Sitting of 31 January 1828

ADDRESS OF THE KING'S SPEECH.
Mr. Jenkinsonbrought up the report of the Address on the King's Speech.
Mr. Brownlowsaid, that, previous to the report being read, he wished to express the feelings which influenced his conduct on the present occasion. Fie should support the Address, subject to the explanation which had been offered by the noble Secretary at War, regarding the objectionable portion of the King's Speech —an explanation, without which he would not consent to the Address, and unaccompanied by which the Speech from the throne would be received, throughout the
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country, with sentiments of sorrow and regret. He did think that some explanation was due to the House on the matter. One had certainly been given, which, though it prevented him from opposing the Address, was scarcely adequate to the occasion. Even after the explanation of the noble lord, he was still of opinion—and he was confident that the House and the country united with him in the sentiment —that, the expression, "untoward event," was, to say the least of it, an ungracious one, when applied to so glorious an achievement as the victory of Navarino. He was willing to fall in with the general disposition of the House to preserve that unanimity which was so desirable, when voting an answer to his majesty's Speech; but he at the same time wished it to be distinctly understood, that if that Speech could be interpreted as conveying a particle of censure upon the conduct of sir Edward Codrington, it was his decided opinion, that a very different Address ought to be voted. That gallant officer had acted, under circumstances of great difficulty and delicacy, with the plain, straight-forward, unsophisticated understanding, of an English sailor, and had displayed equal wisdom and firmness in the management of the early part of the task committed to his hands, as he had displayed irresistible valour in the celebrated battle which afterwards occurred. He would assert, that a more glorious achievement never adorned the naval annals of this country; that there was no deed of arms related in our history which could exceed the gallant affair of Navarino —a victory than which, of all naval victories, none could redound more to the credit of the brave officers and seamen by whom it had been won.—He wished it to be clearly understood, that he was as hostile as any member to an undue and uncalled for interference with other countries. He was as ready as any member of the administration which had existed a year ago, or of the present administration, which was a remnant of it, to admit that this country ought to preserve the straightforward rule of honour in its relations with other nations. But, had not the administration to which he alluded countenanced, on several occasions, and adopted an active interference with foreign nations? Did it not interfere with Spain, with Austria, with Genoa? Did it not permit the spoliation of Norway and Saxony; and

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was it now, for the first time, that the members of that administration had discovered, that there should be no interference on behalf of the independence of Greece? He was as much opposed as any man to an unnecessary interference; but it was one thing to run headlong into an unnecessary and unwarrantable interference between other countries, and it was another and a very different thing, to stand by and behold, with unfeeling and stupid indifference, the wanton and barbarous effusion of human blood. Interference was in such an instance loudly called for, not only for the interests of humanity, but for the protection of the rights of neutral nations. It was plain and obvious, that any person who admitted the necessity of the treaty of the 6th of July, between the three great powers, could not condemn the battle of Navarino. He could, indeed, understand the man who would object in the first instance, to that treaty, and allege that we had enough to do without meddling in the affairs of other countries. To such a man the affair at Navarino would furnish only an additional argument in support of his reasoning. Why were the combined fleets of England, France, and Russia, assembled in the Mediterranean? After that, were the Greeks and Turks to be allowed to go on? Were the piratical attacks upon the commerce of neutral nations to go on unchecked? Was the assembling of those fleets to be a mere braggadocio—an idle menace, intended for no practical purpose? Had Russia, France, and England, of whose honour he would be more chary, entered into a treaty which they never intended to execute? Or was it only to be followed by a display of diplomatical chicanery; and were all further proceedings to be abstained from with fear and trembling, There was, in truth, a great deal of false feeling and false sentiment abroad on this subject. An outcry was raised, by the Jonathan Doubikins of this country, because Turkish blood had been spilled, and Turkish vessels sunk and burnt. There were persons who started with horror at the slightest attack upon our "most faithful" ally, the grand turk. Did they, however, bear in mind the savage butcheries committed at Scio? Were they forgetful of the dreadful effusions of human blood which had taken place, for the last six years, in the fairest portion of Europe? Was it not plain that the object of the
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horrible warfare carried on there was the extinction of the Greek race in that devoted land? It would be said, that they could know nothing of the treaty, until it was laid before them. It certainly was not on their table; but he, for one, was sufficiently acquainted with it to express his entire approval of it. It was warranted by the circumstances of the case—it was conceived in a good spirit— it emanated as a love of independence— it contained nothing contrary to the law of nations—it was the offspring of plain, straight-forward, statesman-like British policy. He did not stand up there to vindicate that which required no vindication—the glorious battle of Navarino. No one had insinuated censure against the illustrious commander in that celebrated engagement; his character, therefore, did not stand in need of his feeble eulogy.— Having said so much upon this portion of the King's Speech, he would now advert, with feelings of regret, sorrow, and disappointment, to a subject which was altogether omitted in that Speech—a matter of which his majesty's councillors seemed to have been quite regardless. He alluded to the reprehensible omission of the name of that country from which he had been deputed to that House, and whose interests it was his duty to protect to the best of his ability. It would appear, from the silence of the Speech, that ministers either cared nothing for, or knew nothing of, the state of Ireland. Did they know, that two thirds of the population of that country were either totally unemployed, or could procure only so much employment as barely gave them the means of subsistence? That there existed discontent in Ireland, no one would be foolhardy enough to deny. Was it known to ministers, that every day hundreds of people were there dispossessed of their lands, and banished from their native country? He would not say that such a measure was not necessary, with a view to the improvement of the condition of the peasantry who remained behind; but, it was a fact notorious as the sun at noon-day, that this depopulating system was going on—that men were thrown upon the world without any species of employment or of subsistence, and with starvation and death staring them in the face. There were other features in the present state of Ireland which ought to have drawn the serious attention of ministers to that unfortunate country.

