Sitting of 20 August 1836

BUSINESS OF THE SESSION.
Mr. Humeremarked, that he was extremely unwilling that the House should separate without some observations from him as to the view he took of the situation in which they had been placed by the extraordinary proceedings which had occurred in the other House of Parliament. He could not but reflect on the many tedious hours which they had spent in that House on the many important measures which they had endeavoured to pass with the view of effecting reform in the various establishments of the country, and realising the expectations of improvement in its institutions which their constituents were warranted in entertaining from the passing of the Reform Act. He was mortified to see that two Sessions of the second reformed Parliament had elapsed with scarcely one tenth of the benefits to the people which they had a right to expect, according to the fair promises made to them. When reform of Parliament was granted, either it was intended that beneficial results should be attained, or those who were parties to the passing of the measure were guilty of abusing the confidence of the people, and holding out to them hopes which they never meant to fulfil.
Sir F. Trenchrose to order. He supposed that the hon. Member intended to utter one of his usual libels against the House of Lords. He wished to know whether the hon. Member was about to make any motion, as otherwise the pro-

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ceeding was quite irregular. After the hon. Member had finished his libel, nobody would be entitled to make any reply. He admired the conduct of the House of Peers, and considered that they deserved the approbation of the country.
Mr. Humesaid, that the hon. Gentleman was so much in the habit of associating with those who libelled others, that the hon. Gentleman could not suppose that he could rise without intending to utter a libel himself. The hon. Gentleman had no right to interrupt a Member of the House, and had no right to ask if he (Mr. Hume) were going to make any motion.
Sir F. Trenchwould appeal to the Speaker whether the hon. Member were not out of order?
Mr. Humesaid, that the Speaker had no right to interrupt him. If he should sit down without making a motion, the Speaker might complain that it was a breach of the rules of the House, but it would be time enough to consider that when he had concluded the observations which he had to make.
Lord John Russellthought that the hon. Member for Middlesex ought to state whether he meant to conclude with a motion. If he meant to make a motion for any return, his proceeding would be perfectly regular, but it was not fair to make a long statement without bringing forward a motion.
Mr. Humesaid, that it was his intention to move, that there be laid on the table a return of the number of days and hours during which the House had been occupied with business—a document which seemed to him to be extremely important, when he thought of what had taken place elsewhere. At the commencement of the Session great hopes of reforms and ameliorations were held out to the people, but the House was now about to rise, and those expectations were damped, those hopes were blighted, by a party who had done nothing but impede the progress of improvement during the whole Session, disappoint the wishes of the people, and frustrate the efforts of the Ministry. It appeared to him that if impudence itself could be personified, such a charge as had been made against that House by an individual elsewhere would admirably represent it. He did, on behalf of that House, appeal to their constituents for the falsity of the libel which had been uttered against the House, when they were charged with having neglected their duty,
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and refused to fulfil their promises. Though there might have been Sessions in which more labour was expended, he scarcely remembered a Session for twenty years in which he had devoted more time to the public, business, or been more anxious to effect reforms. Why did he defend himself thus? Because at the end of the Session, very little had been effected in comparison with what ought to have been done. What had been the opposing power? The other House of Parliament. The Commons had endeavoured to carry out the recommendations of his Majesty, in the speech which had been delivered from the Throne at the commencement of the Session, and to effect those alterations in the several institutions of the country which would give satisfaction to his people, and promote the benefit of his subjects. First of all, as regarded the Church of Ireland. He held in his hand the speeches of his Majesty at the opening of the last and the present Session, in which he recommended them to consider at an early period the state of that establishment, and to make such changes in the tithe system as should for ever settle the question, and enable his subjects to live together in harmony and peace. Last year the Commons had sent to the other House a Bill with that object, which was so mutilated as to make it utterly ineffective. This year they had also sent up a Bill which would have carried into effect the recommendations of his Majesty, and gratified his wishes. Who had stood between his Majesty and the fulfilment of his desires? Not the Commons, but the Lords, who had shown themselves determined to deny to Ireland that justice which his Majesty recommended them to grant. It had been said, that the passing of the Bill was really prevented by those who tacked to it a clause affirming an abstract principle which must be for a long time inoperative; but it was a noble Lord, and those who acted with him, who had stopped the reform of the Irish Church, and not the Commons, who had up to that period given the utmost attention to the wishes of his Majesty and the people. Whatever might come to pass in Ireland, if sedition should run riot, if blood should be shed, he held that the House of Lords, who had rejected the healing measure, and refused to second the efforts of the Commons, were alone to be blamed. Yes, let the people of England know it. An attempt had been made

