dues and Passing Tolls having been the Subject of much Complaint, Measures will be proposed to us for affording Relief in regard to those Matters.
"WE beg leave humbly to assure Your Majesty that the other important Measures for improving the Law in Great Britain and in Ireland, which Your Majesty informs us will be proposed to us, shall receive our attentive Consideration.
"WE assure Your Majesty, that we unite with Your Majesty in fervently praying that in those and all other Matters upon which we may deliberate the Blessing of Divine Providence may favour our Councils, and may guide them to the Promotion of the great Object of Your Majesty's unvarying Solicitude, the Welfare and the Happiness of Your People."
THE EARL OF ABINGDONsaid, that in rising to second the Address which had been moved by his noble Friend, he could not help feeling his utter inadequacy to do justice to the task which he had undertaken, especially at a period so important—at a crisis so eventful, when the whole country was absorbed in the great question of peace or war—a question on which the public mind was agitated with anxiety and hope, but at the same time with doubt and apprehension—anxious that these negotiations should be brought, if possible, to a successful issue, but apprehensive lest any terms should be accepted inconsistent with the honour and dignity of the country, and which, in their effects, might be injurious to the ultimate peace and tranquillity of Europe. He must confess that he could not bring himself to share in those apprehensions, because he entertained a confident conviction

13
that Her Majesty's Government would never be party to terms of peace ignominious to the British name; and he felt an equally confident conviction that, if they were a party to such terms, they would justly forfeit the confidence of their Lordships' House, as well as that of the other House of Parliament. But if anything were required to convince him that due regard would be paid, in the negotiations about to take place, to British honour and British interests, he should find it in the fact that he understood that these negotiations were to be conducted on behalf of this country by his noble Friend who had so ably conducted the Foreign Affairs of this country—who had shown so much skill and ability in the performance of his important duties—who had conducted these affairs so much to the satisfaction of the country, and so much to the advantage of the public service, and who had been so eminently successful in all negotiations in which he had taken part. He thought that no man who had watched the progress of this war could deny that if the just demands of this country were not complied with by Russia, we were in a position to enforce those demands by a vigorous resumption of hostilities. What, he might ask, was the relative position of Russia and this country? Russia commenced the war, calculating, in the first place, on the weakness of Turkey and her inability to offer any prolonged resistance to her aggressive designs—calculating on the want of support on the part of the commercial classes in this country to a war policy—calculating that if we did go to war we should become involved in quarrels and disputes with neutral Powers—and calculating, above all, upon a want of cordial co-operation between this country and France. In all these calculations Russia had been completely baffled. Turkey, instead of showing weakness, had exhibited an amount of strength and vitality not before expected of her. The calculations of Russia, with respect to the want of support from the commercial classes in this country to the war, had been baffled by the cautious policy which had been pursued by the noble Earl then at the head of the Government (the Earl of Aberdeen), before war was declared. That policy had exposed the noble Earl to much obloquy and misrepresentation, but it had, in the end, enlisted the sympathies of the commercial classes in favour of the war, and had enabled us to obtain a hold over the public opinion of Europe which
14
we might otherwise have wanted. Moreover, by the judicious concessions which had been made by England, the maritime cooperation of France had been secured; and we had, by the same means, removed a just and legitimate cause of complaint on the part of the neutral Powers. Russia had also calculated on the want of sufficient military preparations on the part of this country. She calculated on the strength of those vast armies, fleets, and arsenals, on which she had lavished all the resources of her mighty empire. But what had been the result? In the first place, we had sent out the largest army that was ever sent out from the shores of this country within so short a space of time. Russia had not calculated the power of our navy, and she had over calculated her own, which had been annihilated in the Black Sea, and rendered powerless in the Baltic; it had been unable to protect her coasts from blockade. She was crippled in her military and internal resources—her commerce, her trade, and her finances were destroyed—she had no resources at home, and she was unable to obtain credit abroad. Such was the miserable condition to which that great Power had been reduced. But what was the position of this country? We commenced war to preserve the integrity and independence of the Ottoman Empire, which we considered essential to the maintenance of the balance of power in Europe. Much as we might regret the necessary evils of war, and the pressure of taxation which war had produced, we had the satisfaction of knowing that the Government had raised the necessary supplies without being driven to any alteration in that system of commercial policy which recently had been established in this country; that our trade had not been affected to nearly the same extent as in former wars; and that we had mitigated many of the evils of war by the wise and humane regulations we had adopted at the commencement of hostilities with respect to neutral Powers, and by the abolition of the barbarous practice of privateering. We had also the satisfaction of knowing that the comforts of our troops had been carefully and anxiously studied during the past year, and that they had not been exposed to the hardships and sufferings which had occurred during last winter. He would not stop to inquire whether or not those sufferings and hardships had arisen from any individual incapacity at home—though he entertained a strong opinion that they had arisen from the difficulties

15
which were inherent to the commencement of a great war. We had also the consolation of knowing—though it was a melancholy consolation indeed, considering the tremendous sacrifice of life with which they had been accompanied—that brilliant achievements had been performed by the British army, achievements which reflected honour and credit on our national name—achievements which, at the commencement of the war, no one would have been sanguine enough to have anticipated. He would but allude to the glorious victories of Alma and Inkerman—to the brilliant but fatal charge of Balaklava, led by the noble and gallant Earl opposite—victories which paved the way for that great and crowning victory, the capture of that important fortress, the orders for which had been sent out by the noble Duke (the Duke of Newcastle). Those orders had been carried out by the successor of the noble Duke, and by the united efforts of the Allied Powers that one great object of the war had been accomplished—they had obtained possession of Sebastopol—a fortress which had cost Russia millions of money, and which was the key of her southern provinces; and, notwithstanding the gallantry and determination with which that fortress had been defended, the people of England had the satisfaction of knowing that, whilst the eagles of France were planted upon the Malakoff, our gallant Allies had borne cheerful and honourable testimony to the gallantry and devotion of our troops engaged in the attack upon the Redan. At sea we had avenged the massacre of Sinope by the destruction of the Russian fleet which had perpetrated that outrage. We had complete possession of the Sea of Azoff; and after having accomplished these great results, we found our finances flourishing, and in such a condition as to enable us to carry on the war with ease, should that prove to be necessary; and, though desirous of peace, there is among the people of this country a spirit and determination, if need be, whatever may be the difficulties and privations, long and wearisome as may be the struggle, and distant as may be the time at which peace may be brought within reach, a steady determination to continue those efforts until peace shall be obtained upon secure and honourable terms. What, then, he might ask, could be more agreeable to the people of this country than the following words in the Speech from the Throne—the language of the responsible advisers of the Crown—
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that "I shall deem it right in no degree to relax My naval and military preparations until a satisfactory treaty of peace shall have been concluded." He (the Earl of Abingdon) rejoiced that these negotiations were to be held in the capital of Her Majesty's most august Ally, of that illustrious Prince who now swayed the destinies of a people distinguished for military prowess and renown, who were second to none in valour and heroism, and foremost among the nations of the Continent of Europe in all the arts of civilisation. He could scarcely find words to express his admiration of the noble and generous conduct of that illustrious Prince, and of his gallant people, in having come forward in so honourable a manner, forgetting all former grievances, all former rivalries and causes of complaint, and acting so cordially with this country. Nor could he forget the cordiality we had seen so satisfactorily evinced between the two armies in the field, and the interesting circumstance that that alliance had been cemented and strengthened by the act of Her Majesty in conferring upon the French army a signal mark of Her esteem for their gallant and brilliant services, bestowing those marks of Her regard by the hand of a gallant and illustrious Member of their Lordships' House, a Prince of the Blood Royal, who had shared the dangers, and participated in the successes of that army, and who had shown himself worthy of the confidence reposed in him by his Sovereign, and of his high and exalted station. There was also another illustrious Ally, who had furnished more than the stipulated number of troops, and whose soldiers had shown themselves worthy to contend side by side with the best troops of England and France—a sovereign who, though surrounded by nations to whom freedom and constitutional government were unknown, and where revolutionary fury was ever threatening to burst forth, had nevertheless succeeded in establishing in his dominions a Government based on free and constitutional principles. It was highly satisfactory to know that we enjoyed the alliance of such a Sovereign and such a people, He rejoiced, also, that a defensive alliance had been concluded with Sweden. Such an alliance was of the utmost importance to Sweden; and to us it was of great importance that we should be able to contend against the encroachments of Russia in that quarter. It was of the utmost importance to Russia that she should have a harbour free of ice, and by