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Were they aware that, a very short time since, upwards of thirteen hundred parishes assembled, upon the same day and for the same purpose—that at the same moment seven millions of people raised their concentrated voices to demand the restoration of their civil rights? Would it then be said, that disappointment and deep discontent did not pervade the population of Ireland? He did expect that the name of Ireland would not have been totally omitted.—He did expect that some allusion would have been made to the state of its population, and that it would not have been thus passed over with contemptuous neglect.— If he were asked, whether he confided in the present ministry, he would answer, that he had every confidence in the honour of its members. If he agreed upon political subjects with the duke of Wellington, there was no man in whom he would be more ready to confide. But he differed— widely differed—from the noble duke, with respect to the great question which so nearly affected his native land; and with that difference existing between them, he could not give his support to the noble duke's administration; unless, indeed, he were to desert his political principles, and make a humbug of the Catholic question. Upon that question he had differed with his nearest and dearest friends; and it was not likely that he should relinquish it now. It might be said, that the ministry were neutral upon that question, and that each member of the cabinet was at liberty to vote upon it as he pleased. But, if he were to support such a ministry, what should he, in fact, be doing? As far as his humble vote would go, he should be giving them his support during three hundred and sixty-four days in the year, and then, upon the three hundred and sixty-fifth, he should vote for the Catholic question, while he had been all the while giving his aid to those who were armed with power against it. It might be a very good thing to support ministers; it may be a very pleasant thing to sit on the benches opposite, and to vote with the government. He would give the government his support, whenever it acted in accordance with the principles which he professed, and while its object was the good of the people: but, upon those principles he took his stand, and from those principles he would never depart.
Lord Morpethsaid, he perfectly agreed in the sentiments expressed with regard to
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Ireland, by his hon. friend. No man was better acquainted with that subject and, no one could do it more justice. He had heard with astonishment the expression applied in the Speech from the Throne, to the battle of Navarino. He had also heard the explanation given by the noble Secretary at War, and he would say, that, but for that explanation, the Speech would have excited universal regret. During the last two days, he had carefully considered that explanation; and he was of opinion, that the expression in the Speech, was unjustifiable; unaccompanied as it was, by any distinct denial of political blame, either on the part of the ministers who signed the treaty, or the admiral who fought the battle of Navarino. To the distinguished merits of that gallant officer, cordial testimony had been borne by all sides of the House. But yet, without the explanation of the noble Secretary at War, the obvious inference from the Speech was to the contrary effect. Why use such an ungracious expression, unless it was intended to condemn that which all the good and great hailed with delight? Could the English language apply no other epithet to one of the most brilliant achievements in the naval history of this country?
Sir G. Warrenderbore testimony to the great merits of sir Edward Codrington. He said, it could not but be matter of congratulation with the friends of that gallant officer, that it was unanimously agreed that he had acted with zeal for the honour of his country, and that whatever differences of opinion might exist as to the policy of the measure, all were ready to bear testimony to his exalted merits. Differences of opinion certainly existed as to the political part of the transaction; but by none was sir E. Codrington's conduct impugned. He regretted the language which had been employed by ministers in speaking of the battle of Navarino, and was glad to have heard the explanation of the noble Secretary at War.
Mr. Hobhousesaid, it was not his intention to apply himself to the topics adverted to in the Address. He rose for the purpose of asking the noble Secretary at. War— the only knight of king Arthur's round table in the field—whether it was the intention of ministers to propose a vote of thanks to sir E. Codrington? and next, whether it was their intention to lay on the table of the House the documents connected with the battle of Navarino, and