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lately to persuade the people that Ministers and the House had not been industrious. He proclaimed, as far as his opinion went, that he himself was not liable to that charge, nor did he believe that Ministers were. The other House alone had been the cause that so little was done. To be sure they were supported by a large minority in that House, he regretted to say too large. For the majority of that House and himself he had only to say, as regarded the reform of the Church of Ireland, that those who affirmed that it had been prevented by the affirmation of an abstract principle, and those who had stopped reform in Ireland, reform in Scotland, and reform in England, were the parties who opposed it. The next subject to which his Majesty had called their attention was the situation of the Municipal Corporations of Ireland, which he recommended them to place on the same footing as the corporate institutions of England and Wales. He though that the Commons had done their duty with respect to this matter. Where, then had been the impediment to this reform? The House of Lords—who had mangled the Bill sent up to them on the silly pretence that those of the Irish people who were Catholics were not to be trusted with the management of their own local and domestic affairs. Was such a pretence to be listened to by any man who had supported toleration in that House? As well might this be said of that portion of the people of Ireland who were Presbyterians, and who were as much opposed to the Established Church as the Roman Catholics. And yet who would think it fair to say, that they should be excluded from the management of their municipal concerns? He said, then, that the denial of municipal reform was altogether contrary to the wishes of the House of Commons, and that all the mischief likely to arise from that source was to be laid at the door of those who had refused equal justice to Ireland. The House had endeavoured to carry into effect the principles laid down in that amendment which had turned out the Tory Government, and which would turn them out again, if chance should give them power. They had proved that those who were united in principle could maintain that union, whatever shades of difference on minor topics might exist between them. They had purged that side of the House of some of those who pretended to be Reformers, and he wished the Opposition joy of their accession. He considered a dis-
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guised enemy much more dangerous than an open foe. Thank God, they had got rid of those who had supported Parliamentary reform, and declared in that House that tithes should be extinguished in Ireland, and who had afterwards opposed the efforts of the Commons to extinguish them. In the amendment to the Address, which had ultimately turned out the late Tory Administration, and which was a profession of faith of Reformers against anti-Reformers, it was declared that his Majesty's faithful Commons acknowledged with grateful recollection that the Acts for amending the representation of the people were submitted to Parliament with his Majesty's sanction, and carried into a law by his Majesty's assent; that, confidently expecting to derive further advantage from those wise and necessary measures, they trusted that his Majesty's Councils would be directed in a spirit of well-considered and effective reform, and that the liberal and comprehensive policy which restored to the people the right of choosing their representatives, and which provided for the emancipation of all parties held in slavery in his Majesty's colonies and possessions abroad, would with the same enlarged views place without delay our Municipal Corporations under vigilant popular control, remove all those undoubted grievances of the Protestant Dissenters, and correct those abuses in the Church which impair its efficiency in England, disturb the peace of society in Ireland, and lower the character of the establishment in both countries. He contended that the majority of that House had asserted those principles on which they had formerly taken their stand, which were the bond of union between them, and which he hoped might long continue so, notwithstanding any little difference of opinion between them. He hoped that no man in that House, who had any claim to the name of Reformer, would be so weak, so base, as to join the ranks of their determined enemies, who had stopped all reform. Had not the Lords prevented all amelioration of the grievances of Ireland—had they not mangled the Registration of Voters' Bill—had they not refused to carry into effect those improvements which were necessary to make the system established by the Reform Bill work beneficially? It was vain to expect to conciliate the Lords by bringing in half measures of reform. He hoped that the Ministers would take a lesson from the transactions of the Session, and not suffer themselves to be deluded by such an antici-