17
the action of the Gulf stream it was well known that there were harbours on the coast of Sweden which were always free from ice, and which would therefore be most valuable in the hands of an ambitious Power like Russia. It was also satisfactory to know that a treaty of friendship, commerce, and navigation, had been concluded with the republic of Chili—a republic which had been distinguished among the South American States for her advance in social progress, and for her desire to promote the development of her resources. His noble Friend (the Earl of Gosford) had mentioned the various measures which they were informed in Her Majesty's Speech, would be introduced by Her Majesty's Government connected with our internal improvement and with the freedom of trade and the advancement of the commerce of the country. He (the Earl of Abingdon) rejoiced that, amid the din of military preparation. Her Majesty's Government had not been forgetful of the trading and commercial interests of the country, and that they were prepared, by the removal of all unnecessary restrictions, to facilitate the employment of capital, and to act in conformity with that great commercial policy, the soundness of which had enabled us to appear at this moment with undiminished resources in the face of a great and powerful enemy. If ever there was a time in which unanimity was desirable, that time was the present. He would therefore entreat their Lordships to show to the people of this country that, when great interests were at stake, party spirit was put in abeyance; to show to our Allies, to Europe, and, above all, to the enemy, that there was perfect unanimity in the British House of Parliament; and that, anxious and desirous as we were for the blessings of peace, yet if that peace could not be obtained on a firm, safe, and honourable basis—and obtained in a manner likely to be permanent and enduring—then we were unanimous in our determination to support the Crown in an instant, immediate, and vigorous resumption of hostilities. Thanking their Lordships for the indulgence which he had received, he had only to entreat their Lordships' unanimity in favour of the Address which had been moved by his noble Friend (the Earl of Gosford), and which he now begged to second.
THE EARL OF DERBY: My Lords, the noble Earl who has just sat down concluded the observations which he offered to
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the House by expressing his hope that on this occasion, under circumstances so important and so critical, there would be no false encouragement given to the enemy by any idea that the ties of party can by possibility prevail over that unanimity which I concur with him to be essential at this time to the best interests of the country; and I can assure the noble Earl that on my part, and on the part of those of my Friends with whom I have the honour and satisfaction to act, there is no desire in our Vote this evening to interfere with that unanimity to which he has referred, or to prevent the Answer to the Speech from the Crown from being carried by the unanimous sanction of your Lordships.
My Lords, I go along with the Address in answer to that which, in constitutional phrase, I must call Her Majesty's most gracious Speech; but, having said so, I must be permitted to deal with that Speech as it is, and not as it is not—to deal with it as the speech of the Ministers, and not as the Speech of our gracious Sovereign; and I do so because I feel that in my comments on that Speech I may make use of some expressions and apply some terms that would hardly be complimentary or even fitting if they were applied to anything emanating directly from the Sovereign. We are not accustomed to look in documents of this kind for ornaments of style, or for any great elegance of diction or language; and long experience has induced us to be perfectly satisfied if in plain and intelligible English the First Minister of the Crown conveys his meaning and intentions to the House. But I must venture to say, that of all the documents of this kind that ever came under my observation I never met with one that could so little pretend to the graces of diction, or even to the intelligible conveyance of information to the House. This document is chiefly confined to the subject of the war. Of course, I am ignorant by whom the paragraphs relating to the war may have been framed; but if they were the suggestion of my noble Friend opposite, to whose department they especially belong, it must have been at the close of one of those exhausting attacks to which he as well as I am unfortunately subject, or under the influence not more exhilarating of that meagre diet which is their necessary accompaniment. The Speech is redolent of water-gruel. It reminds me of nothing more than those documents which

19
in our early school days we wore accustomed to prepare, and which went by the name of "themes," in the composition of which the object was to accomplish the allotted task, and fill up the six-and-thirty lines of writing, taking especial care not to exceed the allotted limit, but within that limit to dilute with the largest possible amount of unnecessary and epithetical language the smallest possible quantity of meaning. We are not accustomed here, neither do we desire that the Speech from the Throne should emulate the longwindedness and diffusiveness of our Transatlantic brethren. I do not desire—far from it—that the Queen's Speech should be a copy of the President's Message; but we certainly have been accustomed on former occasions to see, though not at great length, yet the main interests and the main subjects of the day, connected with the well-being of the country, glanced at and treated of in the Speech from the Throne—some notice taken of our foreign relations—some mention made of the internal affairs of the country, of its commerce and its finances—some indications that we have such a thing as an empire in India, and some communication as to the condition and prospects of that empire. We have also been occasionally reminded in the Speech from the Throne that we have colonial possessions, and that the people of this country are not altogether indifferent as to what becomes of those possessions. I do not say that Her Majesty's Government should give us a broad and general résumé of all that has been done and all that they are about to do, but that the great and leading features appertaining to the Administration of this great empire ought to be brought, to a certain extent, under the view of Parliament in the Speech from the Throne, and that some indications at least should be given of the principal measures which it is intended by the Government to submit for the consideration of Parliament.
Now, in the Speech this day delivered from the Throne we commence with a paragraph so bare, so bald, so meagre, that I am at once warranted in drawing that distinction which I have already done between the Speech of the Sovereign and the speech of the Minister. We have a bare announcement in the first paragraph that—
"Since the Close of the last Session of Parliament, the Arms of the Allies have achieved a signal and important Success—that Sebastopol,
20
the great Stronghold of Russia in the Black Sea, has yielded to the persevering Constancy and to the daring Bravery of the Allied Forces."
One of the noble Lords who either moved or seconded the Address has spoken of the glowing encomiums which were passed by Her Majesty's Government on the gallantry and bravery of the troops; but all I can say is, that never was praise so faint for achievements so great, and never was a reception so ungracious given to heroic endurance, to unparalleled bravery, and to sufferings all but unparalleled, and to exertions that have achieved results which it was almost impossible to hope any amount of gallantry or endurance could have accomplished. I remember seeing it related of an officer that, in reporting to his immediate superior the result of a great victory, he couched his despatch in these short and emphatic terms—
"Sir—Yesterday Her Majesty's squadron under my command burnt, sunk, and captured the enemy's ships as per margin."
This was a most modest and emphatic way of reciting the result of a great action; but that commander was speaking of his own deeds and not of the achievements of others; he was only claiming for himself that meed of praise which the energy and gallantry of himself and of his comrades deserved; he was not undertaking to bestow the meed of praise to others which their actions had deserved. The present, however, is an occasion on which the Sovereign, in the presence of Her assembled Parliament, ought to perform—and would have performed, had She been left to the promptings of Her own heart—the pleasing task of declaring Her gratitude—Her unbounded gratitude—for the exertions, and Her sympathy with the sufferings of those brave men to whom this country is indebted for the success which has been achieved. My Lords, who has not watched with admiration the personal course which Her Majesty has pursued—the warm, kindly, and womanly sympathy She has shown for the sufferings of Her wounded soldiers? Who that has beheld Her decorating the survivors; with Her own hand, with those marks of honour which acquire a double value from being thus conferred; who that has heard of Her visiting the sick beds of the wounded, speaking to them of their private and individual sufferings, and cheering them with words which from any one would carry comfort and consolation, but which, from the lips of the Sovereign, must gratify the pride of those to whom