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more particularly the report which he understood had been drawn up by sir John Gore, who had been sent out for the express purpose of inquiring into the particulars of the transaction? That gallant officer had returned; he had seen sir Edward Codrington, and had, of course, made minute inquiries into the details of the battle of Navarino. It, therefore, would be extremely satisfactory to have his report laid before them.
Mr. Duncomberose to bear his testimony to the merits of sir E. Codrington. Whatever might be thought of the circumstances under which the battle of Navarino had been fought, there was but one opinion, as to the bravery, gallantry, and skill, displayed on that occasion. He did not think that the expression used in the Speech from the Throne was intended to impute any censure to those who had signed the treaty of the 6th of July. If it was intended to convey such a meaning, one of those ministers, who now formed a part of the present administration, would never have given his consent to the use of it. He was confident that sir E. Codrington had acted according to the spirit and letter of his instructions; but he could not but think that the battle of Navarino was an untoward event.
Mr. Spring Ricewished to put a question to the noble Secretary at War. He thought the omission of all mention of Ireland was a proof that ministers were blind to the condition of that country, unless their silence might be explained by motives not now before the House. Three years had elapsed since a message was brought down from the Throne, calling the attention of parliament to the existence of an association in Ireland, said to be pregnant with danger to the constitution, and to the connection between the two countries. The measure introduced as a remedy, had met with the most decided opposition, but, at the same time, with the most anxious attention. In a single se'nnight, it was discussed for five successive nights. That bill expired in the present session, and he wished to know whether it was the intention of government to propose its renewal? From the absence of all notice of the subject, he inferred that it was not their intention; and although he could not applaud their consistency, he could highly praise their wisdom. It might be in the recollection of gentlemen, that on the occasion of the intro-
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duction of the bill alluded to, it was admitted on all hands, that either such a bill was necessary, or that some other course should be adopted. Now, the bill in question had been tried, and it had totally failed of effect. He should therefore like to know what were the other remedies which government was now disposed to try? He expected that several measures would be introduced by government during the session, to which he should be most happy to lend his support. He would give his support to a system of improvement in the Corn-laws. Though he did not belong to the present government, and though his dearest friends did not belong to it, yet, whenever its measures were right, he would support them. He expected to see them maintain the principles of free trade. As long as the measures proposed by government conduced to the good of the people, they should have his support, whether he sat upon that or upon the opposite side of the House.
Lord Palmerstonsaid, that before he answered the questions which had been put to him, he hoped the House would allow him to explain the meaning of a certain term in the Speech from the Throne which was still misunderstood. Nobody would be more sorry than he should, to be understood as meaning to say, that blame was imputable to the gallant admiral whose name had been so often alluded to. What he meant to have said, was, that the epithet "untoward event" was not intended to imply the slightest censure on that gallant officer. That epithet had been employed, because the collision between the fleets was unexpected. Whatever merit attached to the military movement itself, there could be no doubt that such a conflict must have had a tendency to interrupt the negotiations which were pending, to produce an alteration in the civil disposition of the Porte, and oppose considerable obstacles to the adjustment of the differences which were under discussion. It was impossible, he thought, to deny, that, in that sense of the word, the battle of Navasino was an "untoward event." But, as far as it related to the character of the country, and to the fame of its arms, no human being could suppose that the epithet "untoward" was applied in that sense. In no fair construction of the passage did it imply any censure on the gallant admiral who commanded on that day.

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The hon. member for Westminster had asked, whether it was the intention of government to propose a vote of thanks to the gallant admiral for this victory? In reply, he had only to say, that he was not aware of the existence of any such intention; and for this reason, that it was not usual to propose a vote of thanks for an action of this nature, when not performed in a time of open war between the nations to which the combatants belonged. As to the papers to which the hon. member alluded, it was not, he believed, intended to lay them before parliament. No censure whatever was implied against sir E. Codrington; consequently, no production of papers was necessary for the vindication of a character which no one attacked. To produce papers where conduct was un-impeached would be a novel proceeding; and publication of such documents might have an injurious effect upon negotiations still going on. The next question which had been put to him referred to the views of government with respect to the Catholic Association act. As the administration had only been very recently formed, it had not been possible to give that, as well as other topics, the necessary consideration. With respect to the omission of Ireland in the Speech from the Throne, he could assure the House it was not intended to set aside the strong claims of the sister-country to have her condition fully considered. Whether the government were for or against the Catholic claims, the condition of so large and integral a portion of the kingdom must be an object of serious attention. It was not usual for the King's Speech to advert particularly to any portion of the empire, unless some remarkable change had taken place in its circumstances, subsequent to the preceding meeting of parliament. Nothing had occurred in Ireland during the recess, to call for any marked observation. True it was, that there did unfortunately prevail in Ireland much want of employment; true it was, that plans of emigration were promoted, by arrangements of which he disapproved, and to which he wondered that men of property could have assented; true it was, that there prevailed in that country an intense anxiety to know what were the views of parliament with respect to the Catholic question; but the hon. gentlemen opposite should bear in mind, that an hon. friend of theirs (Mr. W. Lamb), a man of great discretion and
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conciliatory temper, still continued secretary for Ireland. Surely the continuance of that hon. gentleman in office ought to to be taken as a guarantee, that every means would be taken to calm the angry passions of that part of the kingdom, and, as far as possible, to allay their conflicting animosities. Hon. gentlemen seemed to think, because certain individuals formed a part of the present government who were known to be hostile to the Catholic claims, that therefore the whole influence of that government was to be exercised to give effect to their opinions. Let the House look at the confidential servants of the Crown, and they would find that the majority consisted of supporters of the Catholic claims. How, then, could the administration be said to be constructed on a principle adverse to that measure? For himself he could only say, that if he did not think it was constructed on a principle of fair and honest neutrality upon that question, and that patronage and influence were to be fairly exerted, he, for one, would not longer remain a member of that government.
Mr. Hobhousesaid, that, as it was not the intention of government to propose a vote of thanks to admiral Codrington, he now gave notice, that on the 14th of February he would himself introduce such a motion. As to precedent, there was one in point, which it was strange the present administration should have overlooked. He meant that of the vote of thanks to sir Arthur Wellesley, the present prime minister, for his share in the victory at Copenhagen—a state which we were, at the time, in friendly alliance.
Sir M. W. Ridleysaid, he did not find fault with the use of the term "untoward" in the king's Speech; especially after the explanation which had been given. He thought the government were justified in their application of the term. He would not, at that moment, question the policy which had led to the battle of Navarino: the time would arrive when the principle of the treaty of London must be discussed. If it were approved of, then they ought to do the admiral justice who had enforced it. He was most anxious to have the whole conduct of that gallant officer inquired into. There was a great dictinction to be drawn between not censuring an officer and praising him. Caution with respect to the latter, might be justifiable until the treaty should be dis-