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pation. Was it possible that that House could allow the Lords any longer to continue their opposition to all measures of real reform? They had lost nearly a Session. The noble Lord opposite was himself one of those who did everything in his power to prevent the measures of the reforming majority of that House from being passed into law. If he lamented one thing more than another, it was to see the high-minded noblemen of England led by such a man as the person who was now at their head. If he could suppose that principle had anything to do with that individual's opposition to all measures of reform, be they public or private bills, measures for the reformation of the church, for the improvement of the financial system of the country, or even for the regulation of the Post-office, he could excuse his conduct. He charged the House of Lords with having stopped all reform, and asked the people to consider the remedy. His Majesty had the power of creating an unlimited number of Peers, and if he would not exercise this right, they had no alternative but to stop the supplies, unless the people of England should send to that House a larger number of Reformers than it at present contained. It might then be possible that the moral effect of that majority would change the temper of the House of Lords. The institution of the Peerage was established for the good of the people, not for the private advantage of its members; and the question was, should they be allowed to continue? Utility alone could justify that House in allowing them to remain. The Municipal Corporations and the rotten boroughs were as old as the Peerage. These had been swept away; and why might not the Peerage be swept away? Could the other House reject a proposition for reforming themselves, when they had declared the corporations and the close boroughs unfit for their original purposes? He did not know whether Parliament were to meet again in November, but if Government meant to satisfy the wishes and expectations of the people, they would call the House together again as soon as possible, send up good measures to the Lords, and if they were rejected, then it would be for the House to deliberate on the measures to be adopted. Changes had been made in the powers of the Sovereign, and in the constitution of the House of Commons, and why should they not be made in the constitution of
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the House of Lords? It would be a mockery of common sense to say that they should not, and it was the duty of that House to see that all the branches of the constitution were in a state fit and proper to attain the results which they were intended to secure. A contest was now going on, let them call it by what name they pleased, whether aristocracy or democracy should prevail, whether the country was to be ruled by the representatives of the people or by the Lords. Let Gentlemen opposite, who seemed to smile, look back to the best days of this commonwealth, for so he would call it, and see the powers which were exercised by the people. Men thought now who never thought before, and even the noble Lord, the leader of that House, who most unnecessarily declared against organic change, would soon be compelled to consider the question of its expediency. It would be for him to reflect whether he had not taken his stand to soon, and whether he would be the only man in that House who would refuse to consider it. A bill which would have saved 40,000 l. in the expenses of common-law courts had been thrown out by the Lords, who swallowed so much of the public money, under pretence that; the superannuation were on too extravagant a scale. All improvement in the Post-office had been stopped by the Lords. They had stopped that reform which was so much wanted—reform in the Court of Chancery—though he admitted that Ministers were to blame for not bringing the measure in sooner. Why had not the noble Lord who moved the rejection of the Bill in the other House brought forward the plan of which he himself approved? He hoped that his Majesty's Ministers would, by next Session, be prepared to introduce a Bill for the regulation of the ecclesiastical courts, which were so important for the interests of the community; and he thought they were chargeable with some degree of negligence in not having prosecuted the subject during the present Session. But he had never heard a more monstrous proposition than that laid down by a noble Lord, a Member of the other House, who said that Ministers alone were to blame for it. He had no right to say much about church reforms. A Bill on the subject had passed that House, which the Lords did not think of rejecting. Did it give any power to the people, or add anything to the incomes of the poor and starving clergy? Did it carry into effect the recommendations contained in his Ma-

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jesty's Speech from the throne? Ministers had been weak enough to agree to the measure, apart from any general system of reform—

PROROGATION.
The hon. Member was here interrupted by the Usher of the Black Rod, who summoned the House to attend his Majesty in the House of Lords.
On the Speaker's return, the right hon. Gentleman, seating himself at the table, read his Majesty's Speech. When he had concluded, and exchanged the usual courtesies with the Members, they immediately separated.