21
they are addressed, and excite feelings of the most loyal devotion; who that has observed the language, the demeanour, and the actions of the Sovereign towards Her soldiers will believe that, had Her Majesty been left to the promptings of Her own heart and to the expression of Her own feelings, the language of the Speech would have been thus cold and ungracious, and would have been confined to a simple statement that, since the close of the last Session of Parliament Sebastopol, the great stronghold of Russia in the Black Sea, has yielded to the persevering constancy and to the daring bravery of the allied forces? My Lords, if Her Majesty had followed the dictates of Her own judgment, I think I know what would have been the tone in which She would have addressed you. Her Majesty would have expressed a deep sense of gratitude to that Almighty Disposer of all events without whom arms can do nothing, and would have asked you to join in the expression of a nation's gratitude towards those brave men who, under that mighty Providence, have been enabled to achieve so important a success. Language such as that would have gone to the hearts of many and many thousands in this country. Language such as that, addressed by the Sovereign to Her Parliament, would have kindled anew and strengthened the flame of loyalty which burns among your troops, and would have encouraged them to those deeds of daring upon which such a paragraph as I have read is calculated to throw a damp.
But, my Lords, we are told in the Speech from the Throne, that—
"Since the Close of the last Session of Parliament, Sebastopol, the great Stronghold of Russia in the Black Sea, has yielded to the persevering Constancy and to the daring Bravery of the Allied Forces"—
and we are now asked to thank Her Majesty for giving us this information—information which for the last three months has been notorious all over the world; within that time information of that fact, so far as it is a fact—because unhappily it is not a fact—might be derived from the columns of any newspaper. Unhappily it is not a fact. "Sebastopol, the great stronghold of Russia in the Black Sea," has not yielded to your valour and to your daring, whatever that valour and daring may have been. It is true, that by unparalleled achievements, you have succeeded in forcing a portion of that strong-
22
hold. You have obtained possession of the southern side of Sebastopol. You have destroyed the fleet of Russia—or, at least, she has destroyed them herself, and has saved you the trouble. You have blown up, or you are blowing up, those splendid docks which were miracles of art, of perseverance, and of skill, but "the great stronghold of Russia" still holds you at defiance. In front of that stronghold upon the northern coast, beleaguered rather than beleaguering, lie your armies at this moment, while your fleets are floating at a respectful distance from that stronghold which you declare has yielded to the persevering constancy and to the daring bravery of the allied forces. Although, therefore, I am ready to congratulate Her Majesty, as we are invited to do, upon the success which has been attained, I must yet say that it is not correct to say what this paragraph of the Speech says, and that it is an erroneous statement that the great stronghold of Russia has yielded to the daring and valour of your troops, however great that daring and valour may have been.
My Lords, I rejoice to learn that the naval and military preparations for the ensuing year have occupied the serious attention of Her Majesty's Government. I must confess, that, whatever hope of peace I may have entertained, or may entertain, as the result of these negotiations, I have not derived any great encouragement to look for a satisfactory issue from the language which has been held by my noble Friend who opened the debate and by the noble Earl who seconded the Address. Both those noble Lords expressed considerable doubt as to the issue of the negotiations which are now in progress; and I concur with them that, while we should welcome, and cordially welcome, in the interest of Europe, any peace which would effectually attain those objects for which we originally went to war, it will be a permanent disgrace to this country if we accept any peace which should fall short of the full accomplishment of those objects. I rejoice that, while we are not declining overtures of peace, we are making effective preparations for war; and, although I fear that the noble Earl has, to a certain degree, overrated the state of exhaustion and difficulty and distress of our great foe, yet I believe he has not overrated the amount—the formidable amount—of the preparations which we are mak-

23
ing, and which my noble Friend would seem somewhat reluctant to see altogether wasted, and not applied in the new campaign of 1856; and I am sure that he has not overrated the stedfast, stubborn perseverance which this country will always display for the attainment of any object which it feels to be just and necessary to attain. I cannot blame Her Majesty's Government for having consented to enter into negotiations, although I may entertain considerable suspicion with regard to the quarter from which these negotiations proceed; and I must say, though I do not doubt that the framer of the paragraph before us has accurately described the course of events, yet the language used in that paragraph is by no means satisfactory to my mind. We are told that—
"The Emperor of Austria lately offered to Myself mid to My august Ally The Emperor of the French to employ His good Offices with The Emperor of Russia, with a view to endeavour to bring about an amicable Adjustment of the Matters at issue between the contending Powers."
I doubt not that this is a correct statement of the facts, and that the Emperor of Austria has applied to the Emperor of the French and to Her Majesty for their sanction to these negotiations with the Emperor of Russia in order to the attainment of peace; but I confess that it would to me have borne a more gratifying appearance if the Government had been enabled to state that the Emperor of Austria had applied for the sanction of the Emperor of Russia to employ his good offices with the Emperor of the French and the Queen of England; for from the language of the Speech—and I doubt not that language was well considered—the impression in Europe, and I fear it is a correct impression, will be that, after all, we are virtually applicants to Russia for peace, and that Russia is not the applicant to us. ["No, no," from the Ministerial benches.] Noble Lords opposite say "No, no." The statement they make is this—that Austria has applied for your consent to employ her good offices with Russia towards obtaining the assent of Russia to certain conditions in which you have previously signified your concurrence, Now, if in that case you are not the party seeking for peace—you having given your assent to the conditions and applying for the concurrence of Russia—and if Russia is not the party preserving the right to
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grant those conditions or to refuse them, I confess I do not understand what is the force of language, or how it could be more clearly intimated.
My Lords, there are in the Speech from the Throne two very remarkable omissions. The noble Earl who seconded the Address has to a certain extent supplied one of them. He has done justice to the merits and to the services and to the position of one of our Allies—the most disinterested, the most energetic, and the most deserving of our support and consideration—I mean the King of Sardinia; but strange it is that, during the whole course of the Speech, not only is the existence of the King of Sardinia altogether ignored, not only are the services he has rendered to the cause totally excluded from any mention, but—what is something more extraordinary still—from first to last in this Speech there does not occur the slightest allusion to the name or the existence of Turkey. Why, I thought Turkey was the principal in this war! I thought you were at war in defence of the integrity of Turkey. I thought it was because Turkey boldly and gallantly threw herself into the breach, and refused to assent to the degrading conditions which Russia sought to impose upon her, that we came forward as allies to her assistance; but now, forsooth, propositions of peace are made to France and England; they are accepted by France and England; and, having assented to those conditions, we are—certainly in conjunction with our Allies, as we find at the close of the paragraph—proceeding to discuss them as the foundation of a general treaty: but nothing is said of the principal party concerned. I must say, that this entire silence with regard to both Turkey and Sardinia—this thrusting of them both so entirely into the shade—is little consistent with the comity of nations, and the relationship in which those countries stand to France and England.
My Lords, I commented just now on the ungracious terms in which Her Majesty has been made to refer to the services of Her own troops in that successful and honourable achievement—the capture of portion of Sebastopol; and certainly, if such ungracious terms are applied to those whoso efforts have been crowned with such an important measure of success, it does not surprise me that Her Majesty's Ministers should have found no terms of commendation to throw away upon others

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whose sufferings have been not less unparalleled, whose deeds have been not less heroic or less distinguished, although, alas! their efforts, their long-suffering endurance, have not been attended with success—it does not surprise me that the Government should have found no language in which to record the matchless endurance and indomitable gallantry of those brave men who, in a distant and deserted Asiatic town, maintained so well and so nobly the honour of the English arms, and showed in so signal a manner that when directed and commanded by British officers, the Turkish soldiers are capable of as great devotion and heroism as any troops in the world. My Lords, were there no words of praise or of sympathy from their Sovereign and the Parliament which might have cheered these brave men in the depth of those prisons to which their gallantry has consigned them—which might have given them fresh courage to support their sufferings and their misfortunes, and proved to them that their exertions and their hardships had not been undergone in the service of an ungrateful country? It is but little that individual sympathy can do in such cases; but some such words of sympathy and praise as I have indicated coming from their Sovereign in the presence of Her assembled Parliament, would carry with them a weight which can accompany the language of no other individual;—yet, standing in this place, and feeling that my words may possibly reach the prisons to which they have been doomed, but by a not ungenerous enemy, I would say to those gallant spirits—to Williams, to Teas-dale, to Lake, and Thompson—" You may rest assured that this House and the country deeply sympathise with you in your misfortunes; and we honour the valour and prize the fame of the brave but unsuccessful defenders of Kars as not below those of the more fortunate conquerors of Sebastopol." I am not surprised that there should rise a blush of shame on the cheek of the Minister, or that he should hesitate and be paralysed, when about to inscribe in the Queen's speech the significant name of Kars!—a name of everlasting triumph and distinction to the valiant souls who, amid all the horrors of famine and hemmed in on all sides by an overpowering force, again and again repulsed their enemy, on whom they on one occasion inflicted a loss almost exceeding the carnage of any battle of modern times; and who, despite of every dis-
26
couragement, maintained their high spirit, and achieved victory after victory, until finally compelled to yield, not to the overwhelming numbers of the foe, but to the still more unconquerable force of sheer famine. The name of Kars, then, will be remembered to the immortal honour of its defenders; and let me add, that its name also confers no slight degree of honour and credit on the conqueror of those brave men, who, in the generous terms of capitulation which he granted, showed that he, at all events, knew how to appreciate an enemy's valour and fortitude, even when unavailing. Fortunate, indeed, was it for the gallant garrison of Kars that they had to deal with a Mouravieff, and not with a Coronini. Fortunate was it for the brave Poles and Hungarians who formed part of that undaunted garrison that the chivalrous spirit of their high-minded conqueror suffered them to go free, without incurring those additional dangers to which, as other than mere prisoners of war, they might have been exposed. Well was it for them that he was not one of those who would seek to strain the law of nations for the purpose at once of insulting an ally and trampling on the misfortunes of an exile. Yet, my Lords, if on the conqueror of Kars, and still more on its heroic defenders, the name of that fortress reflects imperishable renown, I must say, with deep regret, that it is equally a name of eternal reproach and shame to those, be they who they may, by whom this devoted band was left without support and without relief, and this important town allowed to fall unsuccoured, and even unavenged. My Lords, I know not to what influence we may ascribe this fatal, this inexcusable error. I have heard—but I cannot for a moment entertain the idea, and I bring the subject forward to give Her Majesty's Government an opportunity of giving to the rumour the most unqualified denial—I have heard it whispered abroad that while my noble Friend (the Earl of Ellenborough) was earnestly pressing upon the War Minister day by day the necessity of defending Turkey on her Asiatic frontier, warning him, from history and example, that that was the quarter from which Constantinople had most cause for apprehension, and reminding him that in the fatal years 1828 and 1829 the disastrous Treaty of Adrianople was hardly loss attributable to the advance of the Russian troops upon the European side of Turkey than to the successes of Paskiewitch and Mou-