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cussed. As to the present administration, he would judge of them by their acts. He saw no reason to doubt their good intentions; nor did he believe the condition of Ireland would be overlooked by them. Changes might possibly take place in the opinions of some persons upon the Catholic question; and, if they should, the country would, he had no doubt, have the benefit of them. They had, in the hon. member for Armagh, one of the purest instances of such a change of opinion. An upright man would always avow such an alteration, when it became the deliberate conviction of his mind. That great question had gained ground in public opinion. The more it was dispassionately canvassed, the greater support it would obtain.
Lord Normanbysaid, that of all the governments he had ever seen, the present was the one which held out the least chance of a favourable consideration of the Catholic claims. A majority in the cabinet afforded no security, when he recollected of what individuals it was composed. Of the noble lord's colleagues friendly to those claims, one of them had not long ago declared that he considered the question not to be of so much importance now as he had formerly attached to it: another noble lord in the cabinet, it was understood, thought the question had better be deferred: while a third noble lord had quitted office last year, only, as it would seem, because he was afraid that too many of his colleagues would be of his own opinion. What was there to balance against this great majority The noble duke at the head of the government was decidedly adverse to any further concessions to the Catholics; and for the first time, since the days of Mr. Perceval, the leader in the House of Commons was also opposed to the Catholic claims. To these facts he could not shut his eyes; nor could he forget what that right hon. gentleman had openly stated in his place last session; namely, that he had quitted office because he could not retain it under Mr. Canning, without giving his support to an administration too friendly to the Catholic question. The right hon. gentleman's return to office was therefore, a great obstacle to the favourable adjustment of that question. That was his only objection to the right hon. gentleman's return to office. There was a report, that it was intended to grant a portion of the Catholic claims. He should be delighted to find it true. Come from whom it might, any
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measure of concession should receive his support.
Mr. M. A. Taylorperfectly agreed that the battle of Navarino was an "untoward event." He considered it a most unfortunate event for this country. He did not deny the talent and skill with which the gallant admiral had fought the battle; but he did question the policy of the instructions under which he had acted. Unless he heard a satisfactory explanation of the grounds of the treaty, it should never have his support. He trusted that tranquillity would be restored with the Porte. The consequences would otherwise be serious. Look at the situation in which we had placed our old ally. Look at the situation in which we had placed Russia and France. View the long-continued policy of the Russian government; and then let the country judge whether the battle of Navarino was not an "untoward event." He was satisfied that this was the general opinion. He was in London when the news of the battle arrived, and he had heard the most anxious fears expressed as to the probable consequences. God grant they might not happen! Was there a man in his majesty's government who did not shudder with horror when the news reached him? In no point of view could he approve of the treaty, or of its results.
Lord Eustonexpressed his approbation of the conduct of the gallant admiral in the battle of Navarino, and lamented that government did not intend to originate a vote of thanks to him, for his skill and valour on that occasion.
Sir F. Burdettsaid, that while he was ready to admit the inconvenience of going into discussions of this kind at present, he could not help observing, that so far from thinking that the battle of Navarino ought to be described as an "untoward event," he considered it in the highest degree creditable to the character of the country, and that it had raised it in the estimation of the civilized world. He had hoped, that those who had the manliness to have projected the enterprise, would have had the vigour to maintain their position. He was sorry to see them sink beneath the execution of their own conception, and die, as it were, of diffidence, after others had expressed so much satisfaction at what they had done. For his own part, he should when the proper time came, be prepared to defend the policy and the wisdom of every measure connected with