PROROGATION OF PARLIAMENT.
His Majesty went in State to the House of Peers to prorogue the Parliament; and having taken his seat on the Throne, the Commons were summoned.
The Speaker, accompanied by a large body of Members, appeared at the bar, when the right hon. Gentleman, having the Appropriation Bill in his hand, addressed his Majesty as follows:—
"Most Gracious Sovereign, — Your faithful Commons have, in the course of the Session of Parliament which is about to be closed, taken into their consideration many of the subjects which were recommended to their attention in your Majesty's gracious speech from the Throne.
"A measure for the commutation of tithes in England and Wales has been long and anxiously desired. It is a question beset with many difficulties, but the Commons have grappled with it, and have passed an Act, in which the rights of property have been carefully respected, and have been cautiously protected by sufficient guards. It is calculated to remove causes of dissention between pastors and their flocks, to give security and certainty to the incomes of the clergy, as well as to afford free scope and encouragement to agricultural skill and enterprise. If it should hereafter be found that particular points require alteration or revision, still the Commons entertain a confident belief that this measure has been based on principles that will be satisfactory and enduring.
"In entering upon the examination of the reports of the Commissioners appointed to consider the state of the Established Church in England and Wales, the Com-
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mons have proceeded with the respect that was due to the high authority from which they emanated; and with that deliberation which is fitting before any change is made in an ancient institution, that commands the attachment and reverence of a large portion of the people.
"An Act has been passed, which by providing for a more equal distribution of episcopal duties and revenues, most materially weakens, if it does not wholly extinguish, the motives for the translation of the Bishops, and by recognising the salutary and wise principle, that a due proportion ought to be maintained between the extent of duty to be performed and the amount of income to be received, it tends to promote the usefulness and the efficiency of the Established Church, and to strengthen its hold on the affections of the people.
"While the Commons have been anxious to secure the interests of the Established Church, they have not been less desirous to consult the feeling and to attend to the just claims of those who conscientiously differ from it in discipline or doctrine. Two Acts have accordingly been passed, the one making material alterations with respect to the celebration of marriage, and the other providing for a complete register of births, deaths, and marriages. All classes of your Majesty's subjects are deeply interested in the successful operation of measures which bear so strongly on the relations of domestic life, and on the certain transmission of property. The provisions of these Acts have been framed in a tolerant spirit, with the earnest desire of removing just causes of complaint, and with the hope that the law would be generally acceptable, because it is equal and impartial in its principle, and manifests becoming respect for the feelings and conscientious opinions of those who dissent from the Established Church. It has been most gratifying to the Commons to find that such is the prosperous and flourishing condition of the public revenue, that while they have provided with liberality for the ordinary expenses of the year, for some extraordinary expenses which circumstances had rendered necessary, and for the fulfilment of engagements formerly contracted for the most generous and honourable purpose, they have still been able to make a considerable remission of taxes. In selecting the duties to be regulated and the taxes to be remitted, care has been

