Sitting of 29 March 1830

MINUTRS
Mr. ASTELL. brought up the Report on the Tanjore Commissioners Bill.

(The hon. Member stated, in answer to a question from Mr. Trant, that the Carnatic Commission, had closed its labours—had made its last report—and that the salary of 300l.. a year, which the Tanjore Commissioners enjoyed as co-Carnatic Commissioners, had, as a consequence, terminated, reducing their salary to 1,500l. from 1,800l. a year.
Sir A. GRANT brought up the Report of the Committee on the Four per Cent Annuities Act. The Resolutions were read and agreed to, and Bills were ordered to be brought in pursuance thereof.—The Sheriffs of Ireland Bill was read a second time, on the Motion of Lord FRANCIS LEVESON GOWER.—Bills were ordered to be brought in to Amend and Consolidate the Acts relative to the pay of the Navy, and to amend and continue the Insolvent Debtors1 Acts.
Returns presented;—Annual account of increase and diminution of Salaries. Accounts of Superannuation Allowances granted since July 5, 1822;—Of Spirits that paid Duty in each Kingdom, from January 5, 1825, to January 5, 1830:—Of the Receipts of each Receiver-general or Collector in the year ending 5th January, with the Sums paid by them into the Exchequer:—Of the Duty received during the last ten years on Coals in Ireland. The correspondence relative to building a Naval Hospital at Malta, and a Chapel at Pembroke. Probates of Wills and Letters of Administration, issued in the Dioceses of St. David's, St. Asaph, Llandaff and Bangor. Persons committed, tried, and convicted of Criminal offences during the last year. Contracts now existing for the supply of the Ordnance. Account of the progress made in achieving the Water communication between Montreal and Kingston.
Returns Ordered. On the Motion of Mr. ROBINSON, copies of the Instructions sent out to the Governor or legal authorities of Newfoundland, relative to the operation of the Act of the 5th of George IV. c. 51, and 5th George IV. c.67, and the answers (if any) thereupon:—On the Motion of Mr. MABERLY, a series, showing the amount and official value of the importations of Hemp and Flax, dressed and undressed; and of the Linen imported and exported during the last year:—On the Motion of Lord W. POWLRTT, of the number of Vessels engaged in the Coal Trade of Stockton-upon-Tees.
Petitions presented; —Against a renewal of the East-India Company's Charter, and for opening the Trade with China, from Hastingden by Lord STANLEY;—From Yeadon, in Yorkshire, by Mr. RICK:—from Ossett in the same County by Mr. BUXTON:—From Farnley by Mr. STUART:—From the Corporation of Gloucester by Mr. WRBB:—From Dews-bury by Mr. RARING:—From the Chamber of Commerce in Duudee by Mr. MABERLY:—From Harrington by Sir JAMES GRAHAM. Against the practice of Hindoo widows burning themselves, and of human sacrifices at Juggernaut, from nine Protestant Dissenting congregations in Lancashire, by Lord STANLEY:—From the congregation of the Independent Chapel, Southport, by Mr. BUXTOX: —From Kettering in Northamptonshire, by Lord AL-THORP:—From seven Dissenting congregations in Blackburne and its vicinity, by Mr. STANLRV:—and from several Dissenting congregations of Chapels in Liverpool, by Mr. HUSKISSON: all referred to the Committee on East India Affairs. Against the Bill for opening the Beet Trade, from the Licensed Victuallers in Great and Little Bolton, by Lord STANLEY:—By Mr. DICKINSON, from the licensed Victuallers of From Selwood, Somersetshire, and for protection against the consequences to stock on band of the intended measures respecting the tax and trade of Beer. By Mr. KEKEWICH, from Exeter, for an improvement in the Criminal Law:—From Madely, Shropshire, by Mr. G. THOMPSON:—By Mr. JBPHSOH, from Whitechurch, in the county of Cork, against the Subletting Act. Praying for Relief, and complaining of Distress, by Mr. BENETT, from the High Sheriff and principal Magistrates of the county of Wilts, and from Marlborough:—By Lord W. POWLETT, from the Ship, owners of Sunderland.

LORD ELDON.
Sir F. Burdettbegged leave to inform the House, that he had,

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received a letter from the late Lord Chancellor, to whom he had referred a few: evenings since, as an authority in favour of his own views of the justice of paying off the debt in a currency of the value of ' that in which it had been contracted, in which that noble Lord stated that his opinions were diametrically opposite to | those imputed to him. He therefore thought it right to inform the House of the circumstance, regretting that he had j not the support of the noble Lord's opinion j for his view of the Question.

KENT PETITION—CORN LAWS.
Sir E. Knatchbullhad a Petition to present j from the Gentry and Freeholders of the county of Kent, the result of the late important meeting which had been held at Penenden-heath. He could not present it without observing, that it afforded one more proof of the continued existence of the distress which unfortunately afflicted the country. One of his strongest apprehensions was that which a right hon. Gentleman opposite had so lately expressed —namely, that the effect of the present depressed state of the landed interest would be to diminish the number of that class of most useful and influential country gentlemen who had from 1,200 l.. to 1,500 l. a-year. The hon. Baronet then read passages from the Petition, declaratory of the prevailing distress in the county of Kent, which he could verify from his observation: for instance, he knew that the tillage of a great quantity of land in that county was at present in a very deteriorated state. The petitioners complained of the continued increase of Poor-rates; they also complained of the system of what was called Free Trade, which they thought, in the condition of the people of this country, was very injurious at this moment, when wool was at so low a price, as well as hides, tallow, &c. Such, too, was the pressure of taxation upon the productive sources of public industry, that the people universally complained of it. This amount of taxation he knew could not be helped if it were actually necessary to maintain the essential establishments of the State, He was ready, as he had told his constituents, to press for the utmost remission of taxes; but that alone would not do—the country wanted other measures as well. The Currency was also mentioned as an ingredient in the distresses of the people; and the petitioners
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further called for Parliamentary Reform. He had told them at the meeting that he would be ready to assist in the exposure and redress of any specific abuse which was proved to have occurred in the representation, but he would not assent to speculative and indefinite propositions of reform. His constituents likewise called for inquiry into the distresses of the country,—a call, he feared, not likely to be obeyed, after the experience which the House had of the late four nights' debate. He highly approved of the recent abolition of the Leather and Cider duties; but he did not think that the abolition of the duty on Beer was likely to be as useful as some hon. Members anticipated. Indeed, his firm opinion was, that if the Chancellor of the Exchequer had gone further in the remission of those taxes which pressed peculiarly upon the middling classes, he would have done more to giant immediate relief to the working classes generally, than could be expected from his late arrangements. He moved that the Petition be brought up.
Mr. Wellssaid, that he was present at the meeting in Kent, and it gave him great pain to see how great and how universal was the distress of the people. When they found themselves in this condition, it was not to be wondered at, that they should call for a reform in Parliament, and declare that had they obtained reform in time, many of their present evils would have been averted. Indeed, before this petition had been agreed to by the meeting, an address to the King, for Parliamentary Reform, was adopted, on the ground that the people were tired of seeking it from the House of Commons. His hon. friend's efforts to impede this vigour beyond the law, for so he must call the fact of the people addressing the King because they were tired of addressing the House of Commons, were as unavailing on Penenden-heath as similar efforts made by him in the previous year, in that House, were in averting the great inroad upon the Constitution which was then perpetrated. He believed that many measures had at various times passed through the House of Commons which would not have been so successful had the people had a little more influence over their representatives. This was the complaint made by Mr. Pitt in 1782, who said, that without reform it was impossible to save this nation from being plunged into new wars; that with-

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out it the people could not be protected from a bad Minister, nor have the benefit of the measures of a good one. The hon. Member again adverted to the great pressure of distress in Kent, and conjured the House to give the prayer of the petition its serious attention.
Mr. Honywoodsaid, that the object of his constituents was—first, to obtain relief from the present weight of taxation, under which they were fast sinking; and next, to obtain Parliamentary Reform, with the view of preventing similar evils in! future. The distress of the country was great, and he believed in too many cases rents were paid out of capital, and not from profits of cultivation. That was not the first nor the fourth petition which had been sent from the county of Kent, in favour of a reform of Parliament; but the present great distress of the petitioners now made them more solicitous than ever to obtain reform. For himself he would say, that he had for twenty years been an advocate for reform, and the experience of each successive year had only given greater strength to his first impressions upon that question.
Sir Francis Burdettsaid, that the question of reform having been agitated and agreed to at that meeting of the county of Kent, showed that the principles of reform were making way all over the country. He therefore was quite satisfied that hon. Members would at length become convinced of the absolute necessity of giving the people a greater weight in their representative system; and that the old apprehensions by which well-intentioned persons were deluded and prevented from supporting this principle could no longer be attempted with any chance of success. He was sorry, however, to see in this petition, in the greater part of which he cordially concurred, certain observations respecting the principles of what was called Free Trade, for it was not those principles, which had never been fully acted on, which caused their distress. They had, indeed, been called into practice so far as to derange the old system, without giving the country all the advantages of that new system of which they were nominally the basis. He was satisfied that when the principles of Free Trade were fully understood, and fairly applied, the people would see that they could not be injured by them, or that they had any reason for opposing them. The sooner misapprehensions upon
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this point were removed, the better for the country, for as matters stood, no Government, especially while that House was constituted as at present, could safely embark in any large application of the principles. Free Trade, indeed, could never be said to be fairly dealt by, or all its advantages given to the public, until the Corn-laws, which were the great obstacle to Free Trade, were removed. They stood broad in the way of the Government in adopting this enlightened principle of action. Indeed, he was so satisfied that the country gentlemen were themselves exceedingly in error on the subject of these Corn-laws, that he meant, soon after Easter, to bring forward a motion, the object of which would be, to have them repealed. When he did so, he hoped it would be unnecessary for him to press upon them that the proposition did not coma from one who was hostile to their interests, but from one who was identified with them, and who thought that not only for the general prosperity of the country, but for the particular advantage of its landowners, these laws ought to cease. It was a fallacy to suppose that the country gentlemen had any separately beneficial interest in this respect from the other classes of the community; on the contrary, their interest must always go on pari passu with that of the people at large. So impressed was he that these laws were most injurious, and to the landed interests as well as other interests, that he had very little doubt if; the gentlemen of the country would only, keep their minds open, that he need not i despair of convincing them that they ought to be the first to get rid of this stumbling- block to the fair trial of the principle of Free Trade in all their commodities. Of this he was quite satisfied, that the Cornlaws were a real bar to the prosperity of the country. It had been said, with reference to the question of Parliamentary Re- form, that the time was when no loyal i person would advocate it. For himself he could fairly say, that he had never thought it disloyal to urge this topic, be- cause he had always contended that to give the people their fair weight in the re-I presentation was not more essential to their happiness than to the stability of the i throne itself.
The Petition ordered to be printed.

SUPPLY.
The Chancellorof the Exchequer, having moved the Order of the

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Day for bringing up the Report of the Committee of Supply,
Mr. Bernalbegged to know if there was any truth in the report that it was intended to deprive the captains of his Majesty's ships of the power they had hitherto possessed to appoint midshipmen? He understood that something of that kind was to be introduced in the new regulations, which, besides being prejudicial to the service, he was sure would create great discontent.
Sir G. Cockburnsaid, that all the patronage the captains had enjoyed was to be continued with respect to the appointment of midshipmen; but they were to be deprived of the nomination of the first class of volunteers. One captain received a number of volunteers on board, and then perhaps in six months another was appointed, who received an additional number, and so they continued until the ship returned, when they were set on shore without any provision. To remedy this evil the Admiralty had taken the appointments into their own hands, resolving to receive none who were not afterwards to be provided for.
Mr. Humesaid, that before the Report was brought up, he wished to know! whether or not it was the intention of his, Majesty's Ministers to ask for a grant of money for works in Canada. He put this i question because an hon. friend of his, who had a motion standing relative to that colony, desired to know, and could not attend in his place to ask, and he thought, as well as his hon. friend, that no vote should pass till the general questions connected with that colony had been discussed. He thought that the right hon. and gallant General at the head of the Colonial Government should bring forward his propositions on the subject before any money was asked for. The complaints of the people of that colony were so numerous, and in his opinion so well ground-ed, that to vote money for the colony till the causes of them were removed appeared to him highly improper. In fact, unless some conciliatory measure were first introduced, he should resist the grant of any money whatever for Canada.
The Chancellor of the Exchequerwould do every thing in his power to further the views of the hon. Gentleman, but he could! fix no day for the discussion of the general questions connected with Canada. He would postpone it as long as possible.
The Report was then brought up. On the question that it be read,
Mr. Maberlywished, he said, to call the attention of the right honorable the Secretary of War to the Marine corps, which appeared to him expensive and unnecessary. It consisted of 4,000 men, though the gallant Admiral opposite had stated that 1,000 would be sufficient to perform the requisite duties. If it were said that they were wanted for garrison duty, that he would contend could be performed by the regular troops. If 4,000 marines were kept up for that purpose, they were unnecessary, or 4,000of the regular troops ought to be reduced. The reduction of these 4,000 men would be a saving of 200,000 l. a year—a sufficient sum to make him think the subject well deserving the attention of the House of Commons. He was aware that the reduction could not be made this year, but he did hope if the Secretary - at - war and the gallant Admiral took counsel together, that they would be able to save this sum next year.
In reply to a question of Mr. Hume,
Sir G. Clerkstated, that there was no separate charge for victualling the marines.
The Report of the Committee was read.
Mr. Humeobjected to the sum of 5,000 l. voted for the payment of fees, and declared that he would move as an amendment to leave out that sum; but forbore to press the matter, on the Chancellor of the Exchequer undertaking to look into the subject, and make such an alteration as would next year be satisfactory to the hon. Member. "He further inquired if the expense of the ships lying in ordinary had not been greatly increased. He had received information, that it had been increased to the amount of 5,000 l. a year, and he should be glad to learn whether or not that were correct.
Sir Byam Martinsaid, the system followed at present was different from the system formerly in use: captains had been substituted for masters; but as there were fewer of them, the expense was not increased, while the ships were much better taken care of.
Mr. Monckobjected to the vote for what is called "the widow's charity," which, he said, was a misnomer. In the ordinary acceptation of the word 'charity' meant a gift from the rich to the poor; in this case, however, the poor contributed to raise a fund for the benefit of the rich,

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and were at the same time excluded from any share in its advantages. Having previously, however, made several remarks on the subject, he would then only ask whether the regulation bestowed pensions on widows in proportion to the rank of their husbands; whether every case was considered on its own merits, and whether there was any intention on the part of the Government to adopt some means of; curtailing this expense.
Sir G. Clerkstated, that the amount of the pension was always determined by the rank of the officer when he died, and that: measures would be adopted to prevent the increase of this branch of expenditure.
Mr. Humestated, that the object of his hon. friend was, to see one principle adopted throughout the public service, according to which the widow of an officer should no more be pensioned than the widow of a private soldier. It seemed to him extremely hard that the widow of a soldier, who had served in all countries and climates for the greater part of his life, should receive nothing, while the widow of an officer, who had perhaps served only a few years, and never been abroad, should be provided for. At present the Army, the Navy, the Ordnance, in short, every branch of the public service, had its own peculiar system of granting pensions, which to him appeared very improper, and he should recommend that pensions be altogether abolished. They! encouraged marriage, which, in his opinion,' ought rather to be discouraged in the officers as well as in the men. The present system encouraged officers to many, and unless it were checked the charge for pensions must augment every year. It was the duty of the Government to make some alteration, and at least to have one general uniform system for granting pensions in every branch of the public service. The hon. Member also protested against the grant of 300 l.a year to the widow of commissioner Sir George Grey. He saw no reason why the widow of a poor shipbuilder, who had served twenty years, should get no allowance; while the widow of a commissioner, receiving a large salary, and serving perhaps not half the time, should have 300 l. a year for her life.
Sir G. Cockburnsaid, that pensions of that kind were no longer granted, nor had there been any granted to the widows of commissioners appointed since the year 1825. Before that time, however, they
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were entitled to a pension by an Order in Council, and it was not thought right to depart from the old practice with regard to those appointed before that time.
Mr. Maberlywas of opinion that a report of the number of Pensions granted by Government should be annually laid on the Table of the House.
The Chancellor of the Exchequersaid such a Report was to be laid on the Table.
Mr. Monckdid not object to the particular vote of 300 l. but he repeated his complaints of a want of uniformity in granting pensions. Here was the widow of a commissioner who had 300 l. a year, while the widow of a common sailor or soldier had no allowance whatever. The hon. Baronet had informed the House that such pensions were to be discontinued in the civil service, and perhaps the hon. Baronet would recommend that the same principle should be adopted in the military and naval service.
Mr. Humeasked, what necessity there was to have flag officers at Portsmouth, Plymouth, Chatham, and Cork, particularly at Chatham, where there were never more than two or three ships. The salaries of these officers amounted to 12,000. or 14,000 l. a year, which, in his opinion, was money wasted. He would like also to know why houses were hired for these Admirals when between 30,000 l. and 40,000 l. had been expended on building them suitable habitations.
Sir G. Cockburnreplied, that these Admirals were necessary to carry on the public service, and as none but old and distinguished officers were appointed to these situations, they might also be considered as the reward of merit. He did not think that it would be possible to dispense with the services of such officers, or reduce the Estimate any lower.
All the Resolutions of the Committee were agreed to.