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the battle of Navarino. He could not too much admire the ability displayed by the admiral and his fleet in the execution of their perilous duty. The admiral was, indeed, beyond the reach of the censure of those who trembled for his act. He had already received the sanction of the executive government, and honours had been bestowed upon him by his sovereign. It was too late, therefore now, to call in question the merit of the achievement. He had executed the provisions of the treaty in the spirit with which it had been originated; and he ought to be thanked, whether there was a precedent or not. If there was, well and good: if not, let the subject be discussed upon its own merits. With respect to the omission of any allusion to Ireland in the King's Speech, the noblelord had informed the House, that that country was in a satisfactory state; or at least that nothing had occurred, since last session, to call for particular notice. He hoped that this would appear to be the case, when Irish subjects should come under discussion. He confessed he entertained different anticipations upon that subject.
Mr. V. Fitzgeralddeprecated discussion at that moment upon questions which must hereafter be debated in a regular form. He would only make a passing allusion to the omission of Ireland in the Speech from the Throne. If he could believe by this omission, that the new government intended to cast aside the consideration of the state of Ireland, he could assure his hon. friend, that he had taken his seat next him, and called for an inquiry into the state of that country. Surely when his hon. friend knew that the government of Ireland was intrusted to such hands as had been alluded to, he could not doubt the desire of the administration to do justice to his country. When the government had only been in office a few days, it was too much to expect that they should be prepared with all those details; unless, indeed, it could be shown, that their predecessors in office had left them matured in their bureaus ready for use. He could not see the necessity for introducing Ireland in the Speech from the Throne, unless circumstances of a peculiar nature demanded a notice of that kind. It had been done when the state of that, country required measures of special rigour; but, happily, such was not now the case. Besides, when it was borne in mind, that the government of that country was confided
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to those who were appointed by the government which the hon. gentleman approved, and of which he had been a member, where was the necessity for introducing Ireland into the King's Speech? He would not conceal from himself, that, with respect to the great question of Catholic emancipation, much alarm had been excited in Ireland by the change in his majesty's councils; but when they recollected the opinion which had been stated in that House, by those who had presided over succeeding administrations; namely, that the success of this important question could not be hastened, but might be retarded, by being made a cabinet question, then those who admitted this could not fairly complain that it was not mentioned in the Speech from the Throne. He would not place the success of this question on the balance of votes in the cabinet. It was, in his opinion, an unwise and unworthy mode of treating a great public question, which had marched forward by the force of public opinion. Most of them must have seen it rise from minority and defeat in that House, to success and triumph; and, what was still more remarkable, they had seen it, by degrees, gaining a victory over the public mind, and winning the support of those who had long opposed it. Therefore he contended, that it was an unworthy and an unwise way to balance its success on the votes in the cabinet. If there was one characteristic which, more than another, distinguished the noble person at the head of his majesty's councils, and which was almost as conspicuous as the talents that had accumulated glories of imperishable lustre around him, it was his firmness, his straight-forwardness, his honesty of character. Whatever might be the fate of this question,—whatever course might be taken with respect to it— he had proved, that the influence of the Crown should not be exerted on the occasion. He had evinced this feeling, by retaining in the councils of the country, some of the most distinguished champions of Catholic emancipation. The only two new members of it held, upon this subject, the same opinions; they had both proved themselves to be sincere advocates of Catholic emancipation. He must consider those individuals to be in error, who would embattle against the present government all who supported the Catholic question, because that government was divided upon the question. He trusted, however, that

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they would pause before they determined to take such a course, and that they would riot retard a cause which had been advanced by discussion, and which, by discussion alone, would be ultimately successful.
The report was brought up, and agreed to.

PENRYN DISFRANCHISEMENT BILL.
Lord John Russellrose to move for leave to bring in a bill "to exclude the borough of Penryn from sending members to serve in parliament, and to enable the town of Manchester, with certain townships adjoining, to send two burgesses to serve in parliament." It was his intention, hi the proper stage of the bill, to move that the franchise be granted to occupiers of houses assessed at 20 l. a year, resident within six miles of Manchester.
Mr. Fergussonthought, that evidence should be produced to show clearly that the elective franchise ought to be taken from the burgesses. Last session it was considered, that the evidence produced was not sufficient to substantiate a charge of bribery.
Mr. Manninghoped the noble lord would give sufficient time, before the second reading, to have the subject thoroughly examined.
Lord J. Russellwas willing to give any time that might be deemed necessary for the defence of the burgesses. He, however, would not only not bring forward any fresh evidence, but would oppose any motion for that purpose. The former decision of the House was, he conceived, sufficient.
Leave was given to bring in the bill.

EAST RETFORD DISFRANCHISEMENT —AND REPRESENTATION OF BIRMINGHAM.
Mr. Tennysonrose for the purpose of re-introducing a bill which the House had adopted, and read a second time, at the close of the last session, for disfranchising the borough of East Retford, and giving representation to Birmingham. He was aware that some gentlemen thought evidence should be produced at the bar, in addition to that taken before the Retford Election committee, on which the House had proceeded last year. He knew also, that other gentlemen entertained different views from himself, as to the destination of the franchise, if it should be removed from East Retford. He had
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thought the proper course was, td resume the subject in that shape, substantially, in which it had been left in the last session: he had, however, added to the bill provisions calculated to obviate the tumult, delay, and expense, Which formed the chief objections to the representation of large towns. As to the production of further evidence, he was fully prepared with it, if the House should desire to have additional satisfaction with regard to the corrupt state of East Retford; but as the committee upon the bill would be the proper stage for that evidence, if required, as well as for any discussion with regard to the place td which the privilege of returning members td parliament should be eventually transferred, he would not how detain the House by any further observations, but simply move for leave to bring in a bill, "to exclude the borough of East Retford from electing burgesses to serve in parliament, and to enable the town of Birmingham to return two representatives to parliament in lieu thereof."
Mr. George Bankessaid, that the circumstances of this case were of a very peculiar nature. The committee which sat to consider the merits of the election for East Retford commenced their labours in the month of May last, and terminated them at the end of that month; and, by virtue of the power of suspending the writ, which the House possessed, that borough had since remained unrepresented. It was acknowledged that the Writ was suspended; that the gentlemen who had set up for the borough were unseated, writ for bribery, but for treating; which was a very inferior offence. Now, if that were, the only offence against those who seated them, and, if no charge of bribery were substantiated against those gentlemen, it was clear that there could have been no suspension of the writ. But the committee made a special report with respect to bribery having been committed on former occasions, and also with reference to its having been expected on this, by those who concurred in electing the then members. No bribery was either brought home to the members or to the electors. The members were, however, unseated by the suspension of the writ, and the consequence was, that there was no person in the House connected with the borough, or interested in investigating the business. He knew how inefficient an advocate he should prove, if he offered to take up the cause