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taken to apply the relief so that the greatest benefit should be derived by the removal of unequal pressure, and a vexatious enforcement of law, and to give fresh stimulus to enterprise and industry. By the equalisation of the duties on sugar, the benign influence of enlightened legislation will be felt by the inhabitants of the most distant possessions of your Majesty, and at home, by the reduction of the duties on stamps, the means of communicating the results of experience and knowledge will be facilitated and extended among an intelligent and improving people."
The Royal assent was then given to the following Bills:—The Consolidated Fund Bill, The Exchequer-bills Bill, the Prisoners' Counsel Bill, the Suits in Equity Exchequer Bill, the Municipal Funds Bill, the Municipal Jurisprudence Bill, the Municipal Boundaries Bill, the Lists of Voters Bill, the County Elections' Polls Bill, the Copyright Bill, the Conviction Bill, the Common Fields' Enclosure Bill, the Poor Law Loans Bill, the Stannaries Bill, the Coal Trade Bill, the Church Temporalities (Ireland) Bill, the Public Works (Ireland) Bill, the Grand Jury Presentments (Ireland) Bill, the Corporate Property (Ireland) Bill, and the Kingstown Harbour Bill.
HIS MAJESTY then delivered the following most gracious Speech:—
"My Lords and Gentlemen,
"The state of the public business enables me at length to relieve you from further attendance in Parliament; and in terminating your labours, I have again to acknowledge the zeal with which you have applied yourselves to the public business, and the attention which you have bestowed upon the important subjects which I brought under your consideration at the opening of the Session.
"The assurances of friendly dispositions which I receive from all foreign Powers enable me to congratulate you upon the prospect that peace will continue undisturbed.
"I lament deeply that the internal state of Spain still renders that country the only exception to the general tranquillity of Europe, and I regret that the
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hopes which have been entertained of the termination of the civil war have not hitherto been realised.
"In fulfilment of the engagements which I contracted by the treaty of quadruple alliance, I have afforded to the Queen of Spain the co-operation of a part of my naval force, and I continue to look with unabated solicitude to the restoration of that internal peace in Spain, which was one of the main objects of the quadruple treaty, and which is so essential to the interests of all Europe.
"I am happy to be able to inform you that my endeavours to remove the misunderstanding which had arisen between France and the United States have been crowned with complete success. The good offices, which, for that purpose I tendered to the two Governments, were accepted by both in the most frank and conciliatory spirit, and the relations of friendship have been re-established between them, in a manner satisfactory and honourable to both parties.
"I trust that this circumstance will tend to draw still closer the ties which connect this country with two great and friendly nations.
"I have regarded with interest your deliberations upon the reports of the commission appointed to consider the state of the dioceses in England and Wales, and I have cheerfully given my assent to the measures which have been presented to me for carrying into effect some of their most important recommendations.
"It is with no ordinary satisfaction that I have learned that you have, with great labour, brought to maturity enactments upon the difficult subject of tithes of England and Wales, which will, I trust, prove in their operation equitable to all the interests concerned, and generally beneficial in their results.
"The passing of the Acts for civil registration and for marriages in England, has afforded me much satisfaction. Their provisions have been framed upon those

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large principles of religious freedom which, with a due regard to the welfare of the Established Church in this country, I have always been desirous of maintaining and promoting; and they will also conduce to the greater certainty of titles and to the stability of property.
"It has been to me a source of the most lively gratification to observe the tranquillity which has prevailed, and the diminution of crimes which has lately taken place, in Ireland. I trust that perseverance in a just and impartial system of government will encourage this good disposition, and enable that country to develope her great national resources.
"Gentlemen of the House of Commons,
"I thank you for the liberality with which you have voted, not only the ordinary supplies of the year, but the additional sums required to provide for an increase in my naval force.
"I am also gratified to perceive that you have made provision for the full amount of the compensation awarded to the owners of slaves in my colonial possessions, and that the obligations entered into by the Legislature have thus been strictly fulfilled.
"The increased productiveness of the public revenue has enabled you to meet those charges, and at the same time to repeal or reduce taxes, of which some were injurious in their effects upon my people, and others unequal in their pressure upon various parts of my dominions abroad.
"The present condition of manufactures and commerce affords a subject of congratulation, provided the activity which prevails be guarded by that caution and prudence which experience has proved to be necessary to stable prosperity.
"My Lords and Gentlemen,
"The advanced period of the year, and the length of time during which you have teen engaged in public affairs, must render
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you desirous of returning to your respective counties. You will there resume those duties, which are in importance inferior only to your legislative functions; and your influence and example will greatly conduce to the maintenance of tranquillity, the encouragement of industry, and the confirmation of those moral and religious habits and principles which are essential to the well-being of every community."
The Lord Chancellor, in the usual form, declared it to be his Majesty's will and pleasure that the Parliament should stand prorogued to Thursday, the 20th of October next.—His Majesty withdrew, and the Commons returned to their own House, and the Peers retired.