COMMITTEE OF SUPPLY.
The Order of the Day having been read for the House: to resolve itself into the Committee of Supply—
The Chancellor of the Exchequer The Chancellor of the Exchequer moved, that the Estimates of the Civil Contingencies be referred to the said Committee.
Mr. Humedeclared that he would oppose that and every other motion of a similar nature, until it should be explained why a passage had not been opened for

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the public from the bottom of Waterloo-place into St. James's Park. He wished to know why the promise that had been made by the right hon. Gentleman opposite, when he was at the head of the Woods and Forests, had not been fulfilled?
Mr. Arbuthnotsaid, that the hon. Gentleman was in error in supposing that he had made any such promise as that alluded to. When he had been asked if any such opening would be made, his answer was, that he could not state until he saw the plans. When the plans were presented at his office they contained no such opening.
Mr. Humemaintained, that an opening was promised by his Majesty's Government; but whether by the right hon. Gentleman or some other member of it, he did not recollect.
The Chancellor of the Exchequerput it to the hon. member for Montrose, whether the present was the fittest occasion for the discussion of this question?
Mr. Lennardobserved, that the opening for which his hon. friend wished, would add greatly to the beauty of the street, than which nothing could be more unsightly than its present appearance. The wall which had been erected completely obstructed the view of the park. While he was upon his legs, he wished to say a few words on another subject. A few years ago the right hon. Gentleman promised that at the expiration of a certain period the interior of the Regent's Park should be opened to the public The time he conceived had now fully expired, and the public had a right to demand that the expectation should be realized. It was well known that there was a very dense population in the neighbourhood of the Regent's Park, to whom the liberty of walking over the whole of it, instead of being confined to the narrow roads by which it was bounded, would be a great convenience and advantage. The plantations had now grown up. If, however, any mischief to them were still apprehended, it would surely be very easy to give directions that some of the policemen should be on the spot, for the purpose of preventing it.
Mr. Maberlyreferred to the leases granted to those who had built villas in the Regent's Park, in order to show that Government had no power to open the interior of the park to the public, unless
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the rights of those who held the leases in question were first purchased by the public, a proceeding to which he presumed Parliament would not be inclined.
Mr. Arbuthnotagreed with the hon. member for Abingdon, that it would not be in the power of the Government to throw open the whole area of the park to the public, but there was a portion of it— the hon. Member knew the part to which he alluded—which he (Mr. Arbuthnot) had intended to open to the public had he remained at the head of the department over which he formerly presided. What would be done now with reference to that part of the park he could not say; but he would say, if he had remained at the head of that department, he intended to open it to the public, [hear]
Mr. Protheroesaid, that every hon. Member who passed down to the House by Charing cross must have had his feelings and nerves annoyed in coming along that exceedingly dirty passage. There could, therefore, be no greater convenience, not only to members of Parliament, but to the public, than the making of an opening from Waterloo-place into St. James's park. He did not believe that a pledge had been given to that effect by Government, but he thought, upon the high ground of public convenience, that opening should be called for. He trusted that this passage would be made, and that also the area of the Regent's-park would be opened to the public. He trusted too that the noble lord now at the head of the Woods and Forests, and who, he was sure, was desirous to do every thing for the public convenience, would finally have the Regent's park thrown open to the public like Hyde park, and that also a passage would be opened, and a flight of steps made, from Waterloo-place into St. James's park.
Mr. Humesaid, whether or not a pledge had been given that this opening should be made, he trusted it would be for the public convenience. He concurred with the right hon. gentleman opposite that this subject could be mooted on a fitter occasion. Several votes connected with the parks must come under their notice, and the House would then have an opportunity for discussing this subject.
The estimates were then ordered to be referred to the Committee.
On the motion that the Speaker do leave the Chair,
Mr. Lennardsaid, he differed from the hon. member for Abingdon as to the construction of acts of Parliament regarding the Regent's-park, and as to the terms of the leases upon which the villas in that park had been let. It was quite true that there were provisions in the leases to prevent the building- of any more villas there: but he could see nothing in the terms of those leases to prevent the Government from opening the area of the park to the public. He himself possessed a villa in the park; but he did not think that the convenience of the public at large should be postponed to that of the few individuals who had villas there.
Mr. Maberlysaid, when a part of the park was opened to the Zoological Society, he took counsel's opinion on the subject; and that opinion was, that the Government had no right to make that grant; and he could assure his hon. friend that if he would consult counsel on the point, be would find that, according to the terms of the leases of the buildings in the Park, the Government had no right or power to throw it open to the public.
Mr. Warburtoncondemned the mode in which some of the new buildings erected on the site of Carlton-palace had been leased to Mr. Nash. His interest was of course opposed to the public in favor of his own, and in that way the public convenience was neglected.
Mr. Arbuthnotsaid, in reference to Mr. Nash becoming the lessee of some of these premises, the facts were simply these:— Mr. Nash made an offer for a lot of ground for the erection of five houses, at the end of the area in Waterloo-place, which could not be let. He took it on the condition of building those houses upon it, afterwards to be let to such tenants as the heads of the Woods and Forests might approve of. and Mr. Nash undertook to give, them at the prime cost. He (Mr. Arbuthnot) knew that Mr. Nash had subsequently let them at the prime cost.
Mr. Beaumontwished to know whether there had been any public competition allowed for this ground—whether it had been set up to public auction, or whether, on the contrary, Mr. Nash had not been suffered to take it by a private bargain, and very likely at his own price?
Mr. Arbuthnotsaid, the public was fully aware at the time that this lot of ground was to be let. It had not been put up to public auction, because in the
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opinion of the greatest landed proprietors in London that was not the best way of letting it. It might, if let by auction, go off at a price below its value, and the buildings erected there might thus be let to unfit and irresponsible persons.
Mr. Beaumontsaw no reason why St. James's-park should be looked upon in the light of private grounds. He was sure it would be a source of satisfaction and pleasure to the Sovereign to see his subjects enjoying the comfort and recreation which that park would afford them. He sincerely believed, if the noble Lord opposite would make a representation on the subject in a proper quarter, that the convenience of the public would be fully attended to in that respect. He was sure the royal heart would be gladdened to see the inhabitants of this metropolis enjoying the recreations afforded by that park, and its rural scenery.
The Chancellor of the Exchequersaid, that St. James's-park was an unfortunate instance to select for complaint, for within a very short period means had been taken to afford the greatest advantages to all classes of the public, by the improvements in that park. There was at this moment a road in progress on the south side of the park, which, when completed, would be of great advantage to the higher orders, and the opening of the interior of the park had been productive of the greatest advantages to all classes of society.
Mr. Beaumontwished for nothing more than that every thing possible should be done for the accommodation of the public. —Agreed to, and the House went into a Committee of Supply.
Mr. G. Dawsonsaid, he proposed to take the vote for the Civil Contingencies upon account, as the amount was required for the carrying on the public service, and the House would hereafter have an opportunity of discussing the votes separately. He accordingly moved—"That a sum not exceeding 100,000 l. be granted to his Majesty for defraying the charges of the civil contingencies for 1830."
Mr. Humewould not object to taking this vote upon account now; but when the separate votes should come to be discussed, he would move a resolution, that it is expedient to effect a reduction in the diplomatic expenses of the country. He should object to voting 60,000 l. or 70,000 l. for extraordinary diplomatic expenses. A pledge had been given by Mr.

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Canning, that every reduction would be made in the diplomatic expenditure of the country; but instead of that, it had gone on increasing ever since. He thought 400,000 l. too large a sum for that single department of the Government.
The Chancellor of the Exchequersaid, it would be found that considerable reductions had been effected in this part of the public expenditure this year.
The Resolution was then put and agreed to.

NAVY ESTIMATES.
Sir G. Clerkproceeded to move the remainder of the Navy Estimates, and commenced by moving a sum of 99,000 l. for defraying the charges for repairs and improvements in his Majesty's Dock-yards. This vote had been objected to on account of the sum called for the erection of a new naval hospital in Malta. The building of that hospital had been determined upon in consequence of the increase of our naval force in that quarter, and of the; want of adequate accommodation for the sick. The naval hospital was situated in a narrow and crowded part of the town of Valetta, but had been found so inconvenient that the. Government had given it up. Since our force had been increased in that quarter all the accommodation which, could be procured for the sick, was found; inadequate. The Admirals in command on \ that station had frequently represented i this, and the Admiralty therefore found: it necessary to submit an estimate to the Treasury of 17,000 l. for building a new hospital. He did not think that too much, but the hon. member for Abingdon had objected to the vote on the ground of irregularity in commencing the work before the sanction of Parliament had been obtained for the necessary expenditure. As a general rule his objection was quite correct, but the exigencies of the public service did not always allow the executive; Government to follow that rule; the Finance Committee of 1817 had indeed' recognized the necessity of the Government sometimes departing from this plan. That committee recommended, that works should not be undertaken by the subordinate departments till the consent of the Treasury had been obtained, and this recommendation had been complied with. The Estimate had been submitted to the Treasury, and it had in August last issued orders, when a large force was sent to the
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Mediterranean to complete the proposed work. It certainly was commenced without the sanction of Parliament, but he was sure that the inconvenience to which the sick seamen would have been exposed wanting it, would induce the Parliament cheerfully to confirm the proceedings of the Admiralty.
Mr. Maberlyobjected to voting 17,000 l. for the erection of this hospital. In his opinion Government had failed to make out a case of emergency, and their conduct had evinced a total disregard of the opinion of Parliament. He thought it very strange that a sum of 17,000 l. should be expended in building an hospital on a foreign station at a time of peace; and he thought it still more strange that such an expenditure should have been incurred in a most unconstitutional manner. On various occasions, in 1711, in 1764, in 1784, in 1791, and in 1817, resolutions had been passed maintaining the principle that no money should be expended by Government without first obtaining the sanction of the House. In 1818 a Treasury Minute was passed to this effect, founded on that recommendation of the Finance Committee of 1817, to which the hon. Baronet had alluded. The question with him, therefore, was, whether the conduct of the Admiralty ought not to be considered as a breach of the defined law of Parliament. The facts stated proved that there was no such emergency as the hon. Baronet spoke of. It appeared that the work had been contemplated for three or four years, and the emergency was only thought of when the sanction of Parliament was to be obtained to the proceeding. He called on the committee, therefore, to refuse the grant, because the case involved that important principle by which that House was to exercise a control over the public expenditure. If the Government were to decide on the expediency of public works, that would reduce the power of control exercised by Parliament to a mere nullity. If ever there was a violation of constitutional principles this case was such a violation. The only circumstance which would justify the proceeding was, that without the hospital the public service could not have gone on. No such case had however been made out, no immediate and urgent necessity had been she we for the work, and he therefore should feel himself bound to resist the vote.
Sir G. Cockburnsaid, that Government

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had endeavoured as long as possible to avoid the expense of erecting a new hospital at Malta. After the battle of Navarino, however, Government received the most distressing reports of the misery which our wounded sailors experienced from the situation and the inadequate accommodation of the old hospital. In one representation their sufferings were described as dreadful, and even horrible. It was at that period far from improbable that another engagement might have occurred. A large additional force was sent to the Mediterranean, to provide for the wants of which the old hospital was wholly inadequate. Government, therefore, considered it a duty to provide against such a contingency, and he did not believe that a British House of Commons would blame, the Government for what it had done.
Mr. Humesaid, he objected to the conduct of Government, because it was opposed to the principle that no foreign works should be executed without the consent of Parliament, unless upon cases of emergency. In confirmation of that opinion the hon. Member quoted the following Order of the Treasury on this subject, dated in 1791, and signed H. Dundas. "My Lords are of opinion that no Commander-in-chief or governor is authorised to incur any expenses for which money has not been already granted by Parliament, or which has not been previously approved of by his late Majesty, and his Majesty's order signified by this Board for that purpose. That, secondly, if any governor or Commander-in-chief shall be of opinion that any expense ought to be incurred for the good of his Majesty's ser- vice, he is previously to make a re presentation thereof to the proper office at home, which is to communicate the same to this Board that his Majesty's pleasure may be taken thereupon, and that a proper estimate may be laid before Parliament, to the end that such sums may be granted as Parliament should think necessary for that purpose."
The order went on to state that in case of any unforeseen emergency rendering it impossible to apply to Parliament, the governor or Commander-in-chief was to transmit information to the Treasury, with the reasons for incurring the expense, but not to incur it if it could possibly be avoided. He contended, therefore, that this regulation had not been complied with, that no case of emergency had been
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made out, and that there had been a direct violation of the principle on which money was granted to the Crown. What made the case stronger was, that no estimate had been submitted to the Admiralty subsequent to that submitted by Lord Collingwood in 1809, so that from that time till 1830 the same state of things had existed, had been known, and yet to remedy it was called an emergency. Supposing, however, that it might be necessary to expend 16,000 l. in 1809, the amount of the estimate sent by Lord Collingwood, it did not at all follow, when prices had everywhere fallen, that the same sum would be required in 1830. He admitted that the old hospital was inconvenient but he contended that the new one was not wanted. Sir Pulteney Malcolm stated the number of sick, in a despatch dated May 1829 to be 100, in a force of 6,000 persons. The increased force subsequently sent out had been again withdrawn in ordinary times, there never was a larger force than 6,000 men in the Mediterranean and he could not possibly conceive that 17,000 l. ought to be expended to supply accommodation for 100 men. He had a right also to complain that this vote was not included in the Estimates of last year, it having been before that time under the consideration of the Admiralty. He hoped at least that the vote would be passed over till all the information connected with the subject was laid before it.
The Chancellor of the Exchequeradmitted the general principle contended for by the hon. Member opposite; but he maintained that Government, had acted upon a case of emergency. After the explanation given by his hon. friend who had moved the vote, he did not in fact expect to hear it opposed. The hospital at Malta was found inadequate to provide for our sick when we had only 6,000 men on that station: when our force was raised to 8,000, Government felt it imperative, for the benefit of the service, to build a new hospital. The hon. member for Montrose was mistaken in saying that there was no estimate; there was an estimate transmitted in the regular course of business from the Admiralty to the Treasury. If it had been found that the hospital was too small for6000 men it was surely too small for 8,000, and the emergency which compelled the Government to make that addition to our force also compelled, it to provide an hospital.
Lord Althorpsaid, that he believed a new hospital was wanted at Malta, and therefore he did not blame Government for having built one. But it did not appear to him that there had been that sort of sudden emergency which justified Ministers in going to such an expense without the previous sanction of Parliament. At the same time, when the question was whether our wounded seamen should be provided with a comfortable hospital; instead of being carried to a bad one, up a steep hill, which must add to their sufferings, he could not object to the vote.
Mr. Crokersaid, it was impossible for Government to delay any longer the building of a new hospital, after our force off that station had been increased. The estimates for it had been regularly submitted to the Treasury, which Board had not consented to the measure till the emergency arose which required a large additional force in the Mediterranean.
Mr. Warburtonsaid, that it appeared to him that the House was called upon to make this grant without any satisfactory estimate having been placed before it.
Mr. Crokerrepeated his former statement, that all the necessary estimates had been laid before the Treasury in July last —that at that time they had been rejected, —but that, in consequence of the emergency which had rendered it necessary for us to send an increased force into the Mediterranean, it had been deemed necessary to proceed with the building of the hospital.
Mr. Maberleyproposed that this part of the vote should be postponed till the papers were printed.
Mr. Humewished to know what amount of money had been already drawn on account of this work.
Sir G. Cockburn.— None has been drawn yet.
Mr. Humewas glad to hear it—but still thought that Government had made but a very lame case of it.
The Question was then put; but before it was carried,
Mr. Humesaid, that there was another item in this vote to which he felt considerable objection. After voting a million and a half for new churches, he could not see any reason why the Committee should be called upon to vote 4,000 l. for the erection of a new chapel at the Dockyard at Pembroke.
Sir B. Martinexplained the circum-
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stances which had induced the Government to consent to the erection of this chapel at the public expense. Last year, when he went down to the dock-yard at Pembroke, the officers met him with a representation that the shipwrights were anxious to attend divine service at the established church, but were not able to do so from want of room. As there were upwards of 500 shipwrights there, and as their families amounted to upwards of 2,000 souls, the Government had deemed it only right to afford them a place for the celebration of divine worship. Only 2,000 l. would be wanted for the erection of the chapel this year; 4,000 l. would be the total expense of its erection, as Mr. Macintosh had contracted to erect it for that sum. If it were not built now, it would never be built at so cheap a rate at any other period, as Mr. Macintosh, who was now building some works for the Ordnance, could build at a cheaper rate now than he could at any other time.
Colonel Daviessaid, that the parish church was not more than two miles distant, and he therefore should support the hon. Member's objection to the grant.
Mr. Maberlysaid, that there had been an intention at one time to get rid of this dock-yard altogether; if so, what occasion was there to build this chapel?
Sir G. Clerksaid, that there were so many local advantages about this yard, that he could assure the Committee that there was no intention to abandon it.
Mr. Humecalled upon the Committee to consider well what they were going to do. If they determined to make a dockyard at Pembroke, they would soon be called upon to vote money for the purpose of building fortifications to protect it, for the dock-yard could not protect itself. He should therefore propose to postpone the voting of this item of 2,000 l. till next year, when they would be able to discover whether this dock-yard would be continued or not. At present the House was asked for 99,000 l. for a department which before the French war cost 25,000 l. Was that to be borne? Part of the expense, he observed, was for the superannuation of chaplains, which he did not understand, as he never heard of superannuated bishops.
Sir B. Martinsaid, the superannuations were allowed to chaplains on the same principle precisely, that they were allowed to other persons.
Mr. Trantobserved, that having a great

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regard for the moral instruction and religious welfare of the Army and Navy, he felt himself bound to support this part of the grant.
The Gallery was then cleared for a division, but
Mr. Humeconsented to withdraw his Amendment. He had another question, however, to put to the gallant officer opposite. How was it that he came to ask the Committee this year to vote 3,000/. for works upon the lakes in Canada?
Sir G. Cockburnsaid, that this sum was wanted to keep up the works which were necessary for the repair of the ships we had on the lakes at the close of the American war. By the treaty then made, we had a right to keep them in repair, though we could not increase their number. It was impossible to say what the expense of these establishments might be in time of war; but it would never exceed 2,000 l. or 3,000 l. a-year, in time of peace. He could assure the hon. member for Aberdeen, that the American ships at Sacket's Harbour were as well taken care of as our own.
The Vote was then agreed to.
The sum of 210,000 l. for the purchase of Provisions for troops and garrisons on foreign stations, and for the Convict service, was voted without any remark. 250,000 l. as the charge for Transports was also voted.