27
ravieff at Kars and Erzeroum—while my noble Friend was urging these considerations upon the attention of the Government, it is alleged, though I can hardly credit it, that this important strategical post was neglected and abandoned to its fate because of some miserable jealousy between the two great Allies of Turkey—some paltry fear that we should be suspected of seeking, under cover of an expedition to the coast of Asia, to promote, not the conjoined interests of Turkey and the Allies, but our own isolated and exclusive interests. If this impression that has gone abroad were in any degree well founded, I should look, my Lords, upon the prospects of peace for Europe with the utmost alarm and dismay; I should see in this circumstance a convincing proof that, whatever the alliance which I deem so invaluable and on which I set such vast store, may be in name, it is nothing in substance—that there is no real alliance, no cordial co-operation between the two great Powers, the union of which is indispensable to the wellbeing and tranquillity of Europe. I should blush, my Lords, for my country, if I could believe that, under the pretence of advancing the common cause, any measure could be undertaken by the British Government, having for its object the separate and exclusive advantage of England only. On the other hand, I think it would be unworthy of France, and wholly inconsistent with the frank and loyal course which our illustrious Ally has hitherto pursued towards us, for him to harbour for one moment any such dark suspicion against the Government of this country as that we were influenced by a desire of attending only to our own interests and abandoning the other interests involved in the war, because we supposed that a particular course would more immediately contribute to our own advantage. I say that while, on the one hand, it would be disgraceful to this country to cover any such projects as those to which I have alluded under the mask of an expedition which was, in fact, directed to other objects—so, on the other hand, it would be equally disgraceful to France to cast suspicion upon us, and so to paralyse our efforts in the common cause; and it would be doubly unworthy of us to yield to, or to submit to such a suspicion; and, if I could for one instant believe that there was the slightest ground for anything so derogatory to the character of both nations, I should say then that we were reduced to
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the miserable position of submissively and obsequiously following in the wake of France, instead of standing in the manly attitude of complete equality with her, and acting in friendly and honourable community of councils and of arms. I have thought it my duty to make this statement, for I know there is an impression in the public mind to that effect, which I know is unfounded, and I earnestly appeal to Her Majesty's Government to profit by this opportunity, and give to the notion the most unequivocal and unqualified denial. My Lords, it has also been stated that the brave garrison of Kars, day after day, and week after week, watched, but watched in vain, for the arrival of succour—for provisions, ammunition, and money—which they had repeatedly applied for to Her Majesty's Ambassador at Constantinople. I have the very highest opinion of the services that have been rendered to his country by Lord Stratford de Redcliffe; I have had the opportunity of testifying in the most unmistakable manner my sense of the value of those services; and I cannot and will not believe, until I have had the most indisputable evidence of it, that he has so far forgotten what he owed to his Sovereign and Her Ally, and to the common cause in which we are engaged, as to treat with neglect, and even with contempt, repeated and urgent applications made to him for aid by British officers, who were bravely encountering the greatest difficulties, and resolutely supporting the severest privations to uphold the honour of their country's arms. Doubtless my noble Friend the Secretary for Foreign Affairs will feel it to be his duty to lay, at the earliest moment, upon the table of both Houses of Parliament a statement of all the circumstances that relate to this disastrous abandonment of the garrison of Kars. Let the blame lie where it may, this country has a right to know, and will know, on whose shoulders it properly rests. It will not do to cast it upon this or the other Pasha. It will not do attribute it, for instance, to the dilatoriness of Selim Pasha, who, having at his command a force of not more than 10,000 or 12,000 men, exercised, as I believe, a very sound discretion in maintaining his position at Erzeroum, instead of endeavouring to relieve Kars in the face of the vastly superior force of the enemy. We must know to what we owe it that when this advanced position had been taken up, and so fortified as to be rendered impregnable, or nearly so—we

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must be informed how it happened that, for several long months before it was invested, while communications were still open, while money was abundant, and while the means of transport were easily attainable, no measures were taken to relieve that fearless and gallant garrison which, as has been since ascertained, were invincible except by famine. My Lords, I do not hesitate to assert that there is a primâ facie case of grievous charge against Her Majesty's Government for neglecting to see to the provisioning and supplying of Kars while the communications were yet open, and I cannot but think that it will require some ingenuity to show why, even after the communications were closed, no effort was made to relieve the garrison—to break through the line of the besieging army. It may perhaps be said that no men could be spared from the army before Sebastopol. I have heard the remark made, that the first great blunder of the campaign was the entire concentration of all our efforts upon Sebastopol. Into the discussion of that question I will not now enter; but I may be allowed to ask, if of the troops before that mighty fortress not one man could have been spared, where was the Turkish Contingent of which we last Session heard so much? During the discussion on the Foreign Enlistment Bill last year, we were repeatedly told that what we wanted was not soldiers who would require six months training, but an abundance of ready-made soldiers, who could be found over the whole of Europe, already prepared and disciplined for every service of war, and who would be available in a very short period for any purpose for which we could possibly require them. Parliament sanctioned last year a very considerable loan for the purpose of securing the disciplined services of such a body. What has become of the men who were raised under the Foreign Enlistment Act? What has become of the money that was procured under the terms of that loan? What has become of the Turkish Contingent which, having been embodied so slowly and organised so tardily, was sent at last to a point where they could do nothing for the assistance and relief of Kars? How are we to account for the imprisonment of 30,000 or 40,000 men at Eupatoria, where they were powerless for the relief of the distressed garrison, and of no possible advantage to the common cause? How do you account for your inactivity, when, with money in plenty to
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obtain provisions long before the place was surrounded by the enemy, you made no effort to furnish it with ample supplies, and with troops in abundance no attempt was made to relieve it after the Russian forces had invested it? I hope that Her Majesty's Government will be able to give such explanation on these points as will tend to remove the deep imputation which rests upon them as having sacrificed that gallant band of men, and lost that important post. These, my Lords, are momentous matters, and well deserve the serious consideration of the country. I hope that they will obtain the attention they merit, and that we shall have such an explanation of this apparent neglect on the part of the Government as will redeem them from the deep imputation which now rests upon them—of having sacrificed a gallant army, abandoned an important post, and permitted the occurrence of a calamity, which, though thanks to the heroism of that devoted band it has not dimmed the lustre of our arms, has yet given to the enemy a cause of exultation, and filled the heart of the British nation with the most painful emotions.
My Lords, we are informed in the Speech from the Throne, that negotiations for a treaty of peace will shortly be opened at Paris, and Her Majesty goes on to say,—
"That in conducting these Negotiations She shall be careful not to lose Sight of the Objects for which the War was undertaken, and that She shall deem it right in no Degree to relax Her Naval and Military Preparations until a satisfactory Treaty of Peace shall have been concluded."
I have, my Lords, deemed it within my province, as a Member of your Lordship's House, and I have thought it a part of my Parliamentary duty, to express myself thus freely, frankly, and unreservedly upon the past; but there is a limit beyond which it would not be wise for me to go. I am sensible that it would be unsafe, unwise, and injurious to the public interest for me to say one single word either with regard to propositions which may be under discussion, or with reference to those terms and conditions on which, as I believe, peace might be fairly and honourably concluded. I entirely concur with the noble Lord who seconded this Motion, that it is in no degree desirable that we should entertain any views or contemplate any objects more extensive than those which, at the commencement of the war, were submitted to our consideration by the noble