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of this party; but, having been nominee on the election committee, and, therefore, better acquainted with the circumstances of the case than the members generally, he considered it his duty to call the attention of the House, from time to time, to the circumstances, for the purpose of defending the interests of those who would otherwise stand alone. He had no connexion with the borough; no knowledge of the parties; and no acquaintance with the gentlemen for whom he acted as nominee: he only wished that justice should be done, and especially if the offence were fully proved, of the commission of which there was certainly full and pregnant suspicion. He conceived that the House would act with injustice, if it proceeded on the present evidence. What was the conclusion to which the committee had come? The result clearly proved, that they did not believe the evidence; for, if they had believed it, it was impossible that they should not have come to the conclusion, that bribery had been committed. It was decided by a large majority of the committee, that the members were not guilty of bribery; and, when the evidence was thus, in a great measure, discredited by those who had the best means of judging of it; when it did not bring home the charge of bribery; were they prepared to say, that, because it was bad and inefficient for one purpose, it was good for another? It was, therefore, impossible to say that the present evidence formed a fit ground for disfranchising this borough, and depriving individuals of their rights. Persons, be their situation high or low, found guilty of this offence, ought to be punished; but the House ought to be slow in coming to any hasty conclusion. His learned friend himself would not, he was sure, press that evidence on the House, as the groundwork of condemnation. He did not speak of all the evidence. The witnesses were of different descriptions; but those who spoke of acts of violence were very much, if not wholly, discredited. The charge, in this case, was certainly of a grave nature. It was, that a strong suspicion existed that bribes were expected on this occasion; as, on several former occasions, bribes had been expected, and were received. Now, the evidence that applied to former transactions ought to be received with great caution; because those who had been accused on former occasions had no counsel to defend them. Under
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these circumstances, he thought they ought to pause, and hear all the evidence again, before they acted upon it. He entreated his learned friend to proceed with as little delay as possible; because, as they were taught that persons accused were presumed to be innocent until they were found guilty, it was evident that this case of the burgesses of East Retford was rather a hard one.
Mr. Batleyagreed, generally, with what had fallen from the hon. gentleman who had spoken last; but he would go a point further, and would say, that he did not see the justice of disfranchising a borough, merely because it could be proved that some forty or fifty of the voters had given their votes with an expectation of being-bribed for so doing. The members who had been returned had been acquitted of bribery, and that was a material point.
Mr. Tennysonreplied. He assured his hon. friend (Mr. G. Bankes) of his anxiety to bring the subject under consideration to an early conclusion; not only on account of the important interests involved, but of the desire which he felt, in common with every gentleman who had the conduct of a public bill, to be speedily relieved from his labours. He would not then enter upon any reply to the numerous observations of his hon. friend, as a more fit opportunity would occur for the discussions to which they would lead, but, in consequence of what had fallen from both the hon. members who had spoken, he felt it right to remind the House, that the ground on which the House allowed him to proceed with this bill in the last session was—not any specific bribery at the last election for East Retford—but the systematic corruption which had prevailed there for a series of elections past, and as far back as the memory of man extended, which rendered the electors totally unfit to be further trusted with the franchise. Of this corruption he repeated, that, if the House was not satisfied already, he was prepared with proofs so ample and conclusive, that he expected its unanimous concurrence with regard to the disfranchisement of East Retford.
Leave was given to bring in the bill.