ORDNANCE ESTIMATES.
Mr. S. Percevalthen rose, to propose the Ordnance Estimates to the Committee, but spoke in so low and indistinct a tone that the greater part of his speech was inaudible in the gallery. We understood him to say, that he should not have occasion to occupy much of the time of the Committee, as the duty which he had to perform was fortunately very simple. The reductions which had been made in the Ordnance Department in the year 1820 had been carried to the utmost point to which they could be well carried, with a due regard to the proper equipment and permanent efficacy of that branch of the public service: and therefore he should not have to detain them long by enumerating the retrenchments which had taken place in this department. Under the present circumstances of the country, it might seem to some hon. Members that the reduction of the Estimates this year was not such as they had reason to expect; but they
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were sufficient, he thought, to satisfy the minds of those who were acquainted with our establishments, that though comparatively small, they were no proof whatever of any unwillingness in those who were at the head of the department to make every possible reduction. His right hon. friend, the Chancellor of the Exchequer, when he made his statements of the Estimates, had explained the reason why the reductions of those Estimates were so comparatively small. He had called the attention of the House to the very large reductions which had been previously made in the Ordnance, and the very close scrutiny that department had undergone by his hon. friend, the Secretary of War, and the noble Duke at the head of the Government, and which made further reduction impossible. In 1828 the Finance Committee had examined the whole expenditure of the Ordnance Department in great detail; it had moved for documents and examined witnesses; and after its investigation it had not found any fault with the department. Reduction had then been carried as far nearly as it could go. In considering the present and the former expense of the department, it was proper to consider not only the sum, but the efficient manner in which the whole service was conducted. He had made a few changes in the Estimates from last year, in order to make them more simple, and had placed similar charges together, and had brought similar services under one head. The ordinary of the Ordnance contained all that was included formerly under that head in the Ordnance Estimates for Ireland, and the pay of barrack-masters and Serjeants; and the extraordinaries contained all that was formerly included under that head in the Ordnance Estimates for Ireland. They also contained the charge for the repair of Barracks, and for the remainder of the Barrack Estimates. Now the ordinary for this year was 604,347 l., last year it was 608,548 l., so that it was this year 4,201 l. less than it was last. The extraordinaries amounted to 804,853 l. this year; they had amounted to 822,727/. last year, so that there was this year a saving on this head of 17,874 l. There was, however, a charge of 4,034 l. for unprovided services this year, which had no existence last year; but there was more than a counterpoise for this increase in the diminution which had been made

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in the Military Store Branch, which was last year 93,612 l., and which was this year only 78,455 l. In this manner the total saving in the charge for the effective this year was 33,198 l., and in the charge for the non-effective was 3,556 l., making a total saving of 36,754 l. The first vote which he should have to submit to the Committee would be a sum of 85,625 l., for the purpose of defraying the expense of the civil establishments of the Ordnance at the Tower, in Pall-mall, and in Dublin, which was 1,217 l. less than the vote of last year. The expense of the departments at Woolwich had been increased this year by 300 l., owing to the general increase of salaries there, arising from length of service. The hon. Gentleman then went through the different alterations which had been made in the charges for the stations at home and abroad, for the Master-gunners, and for the corps of Engineers, but his statement of them was very imperfectly heard. The charge for the regiment of Artillery was this year 283,626 l. That regiment had been greatly reduced in the year 1822, and the consequence had been, that it had been obliged to be increased in the year 1825, as it was found to be impossible to carry on the service without that increase. There was, however, he repeated, on the total ordinary of the Ordnance, a diminution of 4,000 l. odd. The hon. Member then intimated, that, under the direction of the present Master-general, the work of reduction might be considered as always going on: but what the reductions already made or still in contemplation were, it was quite impossible to understand from the hon. Member. He concluded by moving, that a sum not exceeding 85,025 l. be granted to his Majesty for the purpose of defraying the Salaries to the Master-general, the Lieutenant-general, and the other persons employed in the civil establishments of the Ordnance at the Tower, Pall-mall, and in Dublin.
Sir J. Grahamcongratulated his hon. friend, the Secretary for the Ordnance, upon the very clear and satisfactory manner in which he had staled the estimates of his department to the Committee. It must be gratifying to the House to see his hon. friend dedicating his time industriously and manfully to the public service, instead of eating the bread of idleness and cringing at the doors of that Treasury from which his father, who had achieved the
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road to eminence, had been accustomed to dispense the patronage of the nation. So much he felt himself called upon to say for the sake of friendship and his hon. friend. Though he was now addressing the committee from that part of the House where the principal friends of Ministers were now generally stationed [Sir James spoke from what are usually called the Opposition Benches], he did not altogether partake of the feelings of many of the hon. and noble friends whom he then saw around him. He was not one of those persons who professed predilection for the present Administration: he had, therefore, no coyness in consenting to a resolution condemnatory of their conduct, where he conceived that conduct to be erroneous. He was not one of those persons whose votes were wrung from them when he had to vote against Ministers, and he had, therefore, never refused to give his vote in support of resolutions which were proper in themselves, merely because they censured those Ministers. On the present occasion, however, he brought forward his Motion with regret and pain: with regret, because it might be thought to cast a slight shade of disapprobation on the noble and gallant officer who filled the situation to which his Motion related; with pain, because he was afraid, from repeatedly making motions of that description, that he should make himself unpopular on the Benches opposite, where he saw sitting some of his earliest, his kindest, and his best friends. It would obtain for him probably the character of an economical reformer, which he knew was obnoxioas, as every species of parsimony always was obnoxious, and when joined to his other character of a parliamentary reformer, might make him as obnoxious a person as any in that House. But at times like the present, the Motion with which he should conclude was demanded of him as a public duty—and feeling it to be a public duty, he would fearlessly discharge it. He had not the honour of a personal acquaintance with the noble Lord, the Lieutenant-general of the Ordnance: but he was not ignorant of his brilliant career in arms, which had commenced from early youth, had carried him to foreign service, and had raised him from the lowest to the highest rank in his profession; which had shone in Portugal, in Spain, and in France, and made him more than a sharer in the glories of Waterloo.

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Old men forget; yes, all shall be forgot,
But we'll remember with advantages
What feats he did that day.
He thought that noble Lord fairly entitled to the favour and gratitude of the House, and he should think it mean and dastardly to grudge to his merits the rewards he fairly de-served. It must, however, be remembered, that that noble Lord already enjoyed the command of a regiment; it must also be remembered, that the House was called on every year to vote sums for the governors of fortresses, such as those of Plymouth, the Tower, and Edinburgh Castle, which were always defended on the ground that they were the proper rewards for great military services. The services of the noble Lord justly entitled him to such a kind of reward. Then was the situation of Lieutenant-general of the Ordnance such a species of reward? Certainly not; on the contrary, his argument was, that that office was of a double character, partly civil and partly military, and that it was not indispensably necessary. The principle on which he should argue the question was laid down in the Report of the Finance Committee, in these terms:— "No Government is justified in taking the smallest sum of money from the people, unless a case can be clearly established to show that it will be productive of some essential advantage to them, and one that cannot be obtained by a smaller sacrifice. The real wants of the people shall not be made to give way to any imaginary wants of the State, which arise from so many sources, that it is frequently very difficult to prevent the operation of an undue influence." Then the question was, is the situation of Lieutenant-general of the Ordnance productive of real advantage to the public service, or is it one of the imaginary wants of the State? He (Sir J. Graham) was prepared to argue that the office was not. of essential advantage to the public service, but one of the imaginary wants of the state. In arguing this question, it was impossible for him to enliven a thrice-told-tale. This battle had been fought before: he had brought the subject before the House once already. He trusted, then, that the House would bear with him whilst he went over the evidence. The House would probably be alarmed at that portentous volume [producing the Report of the Finance Committee]; but it was his intention to read only a. short, extract or two. He should
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first refer to the evidence of the Duke of Wellington before the Finance Committee. His Grace had given plain answers to simple questions. The noble Duke was asked—"Do you consider the continuance of the Lieutenant-general of the Ordnance as essential to the well-being of the service?"—"Yes, I do." His Grace went on to give the reasons for his opinion. "The Lieutenant-general has some very important duties to perform. I do not mean to say that the Master-general cannot perform them, for he sometimes does perform those duties. In my time, the Lieutenant-general was absent sometimes, and at other times I was absent myself. When he was absent, I performed his duties." So far the evidence of the Duke of Wellington established the fact, that each of these offices was vicarious to the other. When the Master-general was absent, the Lieutenant-general performed his duty; and vice versâ, when the Lieutenant-general was absent, his functions were performed by the Master-general: the duties of each were the same. The noble Duke proceeded—"He has some duties to perform which are very important, and it is essential to the well-being of the service that he should perform them: the inspection of the troops, and a great deal of duty at Woolwich, particularly the examination of all the men for discharges." The last clause in his Grace's answer it was material to consider, because circumstances had occurred since 1828, which very much altered the force of his observation. It was this— "It is very material that there should be a military officer constantly at the Board." He (Sir J. Graham) would state how this office was constituted. There was a Lieutenant-general, a Surveyor-general, a Clerk of the Ordnance, a Storekeeper, and a Clerk of Deliveries. At the time when this evidence was given, the Lieutenant-general was in Portugal, the Surveyor-general was a naval officer, the Clerk was his hon. friend opposite, the Storekeeper was Mr. Singleton, and, in fact, the only military officer was the Clerk of the Deliveries: whereas, at present there were four military officers to one civilian. This fact materially varied the evidence of the Duke of Wellington, which was given at a time when there was only one military officer in attendance. When the Board assembled at present, and when the Master-general was in attendance, and the

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Secretary, out of eight individuals, there were no less than seven military officers: two of them full Generals, two Lieutenant-generals, and two Colonels. It was more like a Court-martial than a Board to consider the important subject of contracts for timbering guns, the price of pipe-clay, and other matters which came before the Board. The next evidence he should refer to was that of his gallant friend (Sir H. Hardinge); and what was the evidence he gave? The first question was—"Is the office of Lieutenant-general of the Ordnance titular?" The answer was, "No, he has duties to perform, which I conceive to be of a most important character." The next question he was asked was—"Does he attend the Board?" The answer was— "He ought to attend the Board, but he is at present employed in the command of the army in Portugal." "How have the duties of his department been performed in his absence?"—"I should say with very great inconvenience to the public service." He would request the House to consider, in conjunction with this answer, the statement of his gallant friend given in the opposite page—"I can state when I was at. the Board, and Lord Beresford was absent, the Surveyor-general and myself being both military men, and assisted by the Duke of Wellington, did perform the duties of the Lieutenant-general, and I do not know that positive inconvenience resulted to the public from his absence." But he goes on—"But I must say it was greatly inconvenient to myself and Lord Downes, and those who performed those duties;" thus negativing the fact that the absence was productive of public inconvenience, and resolving it into a source of private inconvenience. The next question was—"Did not the Commission of Military Inquiry recommend the abolition of that office?" This question seemed to have staggered his right hon. and gallant friend He answered—"They did recommend the abolition of that office, but, I believe, with certain qualifications, and I also believe that they did not take the very best view of that subject." The gallant Officer then went on to detail the duties of the Lieutenant-general, as stated by the Duke of Wellington, respecting superintending the discharge of pensioners, the discipline of the corps at Woolwich, and he states, "the Lieutenant-general ought also to attend to the inspection of the men at Woolwich himself, to see that every soldier
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who is discharged with a pension is fit to be discharged; his military experience is of importance in superintending the discipline of the military corps at Woolwich." On the point he deposed to, as to the necessity of the Lieutenant-general's superintending the discharge of the pensioners and the details of the corps at Woolwich, he would refer the House to page 38 of the Evidence, where his right hon. friend gave the following reply. He was asked—"Why might not the pensioners be examined by the Chelsea Board?" —"I see no objection to it further than that the charge for the pensioners being in the Ordnance department, there would be no saving by the transfer; there would be a feeling on the part of the soldiers that their interests were not so well attended to by strangers as by their own officers." So far with respect to the pensioners. Then with regard to the discipline at Woolwich. The Committee ask — "Might not the office of the Lieutenant-general be dispensed with, if that duty were transferred?" His right hon. friend's answer was—"He has, besides, very important duties to attend to, in taking care of the discipline of the 7,000 artillery, and 700 or 800 officers, in attending reviews, and looking after the interior affairs and details of the regiment: in fact, he is a general Officer commanding a division of troops." Now he would beg to refer the House on this point to another part of his right hon. friend's evidence, in pages 110 and 111. "There is a sum of 1,642 l. charged for a Deputy Adjutant-general and Assistant of Staff, the two Aides-de-camp, and so on: was not that appointment first made in 1795, after the war had begun?"—"I cannot state accurately what was the precise date, but the artillery requires the staff of a Deputy Adjutant-General for seven thousand men in as great a degree as any corps in the army would require a similar staff officer; and the artillery staff is, as compared with the force in men, smaller than that of the line." "Who fills that situation now?"—"Sir Alexander Dick-son." "You consider that that is necessary now, though in former peaces it did not exist?"—"It is absolutely necessary: the routine of the roster of duty to be taken, the military police and discipline of the corps at Woolwich," his gallant friend added, with his usual force and adroitness, "in a great degree depend upon him, though under the orders of the

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Lieutenant-general of the Ordnance." He (Sir J. Graham) would only trouble the House with one further passage from this evidence: it was in page 38. His right hon. Friend was asked—"If the Lieutenant-general has the discipline, what has the Master-general to do?"—"He has the general superintendence of the whole department, military and civil, in all its branches, and a complete control over it, so much so, that he can order and direct the Board to do as he pleases, except in matters of money and account." "Could not he give directions respecting the discipline of the corps, that which you consider now to be the special duty of the Lieutenant-general?" Here he would beg to remark to the House the statement of the Duke of Wellington, that he actually performed the functions of the Lieutenant-general when Lord Beresford was in Portugal. The answer of his gallant friend was,— "I conceive that he might, if it is supposed that the Master-general is to be always present." So that it was clear that the Master-general was competent to the performance of the duties of the Lieutenant-general, and might perform them without inconvenience to the public service. The gallant Officer went on—"But the Lieutenant-general has at the Board other very important duties; all the military questions come before him, such as the estimates for military works and fortifications: he has the whole of the military correspondence; for instance, if it is necessary to erect a barrack or a military work, and we are in communication with the commander-in-chief, it would come before him; he would assist the Board with his military opinion: we have become a much more military department than we were before, since the transfer of other departments, and at present there is a much greater necessity for a Lieutenant-general than formerly." If the department has become much more military, let the House observe how much more military the Board had become, consisting, as it now did, of six military men and two civilians. The last question he should quote was this—"If the Master-general were an efficient officer, applying his time and attention solely or principally to the business of the Ordnance, might not he fulfil all those duties with respect to the discipline at Woolwich, and the general superintendence of that department, which you have described as now falling on the
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Lieutenant-general?" He (Sir J. Graham) requested the attention of the House to the answer given by his right hon. Friend to this question—"The Master-general of the Ordnance has generally been an officer of State, and a Cabinet Minister, giving, on questions which may arise, his military opinion: the Master-general is, as I have before stated in the case of the Duke of Wellington, liable to be sent away on the public service." This had been the case in former instances. Lord Chatham, when Master-general, went with the expedition to Walcheren; Lord Cornwallis held the same office conjointly with that of Lord-lieutenant of Ireland. But at the present moment, when the Master-general was not a Cabinet Minister, and when there was no chance of his being called upon foreign service, all the reasons here alleged were futile. But he could not help thinking that his right hon. Friend contemplated a special case, when he added, "I conceive, if Lord Beresford, experienced as he is in the affairs of Portugal—'experienced! (exclaimed the hon. Member) as the groans of the victims of Don Miguel can testify, pining in the dungeons of Portugal; experienced! as those can testify who were forced to fly their native land'—were to be called away from his duties at the head of the Ordnance, and sent to Portugal, it would be extremely hard that he should be obliged to relinquish that situation, merely because he was found useful and efficient for the service of the State: but having a Lieutenant, who in his absence can do his duty, justice can be done to the department and to the individual." If ever there was a case established by the very evidence brought forward to defend it, but which militated, in fact, against it, he thought that this was the case, and that the direct converse was shown by the evidence of the Duke of Wellington and his right hon. Friend. He (Sir J. Graham) then came to the Report of the Commissioners of Military Inquiry; and he would first refer to the evidence of Lord Chatham before that Committee, a nobleman of whom, both on account of his name and talent, he could not speak with disrespect. Lord Chatham said, he considered the office of Lieutenant-general of the Ordnance a link of the civil and military service, and on that account essential to the due performance of the duty of the Board,

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as well as to support the Master-general in the duties of his extensive office. This might be well said in 1810, when Lord Mulgrave was Master-general; Sir Thos. Trigge, Lieutenant-general; Rob. Moorsom, Esq. (a naval officer) Surveyor-general: the Hon. Ashley Cooper, Clerk of the Ordnance; and Mr. Singleton, Clerk of the Deliveries. At that moment, out of nine persons, there were three military and six civilians. Now, however, out of eight persons, six were military, and two civilians. Before he adverted to the Reports of the Committee of Military Inquiry, and of the Finance Committee of 1828, he thought it better to anticipate an objection, that the Finance Committee had passed too hastily over the evidence of the Duke of Wellington and his right hon. Friend opposite (Sir H. Hardinge). But the fact was, that the Committee actually stated that they had given to the evidence of the Duke of Wellington and Sir H. Hardinge all the weight which was justly due to it. "Your Committee," the Report says, "have given to the evidence of the Duke of Wellington and Sir Henry Hardinge the consideration that is due to it, in consequence of the high authority from which it proceeds: they have considered the circumstances on which it is founded." They did not leave the House, therefore, to infer their sense of its value, for they stated it, and they stated also the reason why they came to an opposite conclusion, and why they viewed the testimony of those officers with jealousy. The reason the committee assigned was this,—"It is particularly necessary carefully to examine the reasonings and statements of those individuals, who, being qualified from their official stations to give full information, are liable to be led by professional feelings to recommend a higher standard of preparation for war than a less biassed view of circumstances might suggest. The inquiries of the Committee are necessarily attended with the difficulties already adverted to, of having to rely upon the evidence of those persons who, however qualified to give full information, are liable to be influenced by professional feelings." So that the committee had not only attended to the evidence of the Duke of Wellington and Sir H. Hardinge, but they told the House that the reason why they did not give full weight to it was, because it might be influenced by professional feelings,
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which might ensnare their judgment and bias their opinion. That was in fact the reason why the committee came to an opinion different from that of those officers. He could not help calling the attention of the House to the speech of the right hon. Gentleman opposite (Mr. Peel) on proposing this very committee. The right hon. Gentleman said, "On the subject of the estimates, I will say, that I am satisfied there exists in the new Members of the present Government, as well as in those who belonged to the last Administration, a sincere desire to see economy in the public expenditure carried to its utmost length, and if, through the recommendation of the Finance Committee, it should appear practicable to make some reduction in the expenditure of the next half year, that, I am confident, will be cheerfully effected."* No words could be stronger than these, and he believed that they led the House to think that the recommendations of the committee would be adopted. But if there were any doubts upon the subject, he might refer to the observations which had fallen from the right hon. Gentleman within the last ten days—and not once, but often—and not of a negative, but of an affirmative character. He thought he recollected the argument of the right hon. Gentleman in respect to the motion brought forward by him regarding the Treasurer of the Navy. His case then rested on a vote of the House in 1826, in which the House decided that that office should be held conjointly with another office. And what was the argument of the right hon. Gentleman? In that discussion the right hon. Gentleman contended that the Report of the Finance Committee of the year 1817 rode over the decision of the House in the year 1826, observing, that if the Reports of the Committees of that House were not attended to, they would, in future, instead of being beacons for the guidance of the House, prove nothing better than false lights luring to error and to ruin. Stringent and convincing as were his arguments when put affirmatively, they were not less so when put in a negative form. On the question brought forward on Thursday last, by his hon. Friend, the Member for Dover, the argument of the right hon. Gentleman was so convincing, that though he (Sir John Gra-
*See Parl. Deb, Vol. xviii, p.434.