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Lord the Secretary for Foreign Affairs. I am far from giving my sanction to those exaggerated opinions and somewhat Utopian projects, which, as I understand, have obtained the approval of a noble Friend of mine on the opposite benches (the Earl of Harrow-by), nor can I at all commend the idea, that the war should be continued with a view to the relief of oppressed nationalities. I trust that your Lordships will view the question in the same light, and that you will not give any such extension to the character and purpose of the war. If I remember aright, the noble Lord at the head of the Foreign Department laid it down that these were the objects of the war—to secure effectually the integrity and independence of the Turkish Empire, to include that empire as a component part of the great European system, and to take ample and decisive securities to curb the unjust ambition and to repress the territorial aggressions of Russia. These the noble Lord the Secretary for Foreign Affairs intimated to be "the objects of the war." With these objects permanently and effectually secured by the terms of a treaty, I profess that I shall be satisfied; with less than these, securely obtained, neither I nor, as I think, the country will ever be contented. With regard to the details connected with the obtaining of these objects I shall carefully abstain from saying a single word. Nay more, I am prepared to give Her Majesty's Government this assurance, that during the course of the deliberations now about to be entered on I will myself carefully abstain—and I will impress on all with whom I have the slightest influence the necessity of refraining from making any comments, suggestions, or observations which can have the effect of unnecessarily embarrassing the Government in the conduct and management of the negotiations. It may, no doubt, be gratifying to the self-love of this or the other House of Parliament to believe that in matters of this kind they are to be the constant and daily advisers of the Sovereign and the Minister; but, my Lords, I have not so read the history of our country, nor do I so interpret our constitution. In my opinion the prerogative of peace and war rests with the Sovereign, and with the Sovereign alone; but that privilege and prerogative of the Sovereign is exercised by the responsible Minister of the Crown. He to whom that great duty is confided has power to bind and tie down the nation to such terms as he may think advisable,
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inasmuch as he is intrusted, or supposed to be intrusted, with the confidence of the Sovereign and the country. To him is committed the conduct of affairs, and he is in a position to bind irreversibly both the Sovereign and the country. Such is the part which the constitution assigns to the responsible Minister of the Crown; and the duty of Parliament, I humbly submit, is not to interfere injuriously and gratuitously with the discharge of that duty, but to allow the Minister to pursue without impediment that course which he may think most consistent with the end to be attained. When the Minister has performed his task it becomes the duty of Parliament to signify its approval or condemnation of the policy he has pursued, and of the measures he has taken to give effect to that policy. This, I am well aware, is not the popular doctrine of the day; but it is the theory of the constitution, and great will be the evil if in practice we depart from it. Therefore, though I grieve to say that I cannot entertain for the Government those sentiments of confidence with which the Sovereign honours them, and which the majority of the country is not disposed to withhold from them, I am, nevertheless, prepared to give them an assurance that, as far as I am concerned, they shall be vexed with no wanton interference, with no vexatious comments, with no unnecessary questions, and that no impediment shall be offered to the course of their proceedings until they shall have brought us to one of two issues—a durable and honourable peace, or the renewal of a just and necessary war.
My Lords, one of the noble Lords who have already spoken used the words "resumption of hostilities," and I find that Her Majesty speaks in a similar tone. The paragraph in the Royal Speech runs thus—
"In conducting those Negotiations I shall be careful not to lose Sight of the Objects for which the War was undertaken; and I shall deem it right in no Degree to relax My Naval and Military Preparations until a satisfactory Treaty of Peace shall have been concluded."
I confess that the alteration of a few letters in this paragraph would have made the sentence much more satisfactory to me. For "preparations" I should have much preferred the word "operations." I do sincerely hope that it is not intended to grant an indefinite and uncertain suspension of hostilities, and so to give the opportunity, by protracting the negotiations,

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to waste in inactivity the early months of that season now fast approaching for which we have made such great preparations. I hope, above all, that there will be no armistice by sea. I hope that Her Majesty's Government will be especially careful to avoid consenting to any armistice whatever, for any description of armistice must be all in favour of the enemy. It will give him in the Crimea the undoubted right to move his troops from point to point, to carry his troops uninterrupted anywhere that he pleases in his own territory, and will give him permission to provision and reinforce Sebastopol by land, and it may be by sea also—an element from which he is now banished; while we, who have the uncontrolled command of the sea, will derive no advantage from the sea that we do not now possess, whereas on shore we shall be tied down to the simple occupation of the very spot, contracted as it is, in which our army is now placed. I should say that, if it be possible, there should be no armistice at all. The season and the weather alone will prevent all active military operations for a month or six weeks to come, and I trust that long before that period expires the Government will have brought to a definite issue the question of peace or war. What I most earnestly deprecate, and what Russia is, no doubt, most anxious to obtain, is an indefinite prolongation of, perhaps, fruitless negotiations which waste our time and spoil our opportunities, while they afford to Russia the means of recruiting her strength, which, if not so much shattered and shaken as was asserted by the noble Earl who seconded the Address, I believe to have been considerably crippled.
My Lords, the next paragraph of Her Majesty's Speech, I confess, appears to me one of rather a singular character, but I will not quarrel with it, although, certainly, a very curious sort of geographical puzzle is made in it. Her Majesty has been advised to say, as though we supposed it quite impossible that attention should be paid to both the south and the north, that—
"Although the War in which I am engaged was brought on by Events in the South of Europe, My Attention has not been withdrawn from the State of Things in the North."
Nor am I going to say a single word against the Treaty with Sweden, which is about to be laid before us. As far as I can collect from public sources of information, I believe it to be one of a satisfactory character, and certainly of a very
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satisfactory character to the King of Sweden and Norway, because, as I understand it, we enter into an engagement which is very much as if I were to undertake with my neighbour that I would join in the expense of watching and guarding his house, provided he would promise me he would not let the burglar in at the back door. What advantages we are to expect, except very contingent ones, I cannot as yet discover. There may, it is true, be a secret article; but, as far as I can judge, the effect of the Treaty is that we bind ourselves that Sweden shall not be robbed, and Sweden binds herself that she will not be robbed if she can help it.
Your Lordships will excuse me if I pass over very slightly that very important commercial treaty "of friendship, commerce, and navigation "which we are informed has been concluded with the Republic of Chili, upon which much stress has been laid by the noble Earl who seconded the Address, and which will no doubt in due time receive all the consideration which its importance deserves. But, my Lords, while Her Majesty is engaged in this geographical tour from south to north, and thence to the Republic of Chili, it would have been satisfactory to know what impression had been produced upon Her Majesty's mind by events in the east and the west. I should have liked all the points of the compass mentioned, and it does, my Lords, I confess, strike mo as singular that no notice is taken of any of our foreign relations in other countries, although, if I am to believe very current rumours, those relations are not in every case of a very satisfactory character. It would not have been dissatisfactory, if it had been known to us what is going on at Teheran and Washington. These are not unimportant points, and I should have thought that some mention might have been made of our relations with the Shah of Persia, from whose Court our Minister has withdrawn; and that something might have been said about our relations with the Cabinet of Washington, where those relations are in such a position that the recall of our Minister is said to have been demanded by the Cabinet of Washington. These, I should have thought, are matters of sufficient importance to have justified at least a passing notice in the Speech from the Throne; and if Her Majesty was unable, as She has done on most previous occasions, to inform us that all our relations with Foreign Powers were amicable and friendly, it might, at least,