PROTOCOL AND TREATY FOR THE PACIFICTION OF GREECE.
Lord Palmerstonpresented, by command, the following Protocol and Treaty—
PROTOCOL relative to the Affairs of Greece. Signed at St. Petersburgh, April 4, 1826. (TRANSLATION.)
His Britannic Majesty having been requested by the Greeks to interpose his good offices, in order to obtain their reconciliation with the Ottoman Porte; having, in consequence, offered his Mediation to that Power, and being desirous of concerting the measures of his Government, upon this subject, with his Majesty the Emperor of all the Russias; and his Imperial Majesty, on the other hand, being equally animated by the desire of putting an end to the contest of which Greece and the Archipelago are the theatre, by an arrangement, which shall be consistent with the principles of religion, justice, and humanity;
The Undersigned have agreed:
1. That the arrangement to be proposed to the Porte, if that Government should accept the proffered Mediation, should have for its object, to place the Greeks to wards the Ottoman Porte, in the relation hereafter mentioned:
Greece should be a dependency of that Empire, and the Greeks should pay to the Porte an annual tribute, the amount of which should be permanently fixed by common consent. They should be exclusively governed by Authorities, to be chosen and named by themselves, but in the nomination of which Authorities the Porte should have a certain influence.
In this state, the Greeks should enjoy a complete liberty of conscience, entire freedom of commerce, and should, exclusively, conduct their own internal government.
In order to effect a complete separation between individuals of the two nations, and to prevent the collisions which must be the necessary consequences of a contest of such duration, the Greeks should purchase the property of Turks, whether situated on the Continent of Greece, or in the Islands.
2. In case the principle of a Mediation between Turks and Greeks should have been admitted, in consequence of the steps taken, with that view, by his Britannic Majesty's Ambassador at Constantinople, his Imperial Majesty would exert, in every case, his influence to forward the object of that Mediation. The mode in which, and the time at which, his Imperial Majesty should take part in the ulterior nego-
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tiations with the Ottoman Porte, which maybe the consequence of that Mediation, should be determined hereafter by the common consent of the governments of his Britannic Majesty and his Imperial Majesty.
3. If the Mediation offered by his Britannic Majesty should not have been accepted by the Porte, and whatever may be the nature of the relations between his Imperial Majesty and the Turkish government, his Britannic Majesty and his Imperial Majesty will still consider the terms of the arrangement specified in No. 1 of this Protocol, as the basis of any reconciliation to be effected by their intervention, whether in concert or separately, between the Porte and the Greeks; and they will avail themselves of every favour able opportunity to exert their influence with both Parties, in order to effect their reconciliation on the above-mentioned basis.
4.That his Britannic Majesty and his Imperial Majesty should reserve to them selves to adopt, hereafter, the measures necessary for the settlement of the details of the arrangement in question, as well as the limits of the Territory, and the names of the Islands of the Archipelago to which it shall be applicable, and which it shall be proposed to the Porte to comprise under the denomination of Greece.
5. That, moreover, his Britannic Majesty and his Imperial Majesty will not seek, in this arrangement, any increase of Territory, nor any exclusive influence, nor advantage in commerce for their Subjects, which shall not be equally attainable by all other Nations.
6. That his Britannic Majesty and his Imperial Majesty, being desirous that their Allies should become parties to the definitive arrangements of which this Protocol contains the outline, will communicate this Instrument, confidentially, to the Courts of Vienna, Paris, and Berlin, and will propose to them that they should, in concert with the Emperor of Russia, guarantee the treaty by which the reconciliation of Turks and Greeks shall be effected, as his Britannic Majesty cannot guarantee such a Treaty. (Signed)
WELLINGTON.
NESSELRODE.
LIEVEN.
St. Petersburgh, April 4—March 23, 1826.
TREATY FOR THE PACIFICATION OF GREECE, between his Majesty, the Most Christian King, and the Emperor of all the Russias. Signed London. July 6,1827 (TRANSLATION.)
In the name of the Most Holy and Undivided Trinity.—His Majesty the King of the United Kingdom of Great Britain and Ireland, his Majesty the King of France and Navarre, and his Majesty the Emperor of all the Russias, penetrated with the necessity of putting an end to the sanguinary struggle, which, while it abandons the Greek Provinces and the Islands of the Archipelago to all the disorders of anarchy, daily causes fresh impediments to the commerce of the States of Europe, and gives opportunity for acts of piracy which not only expose the Subjects of the High Contracting Parties to grievous losses, but also render necessary measures which are burthensome for their observation and suppression; —
His Majesty the King of the United Kingdom of Great Britain and Ireland, and his Majesty the King of France and Navarre, having moreover received from the Greeks an earnest invitation to interpose their mediation with the Ottoman Porte; and, together with his Majesty the Emperor of all the Russias, being animated with the desire of putting a stop to the effusion of blood, and of preventing the evils of every kind which the continuance of such a state of affairs may produce;
They have resolved to combine their efforts, and to regulate the operation thereof, by a formal Treaty, for the object of reestablishing peace between the contending Parties, by means of an arrangement called for, no less by sentiments of humanity, than by interests for the tranquillity of Europe.
For these purposes, they have named Their Plenipotentiaries to discuss, to conclude, and sign, the said Treaty, that is to say:—
His Majesty the King of the United Kingdom of Great Britain and Ireland, the Right Honourable John William Viscount Dudley, a Peer of the United Kingdom of Great Britain and Ireland, a Member of his said Majesty's Most Honourable Privy Council, and his Principal Secretary of State for Foreign Affairs: —
His Majesty the King of France and Navarre, the Prince Jules, Count de Polignac, a Peer of France, Knight of the Orders of his Most Christian Majesty, Maréchal-de-Camp of his Forces, Grand Cross of the Order of St. Maurice of Sardinia, &c. &c. and his Ambassador at London: —
And his Majesty the Emperor of all the
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Russias, the Sieur Christopher Prince de Lieven, General of Infantry of his Imperial Majesty's Forces, his Aide-de-Camp General, Knight of the Orders of Russia, of those of the Black Eagle and of the Red Eagle of Prussia, of that of the Guelphs of Hanover, Commander Grand Cross of the Order of the Sword of Sweden, and of that of St. John of Jerusalem, his Ambassador Extraordinary and Plenipotentiary to his Britannic Majesty:
Who, after having communicated to each other their Full Powers, found to be in due and proper form, have agreed upon the following Articles:—
Art. 1. The Contracting Powers shall offer their Mediation to the Ottoman Porte, with the view of effecting a reconciliation between It and the Greeks.
This offer of Mediation shall be made to that Power immediately after the Ratification of the present Treaty, by means of a joint declaration, signed by Plenipotentiaries of the Allied Courts at Constantinople; and, at the same time, a demand for an immediate Armistice shall be made to the Two Contending Parties, as a preliminary and indispensable condition to the opening of any negotiation.
2. The arrangement to be proposed to the Ottoman Porte shall rest upon the following bases: —
The Greeks shall hold under the Sultan as under a Lord paramount; and, in consequence thereof, they shall pay to the Ottoman empire an annual tribute, the amount of which shall be fixed, once for all, by common agreement. They shall be governed by Authorities whom they shall choose and appoint themselves, but in the nomination of whom the Porte shall have a defined right.
In order to effect a complete separation betwen the individuals of the two Nations, and to prevent the collisions which would be the inevitable consequence of so protracted a struggle, the Greeks shall become possessors of all Turkish Property situated either upon the Continent, or in the Islands of Greece, on condition of indemnifying the former proprietors, either by an annual sum to be added to the tribute which they shall pay to the Porte, or by some other arrangement of the same nature.
3. The details of this arrangement, as well as the limits of the territory upon the Continent, and the designation of the Islands of the Archipelago to which it shall be applicable, shall be settled by a nego-