1017
ham) had come down to the House with the intention of voting for the motion, the right hon. Gentleman's speech altered his intention, and he left the House without voting. The right hon. Gentleman then said, that the House ought on no account to refer the matter to a committee, because it would not only suspend the functions of the Chancellor of the Exchequer, but it would be a mockery to refer the subject to a committee unless the House were prepared to abide by its decision. Here, then, was negative and affirmative testimony, shewing that the report of a committee of that House ought to be abided by. And after all these professions and statements, let the House consider what was the tenor of the Report of the Finance Committee in respect to the office under consideration. He particularly begged to call the attention of the House to the first words of that Report, which were these: "The Committee might be disposed to question the amount of the salary of the Master-General, were it not for the recommendation they are about to propose, that the office of Lieutenant-general of the Ordnance shall be discontinued in time of peace." From that it appeared that the Committee would have recommended a diminution of the salary of the Master-general, had it not recommended the abolition of the office of Lieutenant-general. The Committee then proceeded to say, with reference to the office of Lieutenant-general, "The Commissioners of Military Inquiry entered into considerable details relative to the duties of this office, and made the following observations upon it: 'From the information given to us respecting the actual performance of any distinct duties by the Lieutenant-general of the Ordnance, we incline to the belief that this appointment was not essential to the constitution of the department, especially if it were to be understood that the attention of the Master-general should not be withdrawn from the duties of his office by other appointments.' The Committee concur in this opinion, and adverting to the fact that the Lieutenant-general has been absent from England at different times, they are of opinion that during peace the office of Lieutenant-general may be dispensed with, and the salary of it saved to the public." He called upon the Government to redeem their pledge with the public in good faith and honour.
1018
They had promised to reduce the establishments of the country, and yet in a time of peace they were called upon to maintain the profusion of a war expenditure. This was his opinion in the year 1818; how much more so ought it not to be now, with all the accumulated suffering which had since fallen on the country? Was there in fact any comparison between the degree of distress that prevailed in 1828 and that at present? Were there not at this moment large classes of the poor in a state of complete destitution, stretching out their hands for any portion of relief, and appealing to their humanity and compassion for sympathy and assistance? But he would plainly ask, were the Ministers free agents on the present occasion? Were they not pledged by their own resolution of the 12th of February? Had they not on that day resolved, that in all the establishments of the country, civil and military, every saving ought to be made which could be effected without the violation of existing engagements, and without detriment to the public service? This was what was promised on the 12th of February: why then was not this saving yielded to the public voice? If the Government fell back upon its own resolution, and when the opportunity arose refrained: from evincing a desire to enforce it, it would be in vain for it to expect the confidence of the public: the people would retort upon them that they had abandoned their pledges, and shown no sympathy for the real sufferings of the community. Why was this departure from duty manifested? He verily believed, not because the Government were averse from succouring those who were distressed—not because they thought the public service required the prolongation of these offices—but because the Government was in such a position that it was compelled to have a certain mode of upholding influence within the walls of Parliament. Look at the list of Ordnance officers who were in Parliament? There was, first, the Master-general, who was himself a peer (Lord Beresford); then came the next in command, the Lieutenant-general, (Lord R. E. H. Somerset), who represented an important county (Gloucester) in the House of Commons: then followed the Surveyor-general, who was Member for Sandwich (Sir H. Fane); the Clerk of the Ordnance, the Member for Newport (Mr. Spencer Perceval); the

1019
Principal Storekeeper, the Member for Cambridge (Colonel Trench); the Clerk of the Deliveries, the Member for Scarborough (General Phipps): there was then the Secretary to the Master-General, the Member for Queenborough (Lord Downes); and lastly, the Treasurer, the Member for Bishop's Castle (Mr. W. Holmes), whose duties, whether civil or military, were not very accurately defined: they were, however, widely various, for whatever were his musters in the Ordnance, he was at least well known as Muster-Master-General of the troops in that House on all trying occasions. He really did not know how to designate the hon. Member's office better than by saying that he was the Ajax flagellifer of their divisions [a laugh]. So that out of eight principal officers of the Ordnance, one was a Peer of Parliament, and the other seven were Members of that House. In the year 1811, there were only four Members sent amongst them from that Board; but the number was doubled at this moment; it was quite evident how all these gentlemen must vote, for there was sufficient experience of an error of that kind, to know what would be the fate of a refractory member on such occasions; official persons so placed had merely to turn the ear of the deaf adder to any suggestions but those which were sent down to them from head quarters, and blindly follow the great captain of the Administration wherever he might choose to lead them. Lot them hear no more then of East Retford when Sandwich and Queenborough were overawed by the Admiralty, Newport by the Treasury, and other boroughs by the Ordnance. Let them hear no more then of the great borough-holders—let them not be told of the Duke of Newcastle and of other noblemen in the same circumstances, when such doings as those of the Ordnance, and the Treasury, and the Admiralty, wore before their eyes. The right hon. Gentleman opposite had on a former night adverted to the corruption which was known to have been exercised in the time of Sir Robert Walpole, and contrasted it with the decline of Government patronage which which was now obvious, in all the public offices. But did the right hon. gentleman see no difference between Walpole's time and the present? Could the same unblushing tricks, and openly-avowed corrupt artifices be now played with safety by any minister? The overwhelming cor-
1020
ruption of past times had been, as Mr. Burke well said, "the perennial source of all prodigality:" but it could not be practised to the same extent at present—no minister would venture upon such a mode of sustaining his government; the merit therefore was not great of abandoning views which were no longer practicable. Could it be possible indeed that that right hon. Gentleman shut his eyes to the fact, that times had changed since the days of Sir Robert Walpole? Could it be that his Majesty's Government were incapable of understanding the signs of the present times? If they possessed but the most limited capacity for reading those signs, they would perceive that the time was fast approaching when the people would no longer endure the prodigious establishments with which the country was loaded, and their inevitable consequence —a weight of debt and of taxation of which the history of mankind afforded no parallel. They might rest assured that the weight of that taxation would speedily make the people cry aloud in a voice that would be heard—cry aloud, and that immediately, for a still further reduction of all public establishments, with a view to the removal of public burthens. It was in vain to hope for the maintenance of these large establishments, or to get rid of most importuning: and reiterated demands for retrenchment, until much greater reductions were made than had at present been effected by the Government. That House had already voted estimates in a time of profound peace for eighty-two thousand men: and had refused, though earnestly pressed, to bind up that bleeding artery, through which the circulation intended to give life to the country was so prodigally and profusely running away. Let the House of Commons do its duty, as it did on Friday night, and then the country would look up with confidence to its decisions. Let it but repeat the vote of that night, and though the Minister might dissolve them, yet they would stand erect in the face of their constituents, with the ennobling consciousness of having deserved well at their hands—for the time had arrived, when, if the Parliament did not practically admit that the people were something, the people would show them, in a manner the least agreeable, that they, in fact, were every thing. The sum at present in question was not much: it was a trifle compared with other sums; but

1021
the principle involved in the decision, the animus of the conduct of Ministers, was of great magnitude, for it would establish or reflect ridicule upon past pledges of economy: these
"—tiifles, light as air,
Are, to the jealous confirmations strong
As proofs of holy writ"
The people would judge for themselves by the decisions of that kind what dependence they could place upon the professions of retrenchment of which they had heard so much of late—they would see that parliamentary patronage must be preserved at all hazards; and would compare the votes of the Government with its pledges of economy —they would see the Government voting for putting money into the pockets of the sons of its Members, and they would see it refusing to obey the Finance Committee in the abolition of this office of Lieutenant-general of the Ordnance. If the people found chicane and miserable desire for place in those departments immediately under the eye of the Government, they would no longer submit to this degree of delusion, but would compel their representatives to do them justice. No Cabinet could possess, or at least for any time preserve, the support of the country, which, in times and circumstances like the present, maintained the offices of Lieutenant-general of the Ordnance, and Treasurer of the Navy. Such a tone and temper in the conduct of the Government could never be kept up with any regard to the strength and popularity of the Cabinet: but he had no doubt that the time was fast approaching, when the force of public opinion would teach Ministers to think less of their own patronage and private ends, and somewhat more of the wishes and the necessities of the people. For his part, he would endeavour to sustain their sinking spirits, in the hope that proper attention would still be paid to their wants and sufferings. He concluded by moving, that the proposed vote of 85,025 l. be reduced to 83,82.5l., to strike off the salary of the office of Lieutenant-general of the Ordnance [hear, hear].
Mr. Spencer Percevalsaid, he rose on the present occasion with considerable diffidence, for he knew it was out of his power to compete with the hon. Baronet, in securing the attention of that House. If he failed, then, in convincing the Committee that they ought to reject the proposed reduction, he knew that his failure
1022
would be attributable, not to any imperfection in the matter really at issue between them, but to his inadequacy to cope with the eloquent speech of the hon. Baronet. Of this he was quite sure, that if the office of Lieutenant-general were to fall this night from the Ordnance department, it would not be for want of its fitness and propriety, or the just necessity for its maintenance to discharge a full share of the public business. With this natural distrust in himself, he had the consolation of knowing that he should be followed by those who would repair what he might mar in this debate. The simple point to which he should call the attention of the House was, the evidence in favour of the retention of this office; and they had on the one side the testimony of the noble Duke at the head of the Government and of his right hon. friend near him (Sir H. Hardinge)—persons of the most competent judgment upon such matters, and who clearly, fully, and unhesitatingly, declared that it could not be abolished. Here were military men of the highest professional knowledge, who were known to devote themselves unremittingly and arduously to the duties of this department, in which they had served for five years, and who had put on record their evidence of the necessity of maintaining this office. And what was the testimony on the other side? Who were the men who sat in judgment upon the decision of such military authorities upon a purely military question? They were Gentlemen unversed in these affairs, upon which, nevertheless they took upon themselves to pronounce a sweeping and decisive opinion. A body like that Committee—ignorant of the details of the office, had nothing to guide them but the information which practical men were alone capable of affording, and when those of the highest authority afforded them information, could they proceed more wisely than in surrendering their opinions into hands so eminently worthy of being intrusted with them? But it was said, official gentlemen had a bias to keep up establishments,—might not there be a bias elsewhere to display a wish to pull them down, when the public were in a season of distress, and popularity the result of such a disposition to enforce reductions. It did not follow that the office was to be considered unnecessary, because the members of the Board had contrived to get through the business in

1023
the absence of the Lieutenant-general in Portugal. On the contrary, they declared that they had suffered great public inconvenience, (private the hon. Baronet said) but he repeated, great public inconvenience from the absence of their colleague. What said Lord Beresford in his evidence? "We managed" said the noble Lord, "by much additional work, to get on so that the public service suffered no inconvenience." This was the language of the noble Lord at the head of the department, who must be pretty well acquainted with the duties to be performed in it. He should not make any observation on that part of the hon. Baronet's statement which referred to the military duties of the office, because he really was not well acquainted with the nature of those duties; but this much he might say, that there were just the same number of military officers at the time when the noble Duke was at the head of the department as there are now. The hon. Member then referred to the evidence given before the Finance Committee to show the necessity of there being an efficient military person in the office of Lieutenant-general of the Ordnance, on account of the urgency and importance of his duties. The Duke of Wellington, he said, was asked "Do you consider the continuance of the Lieutenant-general of the Ordnance as essential to the well being of the service?"—"Yes I do" was the answer. "The Lieutenant-General," the Duke added, "has some very important duties to perform." The Duke afterwards explained that great inconvenience had been felt by the duties of this officer having, on occasion of his absence, devolved on another person. Sir Henry Hardinge, too, was asked, "Did not the Commission of Military Inquiry recommend the abolition of the office?" He answered, "They did recommend the abolition of the office, but, I believe, with certain qualifications; and I believe, that they did not take the best view of the subject." In reply to the question "What inconvenience had been felt by the absence of the principal officer," he said "I do not know that positive inconvenience resulted to the public, but I must say, that it was a great inconvenience to Lord Downes and myself, and those who performed those duties." The hon. Baronet had referred to the opinions of the Finance Committee. He would refer the hon. Baronet to the occurrences of the debate of 1828, when
1024
Mr. Canning read letters from the Duke of Wellington, in which that noble Duke offered the situation to two of his friends successively—Lord Hill and Lord Hope-town—and stated to them at the same time, that although he was anxious they should accept the office, yet that the duties were laborious and pressing; that they would be obliged to attend for a considerable portion of their time, and that he was afraid they must remain in town to perform those duties for the greater part of the year, if not the whole of it. This was the candid declaration of the Duke of Wellington in offering the situation to the acceptance of his friends. He remembered very well that at the time Mr. Canning read this letter, the hon. Member for Montrose declared that this was the old way of evading the question, and that the Duke was merely beating up for a person to supply his place, and do all the heavy work which he was not willing to perform himself. He (Mr. Perceval) did not believe that any one who knew the habits of business of the noble Duke, and the zeal and ability with which he discharged all the duties of his office, could suppose that he had any such intention, or that such an interpretation could be fairly put on this testimony, in favour of the importance of the office. He did not feel it necessary to say more. The hon. Baronet had given no reasons for the reduction of the office. He repeated he had heard no reason for it; and he should therefore leave it to the good sense and justice of the House to determine on the support of an efficient and important office.
Lord John Russellsaid, that if the House voted with the hon. Gentleman, it would be on grounds very different from any he had stated; for the hon. Gentleman seemed to despise not only the Finance Committee, but every Committee that had ever sat in that House. He could tell the hon. Member that Committees of that House were held in respect by all the Ministers of the Crown; the right hon. the Secretary of State had spoken of them with great respect, and even the Marquis of Londonderry had declared, in opposition to a motion for the appointment of a Committee on Finance, that their situation was so peculiar, and their powers so great, it was desirable not to make them too common. The hon. Member should recollect, that the Finance Committee of which he spoke so lightly had

1025
been proposed by Lord Goderich, and appointed by Mr. Canning in the following year, who said at the time, if it should turn out in inquiry that there were excesses in the expenditure of the public departments, these excesses must not be taken to be a consequence of a disposition to excess on the part of the Government, but they were attributable purely to a desire on the part of the heads of the departments to keep these departments as efficient as possible, without considering the extent of the expense incurred by the country. The Ministers, in moving the appointment, stated that it was absolutely necessary to revise the public expenditure. Well, the Committee was appointed; it decided after diligent-inquiry, that the office of Lieutenant-general of the Ordnance ought to be abolished; and in opposition to this, the hon. Gentleman, after citing the opinion of the Duke of Wellington in favour of the office, declares at once, and without hesitation, that the case was so decided by experience and knowledge against absolute ignorance. He confessed he had never heard such language applied to a Committee of the House of Commons before, although he might have read something approaching to it in the speeches of Radical Reformers, when they advocated Universal Suffrage. He was confident that many of the Gentlemen on the opposite benches must differ from the hon. Gentleman, and none was bound to do so more than the right hon. Gentleman (Mr. Peel), who had repeatedly, during the present Session, expressed an opinion that the decisions of Committees were entitled to the highest respect; and even gone so far in the debate on the propriety of retaining the Treasurership of the Navy, as to declare, that if they did not attend to the reports of Committees, they would instead of a beacon to guide the House, become a false light to mislead it. The hon. Gentleman, however, took the opinion of a Finance Committee appointed by Lord Castlereagh; a committee which, from its being composed of too many official persons, his right hon. friend, Mr. Tierney (of whom he would say nothing more, after the eloquent tributes so lately paid to his memory), and, he believed, the present Lord Carlisle, with others, refused to attend. This Committee, whose reports, as it was said at the time, were made up at the office in Downing-street, was put in competition with that of 1828, appoint-
1026
ed in an impartial manner, and composed, of some of the ablest men in the House, and from its decisions the hon. Gentleman appealed to the committee of 1817. This was the nature of the hon. Gentleman's defence. The hon. Gentleman, moreover, dwelt on the inconvenience sustained from the absence of the Lieutenant-general in Portugal. It was a very different thing, however, to speak of inconvenience sustained by the absence of a Member who composed one of a Board, and the inconvenience which might arise from the abolition of the office. In the one case disorder might ensue by his duties being suddenly thrown on others, but the question in the other was, whether, if those duties were distributed among them, they were not able to perform them? This was the question before the House at that moment, and being satisfied that they could be so performed, he should vote for the Amendment of the hon. Baronet.
Colonel Gordondiffered altogether from the noble Lord and the hon. Baronet on this question. He was a military man, and he felt it necessary to give his vote for the army. The House complained of the increase of military offices, and they should not complain of these offices, which were given them as privates. The office, he believed, was but a poor 1,200 l. a year— nothing more, or he believed very little, and he thought it was beneath the talents of the great civilians in that House to enter the arena against the army, and strip for a contest with them about a petty sum of that kind. What was the paltry sum of l,200 l. a year compared with the services of the army, which had so many commanding claims on all the sympathies of the House? It was absolutely a mere nothing. It was, he repeated a great professional case, and in that light alone ought they to consider it. If the hon. Baronet wanted 1,200 l. a year for the use of the country, why did he not take hold of a Prebendary of Rochester, or some person of that kind, instead of attempting to deprive the army of the little which was left to them? He thought the hon. Baronet had not made out a good ease, and he should vote against him.
The Earl of Uxbridge, in a tone so low as to be scarcely audible in the gallery, stated his conviction, founded on the opinion of the noble Duke, as well as of his father (the Marquis of Anglesea,) that the office of Lieutenant-general was abso-

1027
lutely necessary. He felt it right to say this, because he had voted against Ministers on Friday, and he wished to guard himself against the inconsistency of being supposed to espouse one party to-day and another to-morrow.
Mr. Perceval, in explanation, expressed a high respect for every member of the Finance Committee, and declared he did not intend to impute ignorance, in the sense ascribed to it, to any member of that Committee. He only wished to suggest to the House that it was probable, as the committee was composed of unprofessional men, that it might have formed its opinion on insufficient grounds.
Mr. Liddellfelt it necessary to explain the vote he had given the other evening, and at the same time to guard himself against the inconsistency which the noble Lord seemed to dread. He had voted for the pension to the sons of Cabinet Ministers because he thought that having filled office they deserved the retiring allowance, and because he wished to show that Ministers deserved credit for having reduced these offices when so filled. He had voted with Ministers then, because, although he loved economy as much as any man, he loved justice more. He had read the Finance Report with attention, and came down prepared to vote for the Amendment of the noble Baronet, but after hearing what had fallen from the noble Lord, and after weighing the high testimony that there was in favour of continuing the office, he was compelled to vole against the hon. Baronet.
Lord Howickspoke in favour of the Amendment. He protested against the House being led by the opinions of the Duke of Wellington, and he thought that the power of doing without the service of the Lieutenant-general for some months was the best proof of the unnecessary nature of the office. His opinion was formed on facts, not on the opinions of other men, and therefore he should vote for the Amendment.
Sir Henry Hardingesaid, he thought with the hon. Member for Northumberland (Mr. Liddell) that the testimony of the noble Lord, or his noble friend, if he would allow him to call him so,—and well he might if great respect and long acquaintance could justify the use of the term,— his noble friend's testimony, derived as it was from his noble father, well deserved the attention of the Committee. The
1028
opinion he had stated to be held by the noble Marquis of Anglesea was no other than he expected from a nobleman for whom he had the highest professional respect. When the noble Marquis concurred in opinion with the late Master-general of the Ordnance in the propriety of keeping up the office of the Lieutenant-general, that was such high professional testimony that none more convincing could be offered. He might rest his case on that, but he felt it necessary to advert to the arguments, though he did not feel himself equal to the task of answering the speech of the hon. Baronet, filled as that was with well rounded periods and classical quotations. He could not compete with him in declamation; but as far as plain facts went he should endeavour to show that the hon. Baronet was mistaken. The hon. Baronet had indulged in a great deal of declamation about distress; but although that distress might form a good reason for doing away with unnecessary expense, it was none for the abolition of an office which the public service rendered indispensable, and which the House, in the year 1818, had, by a large majority, declared to be so. The only reason for abolishing it was, that the Finance Committee, on the evidence of the Military Commission, had declared it should be abolished; but he thought he should be able to show that the commissioners were mistaken in the view they took of the nature of the office, as well as of the constitution of the Board. He begged leave to state what the number of the absences of the Master-general and the Lieutenant-general of the Ordnance had been during the last thirty years. Lord Mulgrave, while Master-general, had never been absent. Lord Moira had never been absent. Lord Chatham, in eight years, was absent for four months; and the Duke of Wellington, in nine years, had been absent about six months—making a total absence of ten months in thirty years. He was not able to go further back than twenty-five years with regard to the Lieutenants-general, and the absences amounted to eighteen months in the whole, or to about three weeks in each year. The principal instance of absence was that of Sir W. Clinton, who, on a sudden emergency, was sent to Portugal at the head of an army, and while he was away it was in contemplation with Lord Goderich's administration to appoint Sir Herbert