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have been intimated to us whether there was any, and what, danger of a rupture of our relations with Asia and the West. Her Majesty's Government, however, have not thought it expedient to open, this subject at all, and I am therefore very unwilling to deal with it; but, so far as I can collect as to our rupture with the Court of Teheran, it appears to be of so slight and trivial a character that, unless it is an indication of altered feeling on the part of the Persian Government, prompted by sympathy with Russia, I could almost have forgiven noble Lords opposite for not having introduced any allusion to it. But the case is far different as regards the United States. There is no country in the world with which we are bound by such ties of close and intimate relationship—none with which our commercial relations, exclusive of the ties of common language and laws, are so vast and important—none with which a war would be so mutually suicidal as with the United States. As to the United States I can excuse no such omission. I do not suppose that all the language we see used by the American press, and which would be wholly unworthy of the dignity of a great country, is adopted by the American Government; but if that Government have made the representations to the Legislature which they are reported to have made, then I think our relations with America are most threatening, not to say most alarming. With regard to what is called the Clayton-Bulwer Treaty, relating to Central America, so far as I am able to judge, I agree with Her Majesty's Government in the explanations they have given; nor, looking to that Treaty and to the circumstances which preceded it, can I conceive that a different construction can be put upon it from that put upon it by Her Majesty's Government. A dispute concerning the interpretation of a treaty is not, however, one which ought to excite great alarm as to the consequences; it is of all things in the world a most fitting subject for reference to the arbitration of a friendly Power, and I trust there can be no apprehension of the rupture of friendly relations on this account. I wish I could speak as confidently with regard to the other question of dispute; because, although I think every amende and every apology have been made by Her Majesty's Government, I cannot conceal from myself the fact that the Government have, in the first instance, given just and reasonable cause of complaint to the Government of
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the United States. When the Foreign Enlistment Bill was under discussion, one of the main objections brought against the measure was, that we should, in all probability, involve ourselves in constant disputes with those Powers whose subjects, without their concurrence, we were seeking to enlist; and, say what you please, and guarded as may be the language of the Bill, it is indisputable to my mind, that in carrying out the provisions of that Foreign Enlistment Bill, if you do not infringe upon the letter, you have proceeded in opposition to the spirit of the municipal law of the United States. I deeply regret that the Government should have been betrayed into such an error, and I do not wonder that at a period of great popular excitement it should have aroused angry feeling and a sense of insult on the part of perhaps the most susceptible nation in the world on the question of their institutions. At the same time I will entertain—I will not say confidence, but hope, founded on the sound common sense of that great and intelligent community, that when the first feelings of indignation and of anger have passed away—when the cause for which agitators are striving to inflame the public mind shall have ceased to exist—they will calmly and deliberately consider the unintentional character of the offence in the first place given, and will be content with that full and ample apology which I understand Her Majesty's Government has made to the offended dignity of the United States, and which I think any great nation, truly conscious of its own strength, would accept as a sufficient reparation for the wrong done. I therefore venture to entertain the hope that in that quarter more friendly relations will exist, though, at the same time. I must say that I think Her Majesty's Government would have acted more wisely, with a view to soothe any angry feeling, and to pave the way to more friendly relations, if they had inserted in Her Majesty's Speech a conciliatory paragraph applying to the people of that great country, instead of passing over the subject in a contemptuous way, as though it were unworthy a moment's consideration.
My Lords, upon the latter portion of the Speech I am not disposed to offer any lengthened remarks. Her Majesty informs us that "there are many subjects connected with internal improvements," which She recommends to our attentive consideration. With this recommendation of subjects to our serious attention, which would

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lead us to suppose that they are of importance, there might, I think, have been coupled some little information as to what those subjects were. I hope it was not intended to limit our consideration to those four questions with regard to which, with somewhat unnecessary and unusual tautology, we are informed that measures will be proposed to us. I do not undervalue the importance of the questions suggested for the consideration of Parliament; some of them are, perhaps, matters of national importance; others are matters in which the intervention of Parliament is required, for the purpose of remedying the somewhat bungling legislation of past Parliaments. But there are other topics of perhaps greater difficulty and importance which, I think, might have been mentioned. For example, the education of the people of this country will, perhaps, be considered as more worthy of allusion than many of the questions introduced into the Speech; but I suppose these topics are introduced as being most easily dealt with, on the principle that—
"Quæ
Desperat tractata nitescere posse relinquit."
In conclusion, I will only say, that I do not intend to offer the slightest opposition to the unanimous adoption of this Address. I do not propose to offer any amendment, though I think the Speech itself might be re-written with advantage. But not being responsible for the matter, or for the style, which I leave to Her Majesty's Government to settle among themselves—concurring with the general policy of conducting these negotiations with arms in our hands—of consenting to no peace except a just and honourable peace, and one which will effect the objects of the war—of carrying on the war for not one single moment after those objects are accomplished, but of carrying it on with unflinching perseverance and undaunted courage up to the time when, either with or without those who call themselves our Allies, those objects can be obtained by this country—assuming, I say, that this is the spirit of the Speech, I will not only give no opposition to the Address in answer to it, but the noble Earl (the Earl of Clarendon) may depend upon me and my friends in carrying out such a policy as I have described, and abstaining from taking any ungenerous advantage, which circumstances might afford us, to embarrass Her Majesty's Ministers.
My Lords, there is another subject to which no reference is made in Her Majes-
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ty's Speech, but to which I wish to call the attention of your Lordships, because, in my opinion, it involves a question of the deepest constitutional importance. We have heard that Her Majesty has been advised to confer upon an individual, distinguished for his eminent ability, the dignity of the peerage, but that that peerage is limited to the life of that distinguished person. It appears to me, my Lords, that that peerage has been conferred most unnecessarily and gratuitously as far as regards the limitation for life, because the distinguished person on whom it has been conferred has no son, nor is he likely to have one. A peerage, therefore, of such a description can only have been conferred in order to try the prerogative of the Crown. Now, my Lords, without venturing to discuss the constitutional side of the question, I may venture to say that when it is sought to exercise a prerogative, or supposed prerogative, of the Crown, of such a nature, such a subject ought not to be passed over in silence on the first night of our meeting. It is a prerogative which has never been exercised for a space of 300 or 400 years—one which during that space the greatest sticklers for prerogative have never ventured to advise, and which those who have been most desirous to swamp your Lordships' House have never dared to recommend. The gratuitous assumption of such a prerogative is a matter for the deepest consideration, and I earnestly exhort all your Lordships—for the subject is one which concerns all, and which especially affects the constitutional liberty of the country—to carefully consider whether you will, or can, or ought to submit to the exercise of a prerogative which has been dormant for many years, and which, as I believe, at no time your Lordships' House has ever sanctioned as conferring a right to sit and vote in Parliament. I do not wish to discuss that question; and I trust that it will not fall to my lot to do so, but rather that it will fall into the hands of those who are far more experienced in constitutional law, and much better able to deal with such subjects. I trust also that it will fall into other hands for different reasons. This is a question which should be discussed in such a manner as to exclude all suspicion of anything like party feeling; and if the subject were brought forward by one in he position which I have the honour to hold, party motives would in all probability be attributed to him. I trust, therefore,

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as I have before said, that this duty will fall into the hands of those much more able to undertake it than I am, and I hope that Her Majesty's Government will, without previous notice, taking into consideration the importance of the question, give us a locus standi by laying on the table of your Lordships' House the patent of peerage which Her Majesty has been advised to confer on the distinguished person to whom I have referred. That patent will necessarily be produced when that learned person takes his seat in your Lordships' House, and it is most desirable that the subject should not be discussed upon that occasion. I say, therefore, that we ought to have the patent laid upon the table as a formal locus standi, in order to obviate the great inconvenience of discussing this subject in the presence of the person chiefly concerned, and I hope that Her Majesty's Government will not object to laying the patent upon the table.
THE EARL OF CLARENDON,who was very imperfectly heard, was understood to say, that the noble Earl had addressed several observations to Her Majesty's Government in reference to the topics contained in Her Majesty's Speech, to which he wished to take an early opportunity of replying, and that he would begin with the latter topic adverted to by the noble Earl in reference to our foreign relations, namely, that connected with the differences which had arisen between Her Majesty's Government and the Government of the United States. With reference to both the questions which formed the groundwork of those differences, he begged generally to express his entire concurrence in the views of the noble Earl. With respect to the first of the points in dispute between the two Governments, he thought there could be no two opinions as to the commonsense view of the obligations of the Bulwer-Clayton Treaty. It was simply as to the legal interpretation that any difference of opinion could take place. Entirely taking the same view as the noble Earl, that when differences of this kind arose between two Governments correspondence was generally useless as a means of settlement, he had lost no time in making the offer to the United States Government to refer the whole question in dispute to any third Power that might be willing to undertake the reference, both parties agreeing to be bound by the decision. This offer, he regretted to say, had not been accepted by that Government; but he had
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since renewed it, and he thought it was so plain and so obvious that this was the fairest and the most rational mode of settling the difference, that he earnestly hoped that that offer would in the end be accepted. With respect to the other point of difference which had arisen between the two Governments, he must say that he concurred in the opinion expressed by his noble Friend that the Speech from the Throne should be as little like the President's Message as possible by entering into the details of pending negotiations; he thought that to bring such details prematurely under discussion was the least likely mode of promoting a friendly solution of existing differences. He considered that a subject of this nature ought not therefore to be referred to in the Speech from the Throne unless the Government were prepared at once to lay all the correspondence that passed between the two Governments in regard to it upon the table. But as that correspondence was still in progress, to produce it on the table of the House would possibly tend rather to prevent than to promote a satisfactory solution of the difference, and Her Majesty's Government would have ill served the public interest if they had advised Her Majesty to make allusion to it. The most recent demands of the Government of the United States arrived only two days ago, and to lay it on the table would be only to disturb the public mind without any necessity. The charge brought against the British Government was this. On the breaking out of the war numerous applications had been made to the British Minister in America from British subjects and from the subjects of other Powers residing within the territory of the United States for permission to join the Foreign Legion in the service of England. Some of these applications were made from feelings of loyalty towards the Queen, some on account of deep political interest in the cause, and some from other motives. In consequence instructions were sent to the Governor of Nova Scotia directing him to consider whether such persons, desirous of enlisting in the British service, could be lawfully received in Halifax; and he was instructed that, however desirous Her Majesty's Government were to obtain recruits, they were still more desirous that there should be no violation or infringement of the municipal law of the United States. These instructions were communicated to Mr.