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tiation to be hereafter entered into between the High Powers and the Two Contending Parties.
4. The Contracting Powers engage to pursue the salutary work of the pacification, of Greece, upon the bases laid down in the preceding Articles, and to furnish, without the least delay, their Representatives at Constantinople with all the Instructions which are required for the execution of the Treaty which they now sign.
5. The Contracting Powers will not peek, in these arrangements, any augmentation of territory, any exclusive influence, or any commercial advantage for their Subjects, which those of every other Nation may not equally obtain.
6. The arrangements for reconciliation and peace which shall be definitively agreed upon between the Contending Parties, shall be guaranteed by those of the Signing Powers who may judge it expedient or possible to contract that obligation. The operation and the effects of such guarantee shall become the subject of future stipulation between the High Powers.
7. The present Treaty shall be ratified, and the ratifications shall be exchanged in two months, or sooner if possible. In witness whereof, the respective Plenipotentiaries have signed the same, and have affixed thereto the Seals of their Arms. Done at London, the Sixth day of July, in the Year of our Lord, 1827.
(L. S.) DUDLEY.
(L. S.) THE PRINCE DE POLIGNAC.
(L. S.) LIEVEN.
Additional Article.—In case the Ottoman Porte should not, within the space of one month, accept the mediation which is to be proposed to It, the High Contracting Parties agree upon the following measures: —
1. It shall be declared to the Porte, by Their Representatives at Constantinople, that the inconveniencies and evils described in the patent Treaty as inseparable from the state of things which has, for six years, existed in the East, and the termination of which, by the means at the command of the Sublime Ottoman Porte, appears to be still distant, impose upon the High Contracting Parties the necessity of taking immediate measures for forming a connection with the Greeks.
It is understood that this shall be effected by establishing commercial rela-
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tions with the Greeks, and by sending to and receiving from them, for this, purpose. Consular Agents, provided there shall exist in Greece Authorities capable of supporting such relations.
2. If, within the said term of one month, the Porte does not accept the armistice proposed in the first article of the patent Treaty, or if the Greeks refuse to carry it into execution, the high contracting powers shall declare to either of the contending parties which may be disposed to continue hostilities, or to both of them, if necessary, that the said high powers intend to exert all the means which circumstances may suggest to their prudence, for the purpose of obtaining the immediate effects of the armistice of which they desire the execution, by preventing, as far as possible, all collision between the contending parties; and in consequence, immediately after the above mentioned declaration, the high powers will, jointly, exert all their efforts to accomplish the object of such armistice, without, however, taking any part in the hostilities between the two contending parties.
Immediately after the signature of the present additional article, the high contracting powers will, consequently, transmit to the admirals commanding their respective squadrons in the Levant, conditional instructions in conformity to the arrangements above declared.
3. Finally, if, contrary to all expectation, these measures do not prove sufficient to procure the adoption of the propositions of the high contracting parties by the Ottoman Porte; or if, on the other hand, the Greeks decline the conditions stipulated in their favour, by the Treaty of this date, the high contracting powers will, nevertheless, continue to pursue the work of pacification, on the bases upon which they have agreed; and, in consequence, they authorise, from the present moment, their representatives at London, to discuss and determine the future measures which it may become necessary to employ.
The present additional article shall have the same force and validity as if it were inserted, word for word, in the Treaty of this day. It shall be ratified, and the ratifications shall be exchanged at the same time as those of the said Treaty.
In witness whereof the respective plenipotentiaries have signed the same, and

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have affixed thereto the seals of their arms.
Done at London, the Sixth day of July, in the year of our Lord 1827.
(L. S.) DUDLEY.
(L. S.) THE PRINCE DE POUGNAC.
(L. S.) LIEVEN.

BREACH OF PRIVILGE—ARREST OF A PEER.
The Lord Chancellorstated, that he had a complaint to make to their lordships of a breach of their privileges, which had been committed by the arrest, by a sheriff's officer, of lord Hawarden, an Irish peer. He would therefore move, that lord Hawarden be called in, that he might state the circumstances to their lordships. —Ordered.
His lordship was accordingly called in and sworn. The Lord Chancellor asked the noble lord what complaint he had to prefer. Lord Hawarden stated, that, on the 15th of September last, he had been arrested by a sheriff's officer, of the name of Hemp. A person had called on him, about ten o'clock in the morning, and had desired to speak to him. He was shewn into the drawing room. He said, he had come on unpleasant business.
At this stage of the proceedings, the earl of Shaftesbury stated, that it was customary to conduct such inquiries with closed doors; and, on his lordship's motion, the bar was immediately ordered to be cleared.

ROMAN CATHOLIC QUESTION.
Lord Clifdenasked the noble duke at the head of the government, whether it was intended, during the session, to introduce a bill for the repeal of the existing-penal laws affecting the Roman Catholics?
The Duke of Wellingtonanswered, that government had no intention of bringing forward any such measure.