1029
Taylor in his stead—although that intention was not carried into execution. He also wished to call attention to the number of witnesses in favour of the continuance of the appointment of Lieutenant-general. Lord Chatham had held it most important; and in 1822 Mr. Canning had delivered a celebrated speech in its favour. In that speech he had truly stated that the Military Commission had never contemplated the continuance of the Board of Ordnance with less than five Board officers, and it was equally true that the salaries of the Board officers were at present actually loss than had been recommended by the Military Commissioners. The Finance Committee of 1817 or 1818 had never once called the necessity of this office in question, with all their anxiety for retrenchment, and it was but fair that they should now bear in mind the strong evidence of the Duke of Wellington in its favour in 1822, when he never anticipated that it would so soon be selected for attack. In that year the noble Duke had required that the Lieutenant-general should reside entirely in London, in consequence of the arduous nature of his duties, thus giving his decided and unimpeached testimony in favour of the continuance of the office; at that date, too, no Finance Committee had made a report to call the matter in question. The foundation of the recommendation of the Finance Committee was the absence of the Master and Lieutenant-generals; but he had shown that upon that point the Committee was wholly mistaken. Of his own evidence before that body, he (Sir H. Hardinge) would only say that the hon. Baronet (Sir J. Graham) had not been able to show any discrepancy in it: he had spoken truly and honestly, and he had adhered to every word he had uttered. After all the reductions and improvements in the Ordnance Department—and after it was admitted on all hands that it had been rendered most complete and perfect, it was hardly fair for the hon. Baronet to propose an amendment, declaring that, as a reward for all that had been done, one of the principal offices should be abolished. Mr. Ward, when Clerk of the Ordnance, had candidly allowed that it would be much better to reduce his own office than that of Lieutenant-general. In 1823 the English and Irish Barrack Departments, and some others, had been added to the Ordnance, and a saving of more than 4,000 l.
1030
a year thus effected. The Duke of Wellington, before the Finance Committee, had given his evidence strongly in favour of retaining the appointment, and he (Sir H. Hardinge) called upon the House not now to throw a slur upon his Grace by carrying the Amendment. A more unjust proposition was never made, and it was directly opposed to the decision of the House in 1822 and 1828.
Lord Althorpsaid, he had no doubt that the Duke of Wellington and the right hon. Gentleman had given their evidence in perfect sincerity, and were at the time convinced that they were correct in their opinions; but he contended that the House had a right to be satisfied with respect to the reasons on which their opinions were founded, without meaning to throw reflections on the evidence, or to arraign the motives of those by whom such was given. In the present instance the committee was satisfied that the reasons given for preserving the two offices were insufficient, as they found that the duties of the Lieutenant-general could very well be performed by the Master-general, as they had often been before. What were the duties which the Lieutenant-general had to perform, exclusively of what he performed as a Board officer? None, except it was those of the Master-general, when he was absent. In that case he admitted that the Lieutenant-general was an efficient officer. But if it were the business of Government to provide for the absence of their officers, they ought to have a deputy for every office. The right hon. Gentleman had taken the average times of absence of the Master-general during a certain period of years; but he did not think that that would do away with the plain fact, that the Master-general was absent for fourteen months together. It had been stated that the Finance Committee preferred this Board to any other Government board. The reason of that was, that every officer had distinct duties to perform, with one single exception, and that was the Lieutenant-general. He knew that the duties now assigned to this officer were ably performed by the noble Lord who held the office, but he was decidedly of opinion that the office either of the Master-general or of the Lieutenant-general was unnecessary. The noble Lord concluded by expressing his' intention of voting in favour of the Amendment.
Lord E. Somersetsaid, he did not rise to

1031
speak on the general question before the House, but simply to correct an error into which the noble Lord who had just spoken had been betrayed. The noble Lord had stated that the duties of the Master-general and of the Lieutenant-general of the Ordnance were the same, and might be performed by one person; but he could assure the noble Lord, that since he had the honour of filling the situation of Lieutenant-general, he had had constant occupation, and the Master-general had always been present. He considered that the duties of the Master-general could only be performed by an officer of high rank.
Mr. Maberlystated, that notwithstanding the majority which the Government had in the Finance Committee, that Committee had come to the resolution of recommending the abolition of the office of Lieutenant-general. He conceived that the duties of that officer could be better performed by one of the Generals of the Artillery, than by officers of the line; for they were such as required some scientific knowledge. In his opinion it would be economical to appoint an artillery officer to do the duties.
Lord Morpethinformed the House, that notwithstanding the authorities it had heard quoted in favour of the office in question, there were also some which could be adduced of an opposite nature. Lord Moira, in 1810, said that the Lieutenant-general had no duties to perform beyond what he performed as a Board-officer, except in the case of the absence of the Master-general. It appeared that Ministers in that House were inclined to adopt the doctrine broached elsewhere, and to hold committees cheap. The only recommendation for specific reduction given by the Finance Committee was with respect to the office under debate, and that recommendation had been neglected. He considered the diminution in taxation which the House must make ought to make it more earnest than ever in reducing the expenditure.
Mr. Peelsaid, no man was more disposed than he was, to give full credit to the hon. Baronet, who moved the Amendment for the most perfect sincerity, yet he was sure, that the hon. Baronet would not desire to be exempt from that ordinary rule of debate, by which all that was said by one party was not taken for granted by their opponent, but submitted to that close
1032
examination, which was necessary to the investigation of truth. The hon. Baronet had proved himself a most skilful advocate, for with all his professions of sincerity he had contrived to press into his speech every argument, connected or unconnected with the subject, which might produce an impression unfavourable to the Government—the influence of the Crown in that House; and the opinions of Lord Beresford in Portugal; the condition of the Portuguese confined in Terceira; and lastly, Ajax himself! All this might be very well by way of ornament, but did not seem to have much connection with the object which the hon. Baronet professed to have in view,—namely, to prove that the office of Lieutenant-general of the Ordnance was an unnecessary one. The hon. Baronet first attempted to throw on Government the blame of treating with marked disrespect all committees, and particularly the Finance Committee, and called upon the House to support that last-mentioned Committee. Now, what were the facts of the case? The Finance Committee made four very able reports, containing several suggestions as to the most proper mode of carrying on the public service, and, with the single exception of the office of Lieutenant-general of the Ordnance, the recommendations of that Finance Committee had been acted upon, or attempted to be carried into effect, by the Government. If the House recollected, the first Report of the Finance Committee referred to the mode in which annuities were granted, and pointed out how a saving might be effected by an alteration of the system. That suggestion was immediately assented to by the Government, and carried into effect by the bill which was brought in by his right hon. friend, the Chancellor of the Exchequer. The second Report referred to the Ordnance, which for the present he would not notice. The third Report recommended an alteration in the mode of granting superannuation allowances; and, if that recommendation were not carried into effect, it was certainly not owing to any fault of the Government. His right hon. friend proposed a measure to carry into effect that recommendation, but he did not meet with that support from the House which he felt himself entitled to expect. The fourth report of the Finance Committee reviewed the general financial system of the country, and among its recom-

1033
mendations was the abolition of a nominal and delusive sinking fund. That recommendation was carried into effect, and a bill was brought in to appoint a surplus revenue for the purpose of forming a sinking fund. The second Report of the committee referred, as he had said, to the Ordnance Department, and every one of its recommendations relating to the reduction of the salaries of the officers had been attended to. The Government could not, there fore, be charged with treating with disrespect the recommendations of that Committee. They had given practical proofs of their desire to carry into effect the improvements suggested by the Finance Committee. But how was it the duty of public servants to act? If a man in the situation of the Duke of Wellington were conscientiously convinced that it was for the interest of the State that a certain office should be maintained, was it his duty to act contrary to his conviction, and propose to the House to adopt the recommendation of the Committee of Finance, or appeal to the House from the Report of the Committee, and give effect to that, which in his conscience he believed would lend to promote the interests of the public service? If a Minister of the Crown, whom the Constitution made responsible for his conduct, was not to act on the well-considered deliberation of his own mind,—if the Duke of Wellington, responsible as he must be for the efficiency of every branch of the military service, but above all of that particular branch over which he presided for so many years, was not at liberty,—nay, if it was not his sacred duty to appeal to that House (for that was all he claimed a right to do) in support of what he believed to be most advantageous to the public service,—the responsibility and the duty of Ministers became a perfect mockery. The noble Lord had said, that the Committee of Finance had a right to reject the opinion of the Duke of Wellington. He admitted that they had, and he hoped at the same time the noble Lord would concede to Ministers the right of differing from the Committee, and of submitting to Parliament what they conceived to be best for the public service. And who were the individuals who entertained the opinion that the continuance of the office in dispute would tend to promote the public service? They were those who had followed up the example set by their pre-
1034
decessors, and who, having filled the office of Master-general, had been constantly occupied in endeavours to reduce the expenditure of the establishment. None had laboured with more zeal and greater success in this way than the Duke of Wellington, who, during the period when he was Master-general, was so far from manifesting a disposition to encourage superfluous expense, that the Ordnance Estimates had been reduced in amount by 1,000,000 l.: and there never was a case in which so much perhaps even necessary establishment had been reduced, and so much patronage lost to the Government. Much had been said with respect to the discontinuance of the Finance Committee, but he was sure that many of those Gentlemen who regretted its non-existence were aware that Government was more able to examine thoroughly into the different departments of the State, and propose reduction. Indeed, a Finance Committee, in consequence of its being unable to examine into details, might become an authority to Government for expenditure rather than reduction. Among the recommendations of the Finance Committee was one, that inquiry should be prosecuted by the Government, as it could do more than any Finance Committee. Had the Government disregarded that recommendation? On the contrary, it had shown every respect to the Committee of Finance, and since it had closed its labours, great reductions had been made in the civil establishment of the Ordnance, as advised by the Committee. By the labour of officers in that department reductions had been effected to the extent of 27,800 l. Further reductions to the amount of 4,500 l. were in contemplation, and would be carried into effect before the next Estimates were brought forward. Having stated these facts, he was relieved from the necessity of saying any thing further on the charge which had been brought against the Government, of treating the Finance Committee with disrespect. The Committee had not been continued, in order that Government might examine into every department of the State. It was not therefore from any desire on the part of the Government to shrink from inquiry, but from a desire to undertake inquiry, that the Committee was not re-appointed. The hon. Gentleman had said that there was some inconsistency in his, (Mr. Peel's) declining to adopt the recom-

1035
mendation of the Finance Committee with respect to the office of Lieutenant-general, when he showed himself so strict an advocate for the opinion of a committee respecting the Treasurership of the Navy. But this hon. Gentleman must see that his argument partook of a fallacy. The hon. Baronet proposed a vote of condemnation against the Government, for retaining the office of Treasurer of the Navy with a salary of 2,000 l. a year. That proposition he had met with the argument that it was not fair to visit the Government with a. vote of condemnation, when it adopted the recommendation of a Finance Committee, which was the best guide by which it could learn what was the opinion of the House. By adopting that recommendation of the Committee, he showed no inconsistency between the course he was now pursuing and that which he pursued on a former occasion. Since the discussion in 1823, the House had not adverted to the saving of expenditure effected in the Ordnance Department and the additional duties imposed. Since that period the Comptroller of the Barracks, with a salary of 1,500 l., had been abolished, and by the duties which had been transferred to the Ordnance Department, a saving of 4,6802. had been effected. All these alterations had added to the duties of the Lieutenant-general, which were various. They related to the recruiting department, to the examination of cadets and other subjects. The hon. Baronet had said, that in the present distressed state of the country, the Lieutenant-general, being a useless officer, ought to be dismissed. If he were a useless officer, he ought to be dismissed at any time, whether the country were distressed or not; but if by dismissing him the efficiency of the service would be impaired, the Government would not be justified in abolishing the office in order to court popularity in a time of distress. The question for the House to consider was, whether or not the office was a proper one. But the hon. Baronet inferred, that Government defended the present vote on the ground of preserving the influence of the Crown in that House, and had accused him of casting a longing eye to the times of Sir Robert Walpole and Mr. Pelham, when 270 servants of the Government filled the Benches of that House. The hon. Baronet had accused him of having expressed an opinion in favour of a return
1036
to those good old times, but he had only referred lo them to show what was the state of the influence of the Crown in the House at that time. The hon. Baronet said, this office was maintained for the purpose of increasing the influence of the Crown. In enumerating the illustrious names of those who had filled the calumniated office of Lieutenant-general of the Ordnance, he appealed to the House to decide, whether those appointments were more likely to have been the result of a desire to court the favour of parliamentary influence, or from a desire to enlist in the military service during times of peace those officers who had rendered themselves most conspicuous by their exertions and character during war. When the office became vacant in 1822, the first offer of it was made to Lord Hopetoun. The situation would be accompanied, as his Lordship was told, with incessant labour, and almost perpetual residence in London. On these grounds Lord Hopetoun refused the situation. The next officer to whom it was offered on the same conditions, and by whom it was on the same grounds refused, was Lord Hill. The third offer was made to Lord Beresford, and accepted. On its resignation by that noble Lord, it was filled for a short time by his right hon. friend, Sir George Murray, whose exertions in war, and whose glorious campaigns had so greatly distinguished him. When the office was resigned by him, it was offered to Sir W. Clinton; on Sir William Clinton's quitting the office [hear hear!] he was surprised at the sneer which had followed his mentioning the retirement of Sir William Clinton—he was surprised at its coming from the part of the House which it came from, and from which he should least of all have expected any condemnation of the determination of Government to be unanimous on the question to which that retirement referred—he had thought the House had heard enough of imputation on Mr. Pitt in former times, with reference to the Slave-trade, and on other Governments engaged in important measures, for allowing themselves to be defeated by the votes of persons connected with them in office. Of this he was sure, that if Government had been defeated in their proposition last year by the votes of persons holding office under them, he should have received from the hon. Baronet a lesson on the subject in terms of no very mild a nature. But to

1037
return to the point from which his attention had been for a moment diverted: it had been said that this office was filled by men of great family and much parliamentary influence; but he thought it was rather a subject of congratulation that the best blood of England should have been shed in those fields of glory where its honour had been so bravely asserted; and if such men had so distinguished themselves, was the fact of their connexion with high and noble families to deprive them of their well-earned reward? Miserable, indeed, would be the fate of those hon. and gallant officers, if, after all their great services, his noble friend at the head of the Government were to say to such men as Lord Hopetoun, Lord Hill, Lord Somerset, and those others of his gallant companions in arms,—"'Pis true you have distinguished yourself by most heroic efforts in the service of your country,—'tis true you have, in times of peril, appeared as the intrepid assertors of her honour,—'tis true you are entitled to reward, and are eminently qualified to be placed in a situation where your country may derive still farther benefit by your military skill,—but it is also true, that you are descended from great families, connected with much parliamentary influence, and I must not recommend you to an office of which you are every way so worthy, lest I should incur a sneer at having made the recommendation with a view to that influence." Such language would be unworthy of his noble friend, and unworthy of the country in whose service he and his gallant companions so honourably distinguished themselves. In conclusion, the right hon. Gentleman expressed a hope that the vote of that night would not have the effect of declaring that this office was kept, not as a reward for military merit, and he had not put it on that ground, but was retained for the purpose of the influence which might be gained by a single vote.
Mr. C. Grantsaid, that his right hon. friend (Mr. Peel) had himself fallen into the error of which he had accused his hon friend the Member for Cumberland, who brought forward this Motion. In the speech with which he had just favoured the House, his right hon. friend had drawn their attention to any thing rather than to the particular question on which they were to be called upon to vote. His right hon. friend had mixed up a great variety of
1038
topics, but with no little ingenuity had left out of his consideration altogether the utility of this office. What did his right hon. friend's speech consist of?—an introduction of the four Finance reports— an account of pensions and superannuations,—an eulogium on the noble Duke at the head of the Government, in the justice of which he fully concurred—a panegyric on the gallant feats of those distinguished officers who held this office in the Ordnance, or to whom it was offered, and a dissertation on the advantages of a united cabinet. But if his right hon. friend found a united government so necessary as to feel warranted in dismissing a gallant officer from his situation, for an expression of an opinion opposed to that Government on one great measure, why had certain persons in civil situations been allowed to remain to struggle against that measure? He admitted the great and valuable services of those distinguished officers whose names had been mentioned in connexion with this situation; but he must say, that those illustrious names had not been fairly dealt with in coupling them with a useless place, and in exposing them to some share of the obloquy which must reflect on them from a connexion with such an office. He must protest against the tone which had been assumed in the course of this debate (he did not say by his right hon. friend, Mr. Peel), as if it were a matter of extravagant presumption in any man whose brows were not covered with laurels to dispute the authority of the Duke of Wellington on this question. He (Mr. Grant) had a very high respect for the authority of the noble Duke, and also for that of the hon. and gallant Secretary at War, but the House was called upon, in this case, to act for itself, and should not be influenced by the dictum of any man, however deservedly high his character. The noble Duke at the head of the Government could not do otherwise than submit the matter for the opinion of the House, and he hoped that opinion would be pronounced in resistance to that tone in which the House was addressed on the subject. It was in evidence before them, and no man had pretended to controvert the fact, that the business of the Ordnance might be performed by one assidnous person. No doubt a Lieutenant-general was found useful when the head of the office was absent—when, for instance, the Duke pf Marlborough was at Blenheim—when