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Marcy, the United States Foreign Secretary, and he was satisfied with them. Soon after, an agent appeared in the United States and said he was authorised to raise recruits for the British Government; but Mr. Crampton, Her Majesty's representative at Washington, at once disavowed him, and made known to Mr. Marcy the instructions which he had received on the subject from Her Majesty's Government, and desired that it might be made known that the British Government did not recruit or raise soldiers in the United States; and Mr. Marcy expressed himself satisfied. The passage of persons wishing to go to a British colony to enlist was paid, and Judge Kane laid down the rule that to pay the passage of men to a foreign port and then enlist them was no violation of international law. Those persons whose passage to Canada was paid went as volunteers, and were perfectly free from any engagement, and, upon arriving there, they were not bound to enter into the British service, and, in point of fact, a large number of them preferred undertaking work in Canada. Undoubtedly a correspondence of a not very amicable character had taken place between the two Governments; but the transactions to which it refers were bygone transactions. It was in the month of July last, after Mr. Buchanan wrote to him (the Earl of Clarendon) bringing the matter under the consideration of the Government that he stated explicitly for the information of the Government of the United States that Her Majesty's Government never had the slightest intention of violating or infringing the law of the United States—that they regretted if it had been done, and that the agent who might have so violated or infringed any such law, bad done so contrary to the wishes and against the instructions of Her Majesty's Government. Finding that it would be impossible in any way to procure men from the United States without giving offence to the Government of that country, or running the risk of directly or indirectly infringing the United States law, orders were sent to put an end to all such proceedings, and this was done before the receipt of Mr. Buchanan's note. Any difference, therefore, that might exist as to this point had reference, as he had said before, to bygone transactions only, and, like the noble Lord, he could not believe that, between two nations bound together by so many ties of blood and interest, and which had so long
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maintained amicable relations, such a question was not capable of a speedy and amicable solution. With the judgment and tact and straightforward conduct of the British Minister at Washington, Mr. Crampton, the Government had every reason to be satisfied. He would answer for it that that gentleman never had intentionally, and he believed he had never even unintentionally, infringed the law of the United States; and if that law had been infringed by others it was entirely without his knowledge or concurrence, and entirely against the intention or wish of Her Majesty's Government. Under these circumstances, therefore, he hoped and believed that this question would be speedily brought to a satisfactory solution, provided that on the part of the Government of the United States there existed the same good will and the same desire to terminate the matter amicably as were intended by Her Majesty's Government. At the same time he did not consider that that object would be promoted by making allusions to the subject in the Speech from the Throne, and thus prematurely inviting discussion upon it. He was sorry that his noble Friend opposite should so entirely have mistaken the feelings of the Government of Her Majesty as to think that the absence of such allusion arose from any slight, or was the result of any want of appreciation of the importance of the question, for he could assure him that such was not the fact.
Next, with regard to the surrender of Kars. He thought it was hardly necessary for him to say that he fully concurred in the eulogium which his noble Friend had passed upon the valour, and, above all, the moral courage and patient endurance which had been displayed by the brave garrison by whom that place had been so long and so nobly defended, under such adverse and trying circumstances. At present, all he would add further upon that point was, that all the papers connected with that event—from the first occupation and fortifying of the place, and from the period when Colonel Williams was sent by the British Government to aid in its defence to the day of the surrender—would be laid before Parliament at the earliest moment; and he would ask their Lordships to suspend their judgment until they should have had an opportunity of reading those papers as to the manner and the degree in which the blame attaching to that melancholy event should be apportioned. There was

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one other topic in relation to this subject, to which, however, he thought it necessary to advert. His noble Friend had alluded to the reports, which had certainly been in extensive circulation, that assistance had been withheld from Kars in consequence I of a feeling said to exist in the mind of the French Emperor and the French nation, that England had personal objects to serve in that part of Asia. To those reports he could give the most unqualified contradiction. If the opinion obtained in France, or in any portion of the French press, that England desired to carry on the war in Asia Minor for the purpose of promoting English interests, he now gave to it the most unqualified contradiction, as he did, also, to the report, that any such feeling had been expressed by our Ally the Emperor, or by the French Government. In entering upon this war the British Government had in view only the general interests of Europe, and in support of these interests she was prepared to continue it if the negotiations now about to be opened should not result in a safe and satisfactory peace. With regard to these negotiations for peace, he was sure their Lordships would feel that it would be indiscreet of him, on the present occasion, to give their Lordships more information on the subject than he should be strictly justified in doing; and as Her Majesty in Her Speech from the Throne had indicated the course which had been pursued, he need scarcely add that the Government, fully relying on the support of Parliament and of the people of this country, were prepared, if necessary, to carry on the war with the utmost vigour, and with far greater means for insuring success than they had hitherto possessed. At the same time they had never at any moment been disinclined to listen to proposals of peace, and they had been all along most anxious to bring the struggle to an honourable and satisfactory conclusion. But it certainly was not for either England or France to make overtures to Russia for that purpose, and he thought they could well understand, and he had almost said respect, the motives which might have induced Russia not to make overtures directly to us. Austria, however, was in a position to proffer her good offices, and the time she chose for doing so—namely, at that period when winter had put a stop to all warlike operations—was certainly not inopportune. But it was no mediation that Austria offered. The offer of Austria was to ascertain and make
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known to the Government of St. Peters-burgh the terms upon which the Allies would consent to make peace; and he must do the Austrian Government the justice to say that from the first she admitted the necessity of making these terms clear and precise, in order to preclude the possibility of their being evaded, and the negotiations that might be founded upon them not being brought to a successful issue, but also to prevent those misunderstandings and complications which last year had placed Austria in a painful position. It would not accord with the sense of duty which actuated the Government of Her Majesty to refuse this offer; and however confident they might be, from the extent of the preparations which had been made, that another campaign would have increased the military fame of England, or have led to a treaty of a different and more comprehensive character, such anticipation would have been no justification for prolonging a war when there appeared to be a reasonable prospect that the specific objects for which the war was undertaken might be accomplished. Notwithstanding, therefore, the statements which had been put forward to the contrary, notwithstanding the spirit which now animates this country, his belief was that the cool judgment and right reason of the people of England would support Her Majesty's Government in upholding the propositions of Austria as the basis of peace, and in continuing the war should the negotiations fail. The original proposal of Austria was to communicate the terms, whatever they might be, to Russia, on her own responsibility; but it would have been useless for Austria to send those terms to St. Petersburg without the sanction of the Allies; they were, therefore, first submitted to England and France, and their concurrence having been obtained, they were made to Russia. Here let him say, that there was no disrespect intended either to Sardinia or Turkey by omitting to mention them from Her Majesty's Speech. Her Majesty's Government was deeply sensible of the courage and good faith which Sardinia had exhibited from the beginning, and of the generous manner in which she had embarked in the contest, and fulfilled both in the letter and the spirit the conditions of the treaty into which she had entered. But in making the announcement to Parliament that negotiations for peace were about to be opened, it was thought suffi-