1039
Lord Cornwallis was acting as Lord Lieutenant of Ireland—the attention of a Lieutenant-general was required, and found very useful in the absence of the principal; and at the very time when the office was offered to Lord Hopetoun, the noble Duke at the head of the office was engaged on an important diplomatic mission abroad. They had, then, the authority of the Finance Committee, supported by that of the Military Commission of 1822, for saying that one person could discharge the business of the office; but they had, in addition, this important fact, that for fourteen months the gallant officer who held the office of Lieutenant-general, was engaged in the command of the army at Lisbon. What became during this time of that vast detail of important business which the Lieutenant was daily to superintend—of the thousands of pensions to be paid—of the 3,000 or 4,000 persons at Woolwich, and other places, whom he was obliged to know personally, and to be in daily communication with? What became of all these during that long period of absence? Why to vote, after these facts, that the office of Lieutenant-general of the Ordnance was necessary, would be as much in the face of common sense, and against the evidence of facts, as was the resolution which voted that a 1l. note and 1s. were equal in value to a golden guinea, at a moment when every man in the country was convinced of the reverse. His right hon. friend had maintained, that the hon. Baronet's refer-once to the state of the country had nothing to do with the question. He was of a different opinion. He thought the state of the country gave great urgency to the necessity of adopting the hon. Baronet's proposition. The subject derived its importance, not from its nominal amount, but from the present situation of the country. They had heard much of public opinion. Never was there a time when it was more fully brought to bear upon that House. Such was the diffusion of knowledge, and the communication of intelligence, that scarcely was any vote of importance carried in that House, when it was discussed and canvassed in every part of the country,—not merely amongst the higher and thosé who were usually termed the enlightened, but amongst the lower and now not less enlightened classes of the community. But beyond this the House had already made for itself a favour-
1040
able impression in the good opinion of the country. It had forced considerable reductions of taxation on the Government; would it not be strange then, particularly after the memorable vote of Friday evening, that it should now refuse to do its duty where a similar principle was involved? Let him also remind the Members that they were in a short time to have under their consideration the superannuation. If, in the discharge of their duty, they should feel obliged to press hard upon a very valuable set of public servants,— the clerks in public departments,—would it not be inconsistent to allow themselves on this night to be defeated by the influence which the Lieutenant-general of the Ordnance could throw round him. He called upon the House, therefore, not to nullify the vote which it had come to the other evening, but to follow up the career which it had then commenced.
Colonel Woodcontended, that his right hon. friend who spoke last had not proved that this office was unnecessary. He complained of the right hon. the Secretary of State diverging from the subject before the House, but he had done the same thing himself. His right hon. friend, with many other Members, laid great stress upon the opinion of the Finance Committee, but as the evidence taken before that Committee had been printed, he could not see why the House at large was not as capable of forming a judgment on that evidence as the twenty-one hon. Members of whom the Committee had been composed. Now it should be recollected, that when this question was formerly brought under the consideration of the House, there was a majority of above 200 Members against a minority of about 92, negativing the recommendation of the Committee. Let it also be remarked, that that decision was come to the year before last. It was natural to suppose, therefore, that its justice was acquiesced in, as the hon. Member for Montrose would certainly not have passed it over last year, when the Estimates were under consideration. Indeed, thehon. Baronet, in bringing forward his present proposition, was, in his opinion, rather poaching upon the hon. Member for Montrose's manor. As to the distress on which so much had been said, he believed it was in a great measure going away. At that hour he would not open a new subject, but he would name one place highly interesting to the agricultural com-

1041
munity, in which the distress was certainly lessened—he meant Mark-lane. He must say, that he thought it most unfortunate that such great questions as the poor-laws, tithes, and other topics connected with the morals and happiness of the people were stayed by debates such as that which had just taken place. He hoped that after Easter they would be brought forward, and be hoped that the benches of the House would then be as well filled. Believing that the existence of the office was necessary for the due performance of important public duties, he should vote against the hon. Baronet's Amendment.
Mr. Charles Wynnwould shortly state the grounds of his vote. Whether the sum which it was proposed to save was large or small, it was the duty of the House to apply to the consideration of it the principles of economy. But then it ought to be an economy well understood. For his part, he believed that the first and truest economy was to provide for the most efficient discharge of the duties of the Board in question. That those duties could not be discharged so efficiently without the existence of the office which it was now proposed to abolish was the undoubted opinion of all by whom that office had been held. The right hon. Gentleman had relied much on the circumstance of the holder of the office having been fourteen months absent in Portugal; but he ought to recollect, that during those fourteen months the duties had been discharged by increased exertion on the part of the other chief officer of the department. That increased exertion was such as a man of talent might employ upon an emergency, or under peculiar circumstances, but he could not be expected always to continue such exertions. Besides, if that were an argument for the abolition of this office, there was scarcely any office that might not be in like manner abolished. The duties of the office of First Lord of the Treasury had been discharged during the illness of the Earl of Liverpool by the Chancellor of the Exchequer, and the other chief officers of the Government; but was that a reason why we should have no First Lord of the Treasury? He recollected that when Mr. Fox was indisposed, the business of his office was performed by Lord Spencer and others; but was that any reason why the office which that eminent statesman then held ought to be abolished? Surely no one would
1042
answer in the affirmative. If the House were to act on the principle of sending out inquiries to ascertain the least possible expense at which the duties of various offices could be performed, there was no doubt they would find persons to fill the offices, but the manner in which the public service was performed would be deteriorated. Under these circumstances he should give his vote as he had given it in 1822 and 1828, for the maintenance of the office, from the evidence formerly given, and from the statements now made, both of which satisfied him of the propriety of retaining it.
Sir James Graham, in rising to address the House in reply, could not but take the advantage of congratulating them on the fact (if it could be realised) of the decrease of public distress. He could not, however, fail to observe the equivocal proof given by the hon. Member for Breconshire, of the decrease of the public distress. The hon. Member, as a proof of his assertion, had told them that the price of corn had risen in Mark-lane. Why, there was no circumstance which so aggravated the public distress as that. It was the high price of corn, contrasted with the low rate of wages, which pressed upon the labouring population with such fatal effect. He should not, however, upon that question, and at that hour, go further into the question of the cause of the present distress; and after the able speech of his right hon. friend (Mr. C. Grant), he should feel it almost superfluous to say anything in reply to the right hon. Secretary of State for the Home Department. One observation, however, he would make. The right hon. Gentleman had expressed his surprise at the cheer which he (Sir J. Graham) had given to the remarks made upon the punishment (so he must call it) inflicted upon General Clinton. But if the right hon. Gentleman thought that cheer a matter of surprise, he (Sir J. Graham) was still more surprised at the cheer which he believed the right hon. Gentleman had given to the remark of the hon. Member for Breconshire, that this Motion had not been brought forward in the course of last year.
Mr. Peelsaid, the hon. Baronet was mistaken, he had not cheered.
Sir James Graham, in continuation, was glad to hear the denial, for he should indeed have been sorry that the strenuous support that side of the House had last

1043
year given to the Government in a great measure of liberality and pacification—a support given when its usual supporters had left it, and when it became in consequénce weak, nay powerless—he was sorry, he repeated, to imagine that this generous support had been turned against those who bestowed it, or that because the Members on that side of the House had forborne this Motion, that they were, by those whom they had supported, now to be taunted with their forbearance. It was, he confessed, a fact he was sorry to have witnessed, and he was glad to find that he had been in error, and that his allusion to it had afforded the right hon. Gentleman the opportunity of denying it. But to return to the cheer he had given respecting the punishment of General Clinton. It had been said, that they on that side of the House liked an united government. For himself, he did like it, and in that respect he differed from the hon. Member for Westminster, who seemed to like weak governments; and could he find a government that acted upon principles such as he deemed calculated to secure the happiness and prosperity of the people, he should give it his cordial, his generous, and universal support. But while he and those around him liked an united government, they liked also a government that acted with boldness and with justice. He was sorry to say that was not the case with the present Government. They had cashiered General Clinton, because he had not voted on a certain question—they had cashiered the Attorney-General, whose conduct was candid and manly; but they had overlooked the offences of others, because these latter offenders were powerfully connected. He would not disguise his meaning; it was his habit to speak out fairly, and he would at once state that he meant the Chief Commissioner of the Woods and Forests, the Judge Advocate, and the Secretary to the Board of Control. All had been more active than General Clinton, and fully as active as the Attorney-General, in their opposition to the measure then introduced, but they were not dismissed, or, if they were, had been afterwards readmitted to form a part, aye, and an essential part too, of his Majesty's Government. Upon the present question, one of his arguments was quite unanswered. The constitution of the Board pf Ordnance had been changed since
1044
1828, so as fully to justify this reduction, without the least danger to the interests of the public. He would only allude to one more topic. It had been said, that he had cast slurs upon the Duke of Wellington. He disclaimed the imputation, and he only regretted that in every measure, as in that of the measure of Irish pacification, he could not give the Government of which the noble Duke was at the head his cordial support. He repeated, that he liked a strong government; but for the government to be strong it must pay deference to public opinion, and most especially it must reform those abuses that were connected with corrupt parliamentary influence. He warned them that the time was shortly coming when, if they did not do their duty, the people would see abuses, and would see nothing else: those abuses they would correct, and it was notorious that their correction was not always of the sort which prudent men would most desire; for of them it had been said, and he believed not without reason, that "they abated the nuisance, but they pulled down the House".
Mr. Peelutterly disclaimed having cheered any observation which tended to reflect on Gentlemen on the opposite side of the House for not having brought forward this Motion last year.
Sir H. Hardingedenied that the constitution of the Board of Ordnance had been altered since 1828. The number of military officers belonging to it was the same now as before that period.
The House then divided, when there appeared—Against the Amendment 200; in its favour 124—Majority in favour of Ministers 76. The Resolution was then agreed to.

List of the Minority.

Althorp, Lord

Buxton, J. J.

Attwood, M.

Buxton, T. F.

Burrell, Sir C.

Bankes, H.

Burrell, W.

Cave, O.

Baring, Sir T., Bart.

Cavendish, W.

Baring, F.

Carter, J.

Baring, W. B.

Calthorpe, Hon. A.

Beaumont, F. W.

Canning, Rt. Hon. S.

Blandford, Marquis

Calvert, N.

Buck, L.

Clifton, Lord

Benett, J.

Clive, E.

Bernal, R.

Colborne, N. R.

Brownlow, C.

Davies, Colonel

Burdett, Sir F.

Davenport, E. D.

Bentinck, Lord G.

Dawson, A.

Birch, J.

Denison, W. J.

Bright, H.

Denison, J. E.

1045

Du Cane, P.

Pendarves, E. W.

Dundas, Hon. T.

Philips, Sir G.

Dundas, Hon. Sir R.

Philips, G.

Duncombe, Hon. W.

Ponsonby, Hon. F.

Dick, Q.

Price, Sir R.

Dickinson, W.

Protheroe, F.

Ebrington, Viscount

Robarts, A. W.

Ellis, Hon. G. A.

Ramsden, J.C.

Encombe, Viscount

Ramsbottom, J.

Euston, Lord

Rice, T. S.

Fane, J.

Rickford, W.

Fazakerley, J. N.

Ridley, Sir M. W.

Fortescue, Hon. G. M.

Robinson, Sir G.

Fyler, T. B.

Robinson, G. R.

Gordon, R.

Russell, Lord J.

Grant, Rt. Hon. C.

Rumbold, C. E.

Grant, R.

Sefton, Lord

Heneage, G. F.

Scott, Hon. W. H.

Hobhouse, J. C.

Sibthorp, Colonel

Honywood, P.

Smith, W.

Howard, H.

Smith, V.

Howick, Viscount

Smith, R.

Hume, J.

Smith, J.

Jephson, C. D. O.

Stanley, E.

Keck, L.

Thomson, C. P.

Kemp, T. R.

Thompson, P. B.

Killeen, Lord

Townshend, Lord C.

Knatchbull, Sir E.

Tomes, J.

Labouchere, H.

Vyvyan, Sir R.

Lamb, Hon. G.

Waithman, Alderman

Lambert, J. S.

Wood, Alderman

Lawley, F.

Wood, C.

Lester, B.

Wilbraham, G.

Littleton, E.

Wrottesley, Sir J.

Lennard, T. B.

Warburton, H.

Lloyd, Sir E. P.

Whitmore, W. W.

Lumley, J. S.

Wells, J.

Maberly, J.

Whitbread, S.

Maberly, Col.

Wetherell, Sir C.

Marshall W.

Wigram, W.

Martin, J.

Warrender, Sir G.

Marryatt, J.

TELLER.

Marjoribanks, S.

Graham, Sir G.

Milton, Lord

PAIRED OFF.

Macdonald, Sir J.

Calvert, C.

Monck, J. B.

Tennyson, C.

Morpeth, Lord

Newport, Sir J.

Nugent, Lord

Rowley, Sir W.

Ord, W.

Osborne, Lord F.

Parnell, Sir H.

Baring, A.

MINUTES.
Returns Ordered. On the Motion of the Earl of MALMESBURY of the quantity of Wheat remaining under Bond on January 5th, 1828, the quantity entered for Home Consumption between January 1828 and January 1830; the quantity exported in the same period, and the quantity in Bond on January 5th, 1830:—of the quantity of Flour imported from the Idle of Man into Liverpool, from January 1858 to January 1830. On the Motion of the Duke of WELLINGTON, of the quantity of Raw, Waste, and Thrown Silk entered for Home Consumption during the last ten years, specifying the Rates of Duty: —of all Silk Manufactured Articles imported since 1826: —of the quantities of Thrown, Raw, and Waste Silk which have laid Duties during the last three years: —of the number of Skins on which Duties have been paid during the last ten years: —of the Vessels which have passed through the Sound during 1829: —of the number and tonnage of British Ships which entered Inwards and cleared Outwards during the five years ending January 5, 1826, and the five years ending January 5, 1830: — of various Articles, such as China-ware, Earthenware, Cordage, Iron, Lead, Toys, &c &c On the Motion of Earl BATHURST: Copies of any correspondence between the Board of Trade and the Directors of the East-India Company, and of Letters written by the Directors to the Government of India, relative to the cultivation of Cotton and Tobacco in the East Indies.
Returns Presented. Extract of a Letter from the Government of Bengal to the Court of Directors, dated June 29th, 1826, respecting the permission given to Europeans to hold Land on Lease for the cultivation of Coffee: —Minute of Mr. Trower, of the Board of Revenue at Calcutta, dated March 25th, 1823, and Resolution of Bengal Government, pasted 7th May, 1824; —extract of g Letter from

961
the Court of Directors to the Government of Bengal, dated Sept. 10th, 1828, in reply to a Letter from that Government, of June 29, 1826, and extract of a Letter from the Court of Directors to the Government of Bengal, dated July 8th, 1829, directing that Government to adhere to the terms of the Resolution of May 7, 1824. The East Retford Witnesses Indemnity Bill was introduced and read a first time, and ordered to be read a second time on April 20, when witnesses were ordered to attend.
The Marquis of LANSDOWN gave notice, that on an early day he would move an Address to the Crown, requesting that his Majesty's Consuls in South America be directed to furnish a statement of the exports of the precious Metals from the districts with which they were connected.
Petitions Presented. By the Duke of GORDON, from Rossshire, praying for a Repeal of the Malt Tax.— Laid on the Table. By the Earl of CARMARVON, from Owners and Occupiers of Land in the County of Wilts, praying that as to the Poor-laws, Ireland might be placed on the same footing as England. By the Duke of NORFOLK, from Sheffield, praying for Free Trade to India and China:— By the Duke of GLOUCESTER, from Gloucester, to the same effect: —By the Marquis of LANSDOWN to the same effect, from Pollockshaw, Perth, Hastingden, and the Chamber of Commerce, Dublin. By Lord GRENVILLE, from Wellington, against the Truck System. By the Earl of ESSEX, from Wellingborough, praying for a revision of the Penal Laws. By Lord WHARNCLIFFE, from the Fishermen of Robinhood's Bay, praying for a continuation of the Fishery Bounties. By Lord HOLLAND, from Archibald Hamilton Rowan, and George Cockburn, complaining of the manner of Registering Marriages in the North of Ireland, and praying a remedy.

STANDING ORDERS.
The Earl of Rosslyn The Earl of Rosslyn moved an amendment in the Standing Order No. 210, which was introduced by Lord Lauderdale with a view to check the introduction of bills for making Joint-stock companies for purposes of idle speculation. Almost every public improvement for which a bill was likely to be necessary was specifically excepted out of the operation of the Order. It became now requisite, however, to make some further exceptions of other works, of which mention was at first omitted, but which were strictly within the intention of the former exceptions.—Amendment, including in the exceptions Wharfs, Stairs or Landing-places, and Market-houses or Market-places, agreed to.

PETITIONS.—MALT TAX.
Lord Suffield, in presenting three Petitions from certain inhabitants of Norfolk, praying for a repeal of the Malt Tax, said, he should take that opportunity to explain what he had already stated when presenting a petition of a similar nature on Thursday. The petitioners, on both occasions, complained of the distress which at present affected the agriculturists; they alluded to the burthens under which they suffered, but more particularly they complained of the Malt-tax, He had likewise
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stated, that the sympathy evinced by the yeomen and farmers of Norfolk for the distresses of the labouring population was highly creditable to their feelings. With respect to the Poor-laws, he thought that they were not so well administered as they might be; but it was to the gentry and magistrates, to the higher classes of society, that he looked for the improvement of them rather than to the farmers. He had been present at a most respectable meeting of the county of Norfolk on the 16th of January last, when all who attended were unanimous in desiring a repeal of the Malt-tax,—the only difference of opinion which existed referred to the amount of taxation from which they expected to be relieved. The whole county of Norfolk, he was persuaded, desired the abolition of this tax, principally because it peculiarly pressed upon the poor.
The Duke of Wellingtonprofessed to have a perfect recollection of what the noble Lord had said upon the presentation of the former petition. To the best of his belief, he had expressed himself to the same purport, if not in the same words, then, as he had done upon the present occasion. He remembered his having referred to the ineffectual administration of the Poor-laws in Norfolk, and specified the 9th Geo. 3rd as the source to which they were to look for a remedy.

CHRISTIANS NATIVES OF INDIA.
The Earl of Carlislepresented a Petition from the Christian inhabitants of Calcutta, who were born of European fathers and native mothers, complaining of various disqualifications to which they had been subject since the first settlement of the East India Company. They stated that they were excluded from privileges to which both natives and Europeans were indiscriminately admitted. They were incapacitated from serving in the civil, military, or marine service of the Company, as the preamble of every appointment was required to set forth that the person proposed was not the son of a native and European. The petitioners were likewise disqualified from holding the King's commission in India, nor could they hold offices of trust and emolument in any department whatever.
Lord Ellenboroughsaid, that the present was not a favourable opportunity for entering into a discussion on the subject of the Petition. This much, however, he might

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observe, that he felt, as all who had any feeling must do, for the unfortunate situation of the class to which the petitioners belonged, and was desirous to ameliorate their condition as far as was possible, without violating a principle that was essential to the maintenance of British Government in India. With regard to some of the practical grievances described in the petition, for example, in cases of wills and succession, he saw no reason why they should not be remedied. It should, however, be borne in mind, that the petitioners did not require an equality of civil rights, but an admission to privileges to which the native population at large were not entitled, and this they demanded notwithstanding they were the offspring of Europeans by native women. He could only add, that their representations had received, and would continue to receive, the most attentive consideration from the Board of Control and the Directors of the East India Company. Their grievances should certainly be ameliorated as far as was consistent with the well-being of the people generally, and the observance of the principle to which he had already alluded.
The Earl of Carlisleinquired if there was any difference between the children of half-castes and the half-castes themselves?
Lord Ellenboroughsaid, the latter were considered as natives, and were eligible to all the offices in the Company's service to which the natives were eligible. The parties to the petition were illegitimate, being of half-caste, and were not eligible to those appointments.

PETITION FROM BIRMINGHAM—DISTRESS.
The Earl of Radnorsaid, he had a Petition to present from Birmingham, which was entitled to the greatest attention and consideration on account of the number and respectability of the names which were annexed to it. It was signed by 25,000 persons. It embraced a variety of topics, such as Parliamentary Reform, and a revision of Taxation, but it derived its chief importance, in his view, because the distress of the petitioners was the foundation of their prayer,—a point which ought by no means to be overlooked, as they had already heard so much of the abatement of that distress, in support of which assertion Birmingham itself had been adduced as an example. The tri-
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umphant statements sent forth from another place had rendered him cautious as to how far he should be warranted in crediting the averments of the petitioners to the contrary; nor was it until he had made personal inquiries on the subject, that he fully assented to the truth of their representations. He was sorry to say, that the representations of returning prosperity made elsewhere were not borne out by his information. It had been pretended that the change in the currency in 1819 had not caused the fall of prices; hut those who said so might as well affirm that there was no depreciation whatever. When the bill of 1819 came into operation, it was a remarkable coincidence that prices had fallen, while they rose in the same proportion when its provisions were neutralized by the bill of 1822. The main paint, however, was the distress, and he should most sincerely rejoice if it could be ascertained that the alleged revival of the agricultural and manufacturing interests originated in any permanent source of prosperity. It had been also said, that the depression was partially attributable to the introduction of steam navigation, which brought the produce of the most fertile land of Ireland and Scotland in sudden competition with the produce of the inferior soil of England. Now these causes would not account for the distress of the manufacturers, except that inasmuch as the pressure was upon land, the effect was proportionate upon manufactures. It was also said that machinery was a cause of distress by the over-production which it occasioned, but if this were so, it formed an additional reason why we ought not to continue our present system of Corn-laws. But he could show to their Lordships that distress existed in several branches of manufacture, and a depreciation took place in a variety of articles, in the manufacture of which the same machinery was used at present that had been in use for the last twenty-eight years. [The noble Lord here read extracts of letters from manufacturers to show that some articles of brass-foundery had been reduced in price from 5s. 6d. and 6s. per dozen to 2s. and 3s.] It had been stated in another place that Birmingham had recently much improved, and great stress was laid on the advance that had taken place in ground-rents, and the increase on certain tolls in that neighbourhood. The advance on ground-rents was in instances

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where valuable houses had been built, and the increase of tolls was to be explained by the fact of a valuable coal-mine having been opened in the neighbourhood. It had been said that the increase of four-wheeled carriages since 1825 was a proof of increased prosperity, but it should be recollected that the Assessed Taxes had been reduced by half since then, and the increase was not in the number of large carriages, but in the small four-wheeled one-horse carriages, which were now very common. He could prove also by documents which he held in his hand, that the condition of the labouring classes at Birmingham was much worse at present than it had been for many years, except the years 1817 and [1818. But the first of those years was one of great scarcity. Corn was then 17 s. a bushel—it was now only 7s. 6d. At that time the number of out-door poor to be relieved at Birmingham was 5,300—at present it was 3,800. But looking at the difference in the price of corn at both periods, the number of out-door poor to be relieved at present showed a greater pressure of distress than existed in 1817, and in this respect the statement of the petitioners was fully borne out. The petitioners complained of the effect of the Corn-laws, and they also complained of Free Trade; but in this he owned he did not concur with them, for the Free-trade system was that by which they had the best chance of getting a market for their manufactures.
The Duke of Wellingtonsaid, it was very unfortunate that noble Lords departed from that rule of the House which was opposed to any direct allusion to what was said in former debates, or to what passed in the other House. Had the noble Earl attended to that rule he would not have fallen into the errors he had committed. It was impossible for his right hon. friend to know the condition of the people except from the public returns, and he conceived that in the statement he made he was perfectly justified. The noble Lord, in asserting that the people of Birmingham suffered more now than in 1817, and in appealing to the number receiving assistance from the poor-rates, for the purpose of sustaining that assertion, referred to the prices of the two periods, and attributed the existing distress to the difference between them. But the noble Lord could scarcely compare the prices of the two periods with any accuracy or justice, when
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he remembered that the prices of the one were estimated in a paper, the other in a metallic currency. He could not help again protesting against the practice of thus, at the end of three or four weeks, or three or four months, adverting to what took place in the other House and in that House during former debates, instead of confining their discussions to the materials regularly brought under their consideration.
Lord Hollandsaid, since the strict order was that they should not make any allusion to what took place in the other House, or to any former debates in that House, which in his opinion was a nice regulation—he wished to see it strictly observed. The noble Duke had complained of his noble friend as being irregular, when, if there were one question more than another which might excuse an allusion to such occurrence, it would be a petition upon a question of facts affecting the condition of the people. His noble friend did not state any particular date or place, and had he spoken of the conversation generally, as having occurred elsewhere, he might have escaped all imputation of disorder. In short, he would contend, that nothing could be more parliamentary than was his noble friend.
The Earl of Radnorexpressed his concurrence with the sentiments of the noble Duke as to the rule of Parliament he had alluded to, but differed from the noble Duke as to the possibility of comparing prices.
Petition laid on the Table.

CORN LAWS.
Lord Kingrose to move a series of Resolutions on the subject of the Corn-laws. He wished to place upon their Lordships' Journals a statement of the views which he took upon that most important subject; and whether at the present time they agreed with him or not, he felt confident, that at no distant time they would feel the justice of those principles which he advocated, and be compelled to adopt them ultimately, with a view to the welfare of the people. In approaching this question, it was at least satisfactory that it had been cleared of one of the difficulties which stood in its way. It was now universally admitted that one great cause of the existing distress was the too great pressure at present weighing down the productive industry of the country. Mr. Huskisson—he might mention that

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Gentleman's name, as he did not tell the place wherein the language attributed to him was delivered—had said, (and he was a great authority upon such subjects) that it was the too great burthen upon the productive industry of the people which was the great cause of the existing distress— not the occasional, but the habitual and permanent pressure upon the productive industry of the people. Such being the admitted state of the case, he must complain of the right hon. Gentleman for deserting his own principles—why did he not carry the matter to its full and legitimate extent—why did he not at once say, that the Corn-laws were the grand source of that pressure? It would be easy to prove that everything else which affected the productive industry of the people was not in the aggregate equal to the weight of the Corn-laws alone. They affected the enjoyments of the people at least to the extent of twenty to five-and-twenty per cent, for without them the cost at which corn could be obtained would be about 50 s. During the ten years between the French and American wars, the usual price was 48 s. Supposing that 12,000,000 quarters of wheat were annually consumed, and that the average price was from 15 s. to 20 s. more than what he had stated, which was about the truth, then it was plain that the Corn-laws levied a tax on the people to the amount of from nine to twelve millions a year, being greater in amount than the taxes on soap, leather, and on all other articles of necessary consumption. A right hon. Gentleman had said in another place, that it should be the policy of the Government of a great nation to place the people committed to its charge in such a situation as that their own soil should produce their food. For his part, he could not conceive any policy more lame or timid, or one more calculated to retard the progress of society. True policy demanded that none but good land should be cultivated. He could not imagine any thing more monstrous than to hear it asserted that the people of this country should not get their Corn from Poland, from Russia, or from any other place, wherever it could be found the cheapest, rather than from Hampshire or from other places in which its quality might be inferior and its price higher. He knew it might be said, that we ought to render ourselves independent of the support of other countries—that was a convenient cry to raise—it would form an
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imposing inscription upon a banner—but what compensation would it prove to a population half-fed. It might be said, that if we allowed ourselves to become dependent upon other countries for food, they might at a most critical moment stop our supplies, and that by discouraging the growth of corn in this case, we drove matters to that state in which a small supply would necessarily become the habitual state of the Corn market; but what danger would there be of that prohibition so long as the interests of all foreign nations led them to supply us with all that we were willing to take off their hands, and in return to supply them with all the manufactured goods which they could possibly desire. After adverting to the bill of 1815, and the impossibility of adhering to the scale of duties and of averages there laid down, he proceeded to contend that the present distress arose from the low rates of profit and the inadequate remuneration of labour. With a greatly increased quantity of trade, there might be a much less amount of nett profit: thus, if the raw material of a piece of calico were 2s. 6d., and it formerly sold on the Continent for 10 s., the profit upon it would be 7s. 6d.; but if the value of the raw material were lowered to 1s. 6d., and the piece of calico sold for only 5s., the profit would only be 3s. 6d. upon each piece; and if two pieces were sold instead of one, the profit would not equal what it had before been upon one piece. How then were we still able to compete with the foreigner? First, by being satisfied with reduced profits; secondly, by having to pay greatly reduced wages; thirdly, by the substitution of machinery. The consequence was, the most miserable remuneration for labour, and the most inadequate return for capital, reacting on the landed interest, and occasioning the present want of demand for farms of all kinds, but especially for grass lands. It had been stated in another place, that at present one-third less meat was consumed in Birmingham than in prosperous times; and accounts of the same description from Manchester and other manufacturing places! would, no doubt, present the same result.! Profits were the criterion of prosperity, and how were they affected by the Corn-laws? In several ways:—1st. By the cessation of that demand for manufactures and produce, which would exist if the Corn-laws did not exist. 2nd. By the different level of prices occasioned by

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the Corn-laws making corn dear in this country and cheap abroad. Rival manufacturers were thus created in foreign countries, who availed themselves of the low rate of wages there, and were enabled to enter into successful competition. 3rd. By employing labour on the cultivation of poor land, on which the return for capital was, of course, much Jess than on good land. The level of profit on all capital was determined by the return for capital employed in the cultivation of the least productive soils: if, therefore, bad soils were cultivated, the profit on capital was reduced. What advantages did we not enjoy, were we but at liberty to use them! We were in possession of an unbounded supply of coal, of the most ingeniously contrived machinery, and of a very extensive amount of capital. These advantages were very great if we could only be prevailed upon to use them; for with them the produce of England would always exchange against a greater amount of the produce of any other country not possessing the same advantages. Suppose, for instance, that the labour of four Englishmen, aided by machinery, would produce manufactured produce which would exchange against the produce of the labour of eight Russians when applied to the soil, was it not palpably to the advantage of England to make this exchange, since the result was double profits to the capital of England. If, however, they persisted in employing capital where it was unprofitable,— if they persisted in laying it out upon the cultivation of bad land, thus realizing little or no return, and bringing down all profits to a level with it, — the exchange of commodities between this and foreign countries must be disadvantageous. Well then, if this system were generally disadvantageous to the country, to what particular persons was it advantageous? Why, it seemed that the English landlords thought it was advantageous to them. This, however, he had no hesitation in characterizing as one of the greatest mistakes that could be made. It was manifestly for the interest of the land-owner to admit foreign Corn, and to allow the industry of the country to have free and fair play. For instance, if this were done, the poor-rates would be instantly diminished. It was perfectly well known that one-fifth only of the produce of the land went to the landlord: and for this small profit what a heavy and disproportionate burthen was put upon the com-
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munity. He did think that under the word "protection," if carefully considered, they could have a history of the folly of people, of parliaments, and of governments, all over the world. Under this word "protection," governments had in all times oppressed the industry of the countries over which they presided. Under the pretence of protection, the industry of France had been oppressed from the time of Colbert downwards. The history of Spain consisted of nothing but protections. Little Holland alone, in its best times, was not so protected; and while it was not, its history might shame the greatest monarchies in the world. In England we had been protected from the days of Charles 2nd, down to the time of the present Lord-protectors. At one period of the history of this country bounties were the principal feature of our Corn-laws. At that period we paid others for being good enough to eat our food. Now, on the contrary, we had turned round, and imposed restrictions on foreign Corn. When we wanted manufactures we excluded them; now that we wanted Corn we excluded that. There was unfortunately one point in which these two principles agreed,—the country paid and suffered for both of them, Here he would leave the subject of protection. He might be asked, however, whether it would be possible to admit the principle of Free Trade? He begged to inquire whether it was possible for the country to go on without it? He was persuaded that the prosperity of this country depended upon unrestricted commerce. What was Free Trade but a saving of labour? And what was restriction but a waste of it? The principle of the prosperity of a country was the perfection of the economy of labour— producing the greatest quantity of goods with the least amount of labour. That state of things could not be established without admitting foreign produce in return for our manufactures, and at this moment we were competing with the foreigner, who had cheap Corn on his side, while on our side we had machinery and capital. Capital was daily increasing abroad, and machinery in the course of introduction; so that unless we had Corn as cheap as our neighbours, we must in the end be beaten in the contest. Those who decried the principles of Free Trade, meant that every country should do every thing for itself. America, according to them, should not cultivate her soil, but make cottons and hard-

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ware. France ought, by the same rule, to neglect the culture of the vine and the olive, and strive to surpass England in making iron. England, instead of endeavouring to buy Corn with cotton and hardware, should forego the use of steam and machinery, and employ all her artizans to dig up the heaths of the country. The principle of these Gentlemen, pushed to its full extent, would prevent division of labour, and would compel every man to procure every thing he wanted for himself. But foolish as was the principle when pushed through all its consequences, it was not equal to the wisdom of a young statesman of three-score, called the Pope. His Holiness beat all the sages of our country hollow, and deserved to be held up as a model for imitation. Sensible of the necessity of employment, he issued a decree to prevent the importation of all iron implements for tillage, and no doubt his Holiness boasted that he had provided employment for all the starving peasantry of the Campagna di Roma, and so perhaps he did, but it was by adding to their trouble. His Holiness was not aware that such labour was a painful waste, and but for the decree of his Holiness, more would have been obtained at a less cost. His conduct was like the memorable scheme of digging holes and filling them up. His Lordship then proceeded to answer the question, whether it was fit to sacrifice the capital embarked in the cultivation of poor soils? He answered, that the country would be better without such capital so employed than with it. If he were asked why he did not leave the question at rest, his reply was, that it would never be at rest while the Corn-laws were in force, which inflicted so much injustice and occasioned so much distress. The subject was well understood out of doors, if not in Parliament, and the people were well aware of the contrast presented by the last fifteen years of peace, and the ten prosperous years which followed the American war and preceded that with France. The Corn-laws put the prosperity of the country as it were in Chancery; it could not advance: it was like the motionless person described by the Poet under the power of a wizard—
"He strove to move, while waved the wizard o'er,
But though he strove, moved not one inch the more."
The country was like an unhappy suitor in Chancery—within the power of a wizard
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and unable to move. As long as the Corn-laws existed, the country could not advance. It had been said by somebody, as his Lordship saw by the newspapers, he did not mean to impute such nonsense to the noble Duke (Wellington) that "the Corn-laws worked well—that the crops had been deficient; but that no blame could be imputed to the Corn-laws." He did not know in what way it could be truly said that they worked well when the "neat post waggon" of the State, instead of running on the nail, was imbedded in mud up to the nave. Was it a proof that the Corn-laws worked well that three millions and a half of taxes had been just repealed? He had never heard of the repeal of taxes while the machinery of Government worked well. During the ten years preceding: the war of 1792, Corn was admitted in large quantities, at a nominal duty of sixpence per quarter, and the country was then under the administration of Mr. Pitt. He, for one, preferred what some might call the ignorant simplicity of Mr. Pitt to the elaborate net-work of the noble Duke. The noble Duke might value himself upon the perfection of the machinery of his Government: it was, no doubt, very complete; but, like the air-pump, its very perfectness was the destruction of the unhappy animal confined in it. Some other person, in the course of a late debate (not the noble Duke), had admitted that "machinery was to a considerable degree injurious to the working classes." This was not by any means the first time it had been said that machinery produced distress; but. the true reason why the lower orders were out of work was, the existence of the Corn-laws. The invention of the steam-engine, instead of throwing people out of employ, had been the cause of the employment of thousands and tens of thousands. This result had been produced by a corresponding increase of demand; and if now we took Corn in exchange for goods, the means of feeding the population would instantly be afforded. The noble Duke, on a former occasion, had talked of the necessity of giving religious peace, and by an alteration of the Corn-laws he would produce peace instead of discontent arising from distress. Before he moved his Resolutions, he begged to remark, that in them he had made no allusion to any fixed duty, because it was necessary, in the first instance,

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to agree upon the principle of an alteration. A noble Earl (Malmesbury), on a former day, had objected to stirring the question; but why was it not to be stirred? and sure he was, that it would not be allowed to rest, as long as the people were suffering under the infliction of a system so injurious and oppressive. The noble Earl had lately shown a strong disposition to nibble at the averages, yet, in whatever form the subject was brought forward by others, he objected to its discussion: if upon petition it was interlocutory, and if in the form of a regular motion, it was injudicious. His Lordship concluded by reading and moving the following Resolutions:—
"That all regulations, duties, and prohibitions, which prevent the admission of corn, and increase the price of that necessary of life, are impolitic and unjust.
"A regulation of the trade in Corn, for the pretended benefit of the public, is a most impolitic interference of Government in the management of the most important of all trades, which Government is wholly incompetent to direct, and which it never can attempt to regulate without the greatest detriment to the public interests.
"A duty levied upon Corn for the purpose of raising a revenue, is the worst of all possible taxes—being, in effect, not less destructive than a curse of sterility inflicted on the soil.
"An absolute prohibition subjects the consumer to the most pernicious and the most odious of all monopolies.
"That Great Britain, by the abundant supply of coals, by the advantages of machinery, by the accumulation of capital, and by superior skill and industry, possesses the rare and inestimable advantage of being able to make the labour of her people more efficient and more valuable than that of any other nation in the world. More efficient, because, when that labour is applied in directing the powers of steam and of machinery, it produces more goods than the same quantity of labour can produce elsewhere; and it is more valuable, because that produce will exchange for the produce of more labour in any other country, and in this manner it highly contributes to the increase of public wealth and individual enjoyment. That it is therefore the true policy of England to encourage the full developement of her most productive industry, to avail herself of all her great natural and acquired advantages. That it belongs only to the most perverse ignorance, and to the most culpable misrule, wilfully to preclude the country from the fullest enjoyment of these benefits, by prohibiting, under heavy duties (unless when at a famine price), the admis-
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sion of Corn from foreign countries, whose labour applied to more fertile soils can supply that article of first necessity at a far cheaper rate than British labour, when applied to the least fertile soil under cultivation in this kingdom can produce.
"That since the enactment of the Corn-laws in 1815, the whole of that long period (a period also of uninterrupted peace) has been marked by an unusually low rate of profit in all trades, by an inadequate reward of labour, by the frequent recurrence of distress in the manufacturing districts, and by the heavy pressure of Poor-rates in the agricultural counties—a state of things the most opposite to the increasing wealth and comfort which so eminently distinguished the ten prosperous years succeeding the peace of 1782, when foreign wheat was, without any interruption, admitted at a nominal duty of sixpence the quarter.
"That great and flourishing manufactures, by the superior reward of labour which they are able to afford, tend most materially to improve the condition of all the labouring classes, by the constant demand for the increasing population of their own, and of the agricultural districts; they provide also the best market for every description of agricultural produce; they furnish the most ample and the most profitable employment for the new accumulations of capital; they afford the means of promoting to an indefinite extent, the general prosperity and wealth of the country; or if there be any limit, that limit is only determined by the returns of raw produce which the great market of the world is enabled to supply.
"That the impediments which have been interposed by law to the admission of foreign Corn have impaired, and, in some degree, destroyed the advantages which nature and industry had bestowed upon us; they have checked the demand for our produce; they have greatly repressed the rate of all profits, because the rate of profits in every country must be regulated by the return of that portion of the national capital which is employed in the cultivation of the least fertile soils; they have prevented our labourers from receiving their just reward, by confining them nearly to the home market, when a cheaper supply could be procured elsewhere; they have rendered almost unavailing the advantages which must otherwise have infallibly attended the improvements of machinery, and the superior facilities of manufacture; they have checked the prosperity of the country, impoverished all the productive classes, and by the most perverse policy compelled our natural customers to become our competitors, our rivals, and almost our enemies."
The Earl of Malmesburywould not have risen had he not been personally called upon by the noble Lord. He denied that