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cient for Her Majesty to declare that, in concert with Her Allies, she had thought it advisable to accept the offer the Emperor of Austria had made, to endeavour to bring about an amicable adjustment of the matters at issue between the contending Powers. Austria, however, had herself become a party to the terms proposed, and had, in fact, made herself responsible for them. She had entered into an engagement with the Allies to break off diplomatic relations with Russia in the event of her propositions being rejected; and then to concert with the Allies as to the best means of coercing Russia into a peace. The Austrian Minister at St. Petersburgh was sent with these terms, to which he was directed to receive only a categorical answer—yes or no. He was simply the bearer of a despatch; he was forbidden to discuss its contents, and he was on no account to admit any modifications or counter-propositions whatever. The answer of Russia was transmitted to Vienna; but it was found not to be in the form required by Austria, but contained some material alterations; and the Austrian Government thereupon informed the Russian Minister at Vienna, that unless a categorical acceptance was received within the stated period the Austrian Minister and the whole Austrian mission would leave St. Petersburgh, and passports would be sent to the Russian legation at Vienna. That was communicated by Prince Gortschakoff to his Government, and the result was, that the acceptance of the propositions of Austria by the Russian Government, "pure and simple," was telegraphed, and a despatch was received at Vienna, he believed on the 24th, to that effect. The substance of it was communicated to Her Majesty's Government the day before yesterday, and the plan which is proposed to be adopted is this—that the terms which have been accepted by Russia shall be agreed to by the representatives of the Allies at Vienna; that the representatives shall then sign a short protocol, agreeing that the preliminaries shall be signed at Paris; that an armistice shall be entered upon, and that the provisions of the treaty shall then be determined. Though he was sure the House would not insist upon his entering further into the subject, in alluding to the terms of the treaty, or in alluding to the duration of the armistice, he felt called upon to take that opportunity of stating that he fully agreed with his noble Friend
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that the armistice should be of the shortest possible duration. He had now informed the House of all that he thought ought, in the present state of affairs, to be made known. It was impossible to deny that much doubt and anxiety was still felt as to the result. It was impossible to deny that much doubt existed as to whether Russia was sincere in her desire for peace, and the readiness with which she had accepted the propositions, after having at first rejected them, and the manner in which she acted last year, after accepting the four points as a basis of negotiation for peace, were urged in support of those doubts. It was not, however, for him to explain the intentions or analyse the motives of the Russian Government—he could only hope they were sincere—he was sure it was for their interest to be so. Russia desired peace, and he thought the Emperor of Russia had exhibited great moral courage in accepting terms which he believed to be distasteful to the war party in that country. He hoped he would continue to exhibit that moral courage, and that he would, without any attempt at evasion, abide by the letter and the spirit of the engagements into which he had entered. Should such fortunately be the result, he thought there was a prospect of speedily obtaining that which throughout has been the object of the war—a safe and honourable peace. But by honourable peace he meant honourable to both sides; because a peace dishonourable or degrading to Russia would not be a safe, because it could not be a desirable peace. For his own part he thought that Russia, in accepting the propositions of Austria, had accepted conditions which could cast no stain upon her honour. She must be aware that the aggressive policy which had been imputed to her had long been a source of irritation and alarm to Europe; she now knows that it will be resisted, and that it is upon that account she had been required to give, and had consented to give, guarantees for respecting the integrity and independence of the Ottoman Empire. He said there was no dishonour or degradation cast upon Russia by the acceptance of these terms; the only dishonour would be in the evasion of them. But the sincerity of England in these negotiations had also been called in question. Their Lordships would be aware that throughout the Continent England was accused of insincerity in consenting to

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those conditions; it was said that although she had consented to them, she meant, nevertheless, to continue the war, not because she had any definite object in view in doing so, but because she expected that another campaign would be productive of a more abundant harvest of military glory, which would compensate her for the sacrifices she had made. He noticed this charge first, because it was widely circulated; next, because it was pretty generally believed; and, thirdly, because he was desirous of giving it, on the part of Her Majesty's Government, the most unqualified contradiction. However much he might be aware of the war spirit that animated the country, and however much it might be regretted that such vast preparations as had been made—preparations such as there had been no instance of before in the history of this country—should not be turned to account, and made to redound to the enhancement of the military and naval fame of England, he was convinced that the number of persons who entertained those feelings would rapidly diminish, provided that we obtained the full measure of the conditions to which we had agreed. But should any attempt be made to delude us of the conditions which we have a right to demand, and to which we have already agreed, then he believed the people of this country would be united as one man—he believed there was no sacrifice which the people of this country would not make to carry on the war with greater vigour and determination than ever, and then they would be entitled to expect conditions of a very different nature from those which Her Majesty's Government have accepted, and to which, therefore, they will faithfully and honourably adhere. There was another motive which induced him on the present occasion to allude to these rumours, and he hoped he might allude to it without being accused of presumption, although there was something personal to himself in it. Her Majesty had been pleased to command that the negotiations on the part of this country should be conducted by him. (the Earl of Clarendon): and however gladly he would have declined this honour, and however unaffectedly mistrustful he must feel of his own ability to conduct negotiations involving go many difficult questions and such complicated interests, he had not hesitated to obey Her Majesty's commands, and to devote to the public
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service such experience as he might have gained in the office he had now the honour to hold upon the questions which would come under discussion. But whatever power of usefulness ho might possess would, he felt, he entirely extinguished if it were thought that he undertook a mission or was capable of undertaking a mission, with any other object than that of endeavouring honestly to bring it to a successful issue. Acting on the part of Her Majesty's Government, he should enter on the duties of this mission with an earnest desire for peace, and in the belief that the terms which formed the basis of the negotiations were capable of affecting it; and it would be with deep and unfeigned regret he should find himself compelled to withdraw from them under the conviction that peace was impossible on terms consistent with the dignity and honour of this country. And he thought he might say, without any violation of official reserve, that the feelings of Her Majesty's Government in this respect were entirely shared by the Emperor of the French; and it would not, perhaps, be considered presumptuous in him to say that of the judgment, firmness, and moderation, the honourable and straightforward conduct of that illustrious Sovereign it was impossible to speak in terms of too high praise. The Emperor of the French desired peace, but he would make no peace that was inconsistent with the honour and dignity of France; and, pending the negotiations, he, like Her Majesty's Government, was determined that the military and naval preparations should go on not only with uninterrupted, but with increased activity, so that both countries might be fully prepared to renew the war on the very day it should be known that negotiations for honourable peace had failed.
EARL GRANVILLEsaid, that there was one subject mentioned by the noble Earl (the Earl of Derby), to which he was desirous of alluding. The noble Earl had stated that Her Majesty had conferred a life peerage upon a certain learned Judge, and that creation the noble Earl described as illegal, unconstitutional, ill-advised, and as one to which their Lordships' House should not submit. The noble Earl expressed the hope that when this question came to be discussed it would be discussed without any intermixture of party spirit. He (Earl Granville) reciprocated that hope. There was no Lord in that House so base

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as not to feel an interest in every matter which concerned the constitution of the House of Peers. The noble and learned Baron came into the House unfettered by any political pledge whatever, and without any previous understanding with Her Majesty's Government. The noble Earl had said that he hoped the discussion would be left to the noble Lords learned in the law. He (Earl Granville) thought that the Crown had only exercised an undoubted prerogative, and any legal knowledge which the House could derive from the noble and learned Lords would no doubt be advantageous; but he must express the hope that the House would not follow the advice of the noble Earl (the Earl of Derby), and that all their Lordships would take part in the discussion of the question, which was one of great constitutional importance, affecting the real utility and dignity of their Lordships' House.
LORD CAMPBELLalso hoped all their Lordships would take part in the discussion, and not limit it to the law Lords. It affected one as much as another. He (Lord Campbell) entertained extreme doubts whether what had been done was lawful, and whether it could be done, if desirable, without the authority of Parliament—without a new law to alter and establish precedent. He thought it was expedient that that should be discussed. It might turn out that it was within the prerogative of the Crown, and then their Lordships would only have to consider whether the prerogative of the Crown had been wisely exercised or not.
THE EARL OF DERBYexplained that what he bad meant to say was, that he was very desirous of having the question settled; and, with that object in view, that it might be introduced by some Member of their Lordships' House who was more cognisant of the law on the question than he could possibly pretend to be. In the absence of his noble and learned Friend (Lord St. Leonards), he would take that opportunity of stating that his noble and learned Friend would probably introduce the matter to the House on Thursday next.
Motion agreed to, Nemine Dissentiente; and a Committee was appointed to prepare the Address. The Committee withdrew; and, after some time, Report was made of an Address drawn by them, which, being read, was agreed to, and ordered to be presented to Her Majesty by the Lords with white staves.
House adjourned till To-morrow.