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he had deprecated all discussions on the present Corn-laws: he had opposed them originally tooth and nail, but nevertheless he did not intend to move for the repeal of them, for a very powerful reason, stated in one of the interlocutory discussions on a petition on a former night, viz. that imperfect protection was better than constant alteration; for while nothing was fixed and settled, landlords and tenants could come to no definite and clear understanding. He was quite aware that the march of intellect out of doors had rendered people competent to understand and discuss all matters of State and Government, and among them the Corn-laws: he was glad of it, because he should have an opportunity of reasoning with them. The foundation of the noble Lord's Resolutions was the supposition that entire prohibition existed, but the introduction of Corn was not prohibited, and he appealed to documents on the Table to show that within the last two years, a very large quantity of grain had been imported, notwithstanding the existence of the Corn-laws. Within the last eighteen months no less than 2,200,000 quarters of foreign wheat had been imported—that was our prohibition, that was our system of monopoly. But besides, there had been a new description of importation—he meant from Ireland, from which place during the. last two years 4,600,000 quarters had been imported. When he recollected these things, he really was astonished at noble Lords talking of prohibition. Nearly 3,000,000 quarters of foreign grain had been imported within the two last years. Now, suppose he had imported 3,000,000 pairs of shoes, what would the shoemakers say? Would not their trade be affected, and would not they cry out for protection? With respect to the averages, he thought Ireland aught to be included in the calculations on which they were made up, and that was the reason of his moving the other night for papers relating to them. It was said that these importations gave a been to the English landlords of 5s. per quarter; but he contended that it was the reverse, and that not one-tenth of the grain really imported was calculated among the averages. Their machinery for taking the averages was imperfect, and he contended they ought to see that these averages were properly taken. He thought our present distresses ought not to have been attempted to be fathered upon the Corn-laws, which
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had no more to do with them than the man in the moon. The noble Baron had appealed to the authority of a right hon. Gentleman: he (Lord Malmesbury) respected the talents of the right hon. Gentleman, and knew him to be a most amiable man in private life; but on this subject he was the last person to be referred to as an authority. He well remembered who presided in 1825 at the Board of Trade; he recollected the attack then made on the agricultural interests—an attack continued up to the present time. In that year, when a great degree of distress prevailed at Manchester, the Earl of Liverpool was asked whether he would give the people there any money to relieve them? The noble Earl answered no, but said he had the panacea in his pocket, and that was, to let the foreign Corn out of bond. From that time to the present the two great interests of the country had been arrayed against each other—they were wrong in this—the welfare of each depended on the other, and live and let live ought to be their mutual desire. When the noble Baron talked of eight Russians producing corn which could be purchased by the manufacturing labour of four Englishmen —if he meant to take the Corn from the former, he should be prepared to go to them, and ask them to pay the Poor-rates and the Land-tax, which now weighed heavily on this country, and the latter of which could not be repealed. The noble Baron had referred to the Prussian liberality, but surely he ought to have recollected the fragment of a despatch, which looked like a threat from the Prussian minister of fearful consequences, if we did not let in their Corn. But if we should afterwards go to war, and his interest lay the other way, he might refuse to let us have Corn, so that we might be deprived of a supply of the primary article of life. Under all these circumstances, was it not better to be independent of foreign powers for the supply of this necessary of life? It did not follow from this that he was a friend of prohibition—there was a point between that and unlimited introduction of foreign Corn, to which, for the benefit of both the great interests of this country, it was desirable to adhere. Noble Lords seemed agreed that 60 s. was the point that would afford a fair remuneration for the growth of grain. That was not for the protection of the landlords, but for the protection of those who grew the Corn

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When he heard such stuff as that rent was the surplus profit of the land, he could not forbear asking, what would be the effect of doing away with all but the profits to the occupier? What would be the effect of such a state of things? Every landowner must cultivate his own estates, and as it was not likely he would actually cultivate them in person, but would employ a bailiff, the yeomanry would be destroyed. Would not that be an evil? Was not an independent tenantry one of the finest bodies of men in any country? In his opinion it was, and it would be a great evil to destroy them, and leave none but landlords, middlemen, and peasantry. The noble Baron had talked of monopoly. That word, like liberality, free trade, and reciprocity, had many meanings. What monopoly was it, to admit, as we had admitted within the last few years, 8,000,000 of quarters of grain? If their Lordships would calculate that at 60 s. for wheat, 32 s. for barley, and 40 s. for peas and beans, they would find 16,000,000 of foreign produce brought into our market to compete with our own produce. If there was free trade there ought to be free labour; but he believed that if any noble Lord went to his tailor or shoemaker, and said that his coat or shoes ought to be cheaper because the tax on leather was reduced, and because there was no duty on the importation of foreign wool, he would be told that their articles could not be sold cheaper, for there was a combination among the workmen, who would not work for less than the present wages, and who would not let others work. But there was no such thing as free labour. No one could work in the City of London (which had lately sent up a petition clamouring for free trade) except he was a freeman. Was that freedom or monopoly? Why was the manufacturing interest distressed? Why, but because the agricultural interest, who were their best customers, were distressed. The manufacturing interest had not to bear the same burthens as the agricultural interest, who paid eight-tenths of the poor-rates and were subjected to all the vicissitudes of bad seasons. In all quarters of the world a duty was imposed upon the importation of foreign Corn. At New York the duty was 10 s. per quarter, which, considering the circumstances of the country, and the little amount of public debt and taxation, was very great. Even in Holland, ever since
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that country had been united to an important agricultural district, a duty had been imposed upon foreign grain. France acted upon the same principle; and the arguments of the noble Baron were applicable only to an Utopian state of things. When their lordships could reduce to nothing 800 millions of debt—when they could take off the poor-rates, they might talk of free trade in Corn; but till that time they must adapt themselves to the circumstances of the day. He thought it cruel to impute the present distress to the landlords. He repeated that all nations adopted systems of restrictions, and he called on their Lordships so far to act on the same principle as to preserve our independence of other nations with respect to the production of the first necessary article of life.
Lord Mountcasheldid not agree with the noble Baron as to the waste of labour in the cultivation of poor lands; for he had seen such lands maintain thousands of persons in Ireland, who, but for them, could not have found the means of subsistence. Other countries cultivated their lands to the fullest extent. In China he had heard that the highest tops of the mountains were cultivated, and why should not our waste lands be cultivated?
The Earl of Roseberyentirely dissented from the deductions of the noble Baron, not only because they were founded upon speculative and untried doctrines, but because he thought that in the peculiar circumstances in which the country was placed, it was necessary for our prosperity that a protection for the domestic agriculture of the kingdom should be maintained, and also that the principle of the existing laws (deciding the amount of duty payable on the importation of foreign Corn according to the price of the commodity in the home market, by an ascending and descending scale) was the most beneficial to the community at large that it was possible to adopt, and the least injurious to any part of it. Without entering into any detail of argument on the subject, the principle of his objection to any attempt at the establishment of a free trade in Corn was, first, his conviction that in a long series of years the price to the home consumer would not be less than it was under the existing system if the Corn-laws were abolished, or but very little less; and even if the price were reduced, wages would fall along with it, so that the poor

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would derive no advantage from a change; and next, that if the average price of some years were reduced, the vast fluctuation in years of scarcity would be increased, if we relied upon foreign countries for a supply of Corn for the support of a large portion of our population. But other objections might be stated on this score, that he did not believe a really free trade in Com could be relied on. In seasons of scarcity in foreign countries, those countries would prohibit an exportation of grain to us, and in seasons of scarcity here, they would avail themselves of our want for purposes of revenue, if not through feelings of hostility; they would raise the tax on the exportation of grain, so as greatly to enhance its price in the British market. But if he were induced to concede, for the sake of argument, that for a number of years the principle of a free trade in corn could be constantly adhered to, he might say, that when we had so large a portion of our population dependent upon foreign countries for a supply of Corn, this immense demand would tend to enhance the price of the article abroad to such a degree as nearly to bring it up to the present price of its production at home. Our great object (as expressed in the Speech put into the mouth of his Majesty at the close of the Session of Parliament of 1828) should be, to bottom the Corn-laws on the principle of "combining adequate protection for domestic agriculture with clue precaution against the consequences of a deficient harvest," affording a sufficient supply in years of dearth and scarcity. That was the sound principle on which to establish a system of Corn-laws. The real object, which was, to produce prosperity in the country, was not to be attained by a little increase or diminution in the price of Corn, but it was to be accomplished by securing as great a quantity of employment as possible for the population. Some who advocated a change in the present system (even the noble Lord himself appeared to hint at it) still talked of a duty, which he suppossd was to be a fixed one. Now, he thought that a fixed duty upon the importation of foreign Corn would be of all others the most variable and subject to change. Mr. Ricardo thought that a duty of 10 s. a quarter on foreign wheat would be a fair amount to fix upon, and grounded his opinion upon a calculation into which he entered with respect to the charges which
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affected land in this country, as compared with and above those affecting land in other countries. He begged to ask the supporters of a fixed duty of 10 s. a quarter on wheat (without referring to seasons of great scarcity), whether Government could have persevered in levying such a duty in November 1828, with a season resembling one of scarcity, though not of actual famine, wheat being then at 74s. and a fraction, and when a large number of quarters of foreign grain was imported at a nominal duty of 1s.? He could not conceive a fixed duty offering a fair protection to the grower under ordinary circumstances, which it would be possible to adhere to in seasons of distress and scarcity. He must here add, that it appeared to him, independently of the consideration of all other matters, that the British farmer and occupier of land was entitled, on principles of strict justice, to a protecting duty. In all other commodities, with the exception of Corn, the persons producing them had all the advantage of the utmost scarcity that could arise in their supply. Not so the grower of Corn, which, being a prime necessary of life, it was the principle of the legislature to take off the protection as soon as the price reached an amount likely to be distressing to the consumer. Thus the farmer, who in years of scarcity had but little produce to sell, was not allowed to obtain an increased price for it. He could safely say, that there was no object which he had more at heart than the improvement of the condition of the lower orders. He could assure their Lordships that he was actuated by no base feeling of self interest in the course he took; but thinking with the noble Earl that it was impossible to separate one class of the public from another in a matter so important to the prosperity of all, and believing the present system to be conducive to the advantage of the community at large, he felt disposed to support it in preference to plans of a different character.
The Earl of Carnarvonobserved, that if a general repeal of all protections affecting manufactures, as well as those by which agriculture was guarded, could be accomplished, he should have no objection to proceed on that broad and general principle. But feeling that such a state of things, however desirable, could not be brought about, and hoping that, year after year, they would continue to

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approach that desirable situation, at least so far as it was likely to be really serviceable to the country, he must object to withdrawing at once, and that too in a time of great difficulty and distress, the protection which the agricultural interest at present enjoyed.
The Duke of Wellingtonsaid, he felt it necessary to say one or two words on this Motion, more particularly after what the noble Earl below him had said, with reference to what had fallen from him (the Duke of Wellington) in the course of the last Session. He agreed entirely with the noble Baron in wishing to have plenty of cheap Corn; because he thought it would be highly beneficial to the country, and would tend to improve the condition of every class of society. But he was anxious to see that effect produced in a manner different from that pointed out by the noble Baron. He wished to see plenty of provisions created in a way that would confer benefit and advantage on the native agriculturist; he wished to see that plenty derived from the improvement of Ireland, and from the increase of her productions. If cheap provisions were produced by these means, great national good must be the result. And he would say farther, that a plentiful and steady supply of provisions could not be produced by any other means. In reply to the observations of the noble Baron, he would call on their Lordships to look at the Returns which had been laid before that and the other House of Parliament. Let them advert to the long period, from 1791 to 1815, during the whole of which time the ports were open, at a duty of 24 s. per quarter when the price was beyond 50 s., which duty was continued up to 1804, and 22 s. when beyond 60 s., which was the case up to 1815,—let them advert to that very long period, and they would find that there was not one single cheap year of Corn. It never was below the price at which importation was prohibited. If their Lordships would refer to last year, they would perceive that Corn had been in the course of that year as high as 74 s.; and his noble friend had stated what the amount of grain imported was,—namely, 8,000,000 of quarters of grain of different kinds, of which 3,500,000 quarters were wheat. Now, he begged leave to ask, did the price of Corn come down in consequence? It did not, although there was an importation, in one week, to the amount of 400,000 quarters, The price, however,
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still remained the same—it experienced no fall. The noble Baron had made a sort of attack on him with reference to the measure, connected with this subject, which he had the honour to introduce some time since into that House. The noble Baron affirmed that the measure had not worked well. Now he would assert that the measure thus noticed had worked well. It protected the agriculturist; by its operation the produce of the country was rendered sufficient for its consumption; and it prevented the price from rising to an exorbitant rate. Such was the fact, while it was equally true that the introduction of foreign Corn to this country did not bring down the high price of from 70 s. to 74 s. a quarter. Their Lordships might look at the subject in another point of view. Let them look at the price of wheat at Dantzic from 1791 to 1815, and let them also consider the price at which it was sold in recent years, when it was required in this country. In January, 1826, the price of wheat at Dantzic was 18 s. 11 d.; in June it was 19 s. 5d.; in December, it was 27 s. 3d.; in January, 1827, 25 s. 7d.; in June it was 22 s. 4d.; in December, 22 s. 9d.; and in December 1828, it was 57 s. 8d. Was it owing to any deficiency of the harvest in Poland that this rise took place? No such thing; it was caused by the demand in this country. Was that the mode of procuring cheap Corn? It was the very reverse, for our demand had the effect of raising the price. In January 1829, the price was 58 s. 8d., and in June it was 45 s. 8d.,—an alteration which arose from the circumstance of the harvest in this country not turning out so badly as was expected. In December 1829, the price was 30 s. 8d., being a fall of nearly one-half between January and December. Why, he would ask their Lordships, had such a fall taken place in the price of wheat at Dantzic? Simply because the demand for it in this country had ceased. This clearly substantiated his argument that the high price was occasioned on the Continent by the demand of this country. Then he would say, if we are to pay a high price for Corn, let us give it to the English or Irish agriculturist, and not to the foreigner. That was exactly the principle of the existing Corn-law; and he would assert that it had worked well. It had one great advantage which preceding Corn-laws could not boast—it had been carried into execution without interruption, while the pre-

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vious law and the amended law had been infringed on by the Government every year, or every second year, by the introduction of Corn without any duty, to the advantage of certain individuals, but without any advantage to the agriculturist. Another effect of the present Corn-law was to give protection to the agricultural interest of this country; and in his mind, it was a most important point to effect that object. It was a great political object, not only when viewed with reference to the duties which the nobility and gentry throughout the empire were called on to perform, but it was also an object of the first importance, so far as the interests of the people of this country were concerned, in order to ensure them a certain supply of Corn of home growth, whether the year happened to be unproductive or otherwise. The noble Baron ridiculed the idea of a duty being levied abroad on foreign Corn about to be shipped to this country. But there was nothing ridiculous in the matter; for the noble Baron would find, that a duty of 20 s.aquarter had been levied on Corn about to be exported to this country; and therefore, it was not wise that we should place ourselves so much in the power of foreigners. Buonaparte had levied a duty on Corn, the growth of France, as well as of Austria and of Prussia, when he was in possession of the capitals of those countries, which was intended for exportation to England. If Buonaparte did so, what was to prevent the monarchs of Austria, Prussia, or Russia from taking the same step? In fact, as the noble Earl near him reminded him, the king of Prussia did lay on such a duty in 1801. And it ought not to be overlooked that a great portion of the Corn intended for this market must come through the territory of Prussia. Were they then to rely on the forbearance of these foreign sovereigns to obtain the necessary supply of Corn to England? He said, certainly not; and therefore he would contend that this country could not wisely do otherwise than secure the interest of the agriculturist, who ought to be encouraged to raise a sufficient supply of Corn to meet the wants of the country either in time of war or at any other period of distress. The noble Baron had taken1 up much of their Lordships' time in discussing the amount of profit which the manufacturer derived from exporting his goods to foreign countries; and he argued, that if we allowed foreign Corn to be im-
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ported at a small nominal duty, that profit would be vastly increased. But the noble Baron had forgotten one great cause of the small profits that were realized on our goods when sent to foreign parts—namely, the great increase of manufactures abroad. The greatest difficulty was experienced in exporting our manufactures. In some countries there was a total prohibition of them, in others there was an extremely high duty, and in all there was much competition and jealousy. The government in every one of those foreign countries did every thing in its power to prevent the sale of British manufactures. He was convinced that if the people of this country went to the continent, and purchased all the Corn in Poland, not an additional article would they be enabled to force into France, Germany, Prussia, or Russia. If the merchants of this country were allowed freely to purchase grain, foreigners would get as much for their Corn as they possibly could; but their rulers would not allow a single article of our manufactures to be imported in consequence of our being obliged to buy the grain of those countries. There was undoubtedly a certain quantity of manufactures in this country more than the population itself could consume, which it would be very desirable to get rid of. But was it exactly true that taking foreign Corn would have the effect of enabling other countries to purchase our manufactures? And even if such were the case, what were we to do with our own Corn? If those countries wished for our manufactures, why, when Russia and Prussia disposed of their Com to other states, did they not come and purchase goods from us? For his own part he believed, after all, that the home market was our best resource, and that there we disposed of the greatest number of our manufactured articles. It had, and he thought with truth, been stated that two-thirds of the whole quantity of our manufactures were disposed of in this country. The greater part of the woollen and the whole of the silk manufactures were consumed here; and, he asked, would they take the Corn trade from the hands of those who afforded them the best market? He thought that such a proposition was quite preposterous. He was sure that the interests of all classes in this country were nearly allied. They were not to look to the interest of the cotton-manufacturer, or of the iron-manu-

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facturer. That which they were bound to consider was, the benefit of all; and, in his opinion, the common good would be most effectually secured, by getting the greatest quantity of provisions for the whole community,—by giving a proper remuneration to those who produced those provisions,—and thus encouraging them to do what was most beneficial to the community at large.
Lord King, in reply, admitted the importance of the home market, but his argument was, that if the foreigner were admitted to send his Corn to this country, the manufacturer would, in consequence, have two customers instead of one. With respect to what had been said relative to a duty being imposed by foreign powers on Corn about to be exported here, such a practice never could, in his opinion, be carried into effect. It was very true that Buonaparte had levied such a duty; but it should be observed, that he was at that time master of all the potentates of Europe, and they were obliged to obey his mandate; but he was sure that now no country would be so foolish as to levy an impost which would put an end to its own trade. The noble lord concluded by defending his motives for bringing forward the Motion at the present time. He was sure it was much better to do so now than to introduce it when a great rise in the price of Corn, which he was sure would take place, had created irritation and ill-will in the public mind.
The Earl of Rosslynsaid, it was very clear that the foreign powers would impose such a duty as had been alluded to. The king of Prussia had imposed such a tax in 1801, and on its inconvenience being represented by his subjects, the answer was, that it should remain for a time, but that if the price of wheat in England fell to between 50 s. and 60 s., it should then be taken off. This was a fact which showed that foreign powers would take that course
The resolutions were negatived without a division.