Sitting of 27 April 1820

ADDRESS ON THE KING'S SPEECH AT THE OPENING OF THE SESSION.
The Speaker acquainted the House that that House had been in the House of Peers, where His Majesty had delivered a most gracious Speech to both Houses of Parliament, and of which, to prevent mistakes, he had obtained a copy. [See p. 11.] After the Speaker had read the Speech,
Sir Edward Knatchbullrose. He said, he should take the liberty of directing the attention of the House to the gracious speech which they had heard, for the purpose of proposing such an address to his majesty as should accord with their feelings of loyalty, and their affectionate regret for the loss of his late majesty; and therefore he hoped, such an address as would be unanimously sanctioned by both sides of the House. In discharging this duty he should have occasion to refer to various topics, and he felt that his best claim to the indulgence of the House would be the assurance that he should not encroach at any great length on their attention. On the present occasion he felt particularly anxious that the address which he was about to propose should be adopted by an unanimous vote of the House. The recent accession of his majesty, and this being the first opportunity he had had of meeting his parliament, were, in his mind, grounds of very considerable weight; and, in the present situation of the country, an address from parliament in favour of its established government was of material importance. When he spoke of the government of the country, he of course did not mean the persons by whom the functions of government were discharged, but the constitution of the country itself. In the address which he was about to submit to the consideration of the House, nothing of a political nature would be found to militate against the attainment of that unanimity which was so desirable. On looking forward to the course which ministers might be about to adopt, he meant not to pledge himself, much less the House, if it should agree to this address, to support any particular measures. He could, with great truth, state to the House, that if, in moving this address, he had considered that lie was compromising the principle of any measure that might be afterwards brought forward, he would not have been found to discharge that duty. Before he proceeded to the consideration of the principal points in the speech which they had heard read, it would not be right if he did not
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advert to the reign which had closed, and to the exalted character of the deceased monarch. At no period had greater events occurred, nor had the nation ever stood on higher ground than during his reign. No doubt there had existed much difference of opinion on the various measures pursued through so long a period of time; nor would he allude to events still fresh in their memories, the mention of which might produce discussion, which, at present, was not desirable. But he was sure that the personal character of his majesty was a source of the greatest satisfaction to the House and to the whole of the nation. During a longer reign than any recorded in the annals of this country, his late majesty evinced an anxious and parental care for the welfare of his subjects, which justly entitled him to the appellation of the father of his people. That his successor, to whom he sincerely wished a long and prosperous reign, would follow so bright an example, they had no reason to doubt. They had heard his majesty that day express his anxiety for the welfare and happiness of his people; and that declaration, he hoped, the House would receive as they ought. He should now call their attention, as briefly as possible, to the principal topics to which his majesty, in his speech, had adverted. And, first, he sincerely congratulated the House on the stability of the friendly connexion between this country and foreign states. After the exertions which we had made, during a long and arduous war, they had heard from the throne the gratifying declaration, that foreign powers were anxious to cultivate the relations of peace with this country. It must be a source of satisfaction both to parliament and to the country at large, to reflect that, after all the sacrifices which we had made, we had secured not only our own independence, but the respect and confidence of foreign nations. The next point of the speech involved a subject which more immediately related to the House of Commons—the finances of the county. They were told, and the assurance gave him great satisfaction, that the estimates for the public service of the year would be speedily laid before the House, and that they had been formed on the strictest principles of economy. They were told that a large military force was still kept up, and that the state of the country did not render it advisable to dispense with those additions which had been made

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to it in the last session of parliament. In this necessity he also concurred; for he was convinced that the present military establishment was indispensably requisite to the safety of the country. But, whatever opinions might be entertained on this subject, he was sure the House would agree to give that support to government which the safety of the country required. It was, however, the bounden duty of the House to look at the pressure under which the country at present laboured. He spoke as the representative of a large and populous county, and to this principle he looked in supporting the measures of government. At the commencement of a new reign they were called upon to support the dignity of the Crown, as well as to keep up the civil list; and he hoped the House would have no difficulty in assuring his majesty, that they would make the requisite provision for this purpose, especially as his majesty had declared that he resigned entirely to their disposal his interest in the hereditary revenues. His majesty, in making this declaration, had also told them, that no additional expenditure on this ground would be necessary; and this declaration he considered highly satisfactory, not only because it showed his majesty's anxious desire to relieve the burthens of his people by every personal sacrifice in his power, but because it proved that a report which had lately been circulated was destitute of all foundation in truth. He alluded to a report—he knew not with whom it had originated, or from what motives it had been circulated—that in the course of the first week after the meeting of parliament, a large increase was to be made to the civil list. He was happy to congratulate the House on any diminution of the burthens that pressed so heavily on the country; and he was sure that the great reduction which would accrue from the royal establishment being kept at the amount settled in 1816, would give great and general satisfaction. His majesty next told them, with feelings of deep regret, that the machinations of the disaffected had led to open violence and insurrection in many parts of the kingdom; but he accompanied that information with an assurance which they would ah be glad to hear—that the attempts of the disloyal had every where been checked, by the prompt and zealous exertions of the constituted authorities. It was painful to find the country in such a situation; but, however they might grieve at
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the existence of disaffection, the House of Commons of the United Kingdom would not forget their duty; they would bear in mind, that every loyal subject in the realm looked to them for protection. He recollected that an eloquent gentleman had said, in the last session of parliament, that he did not dread a revolution, but an attempt to bring about a revolution. A horrid attempt had been made, but it had providentially failed. It was not a sudden attempt to which the parties were instigated by distress, but a deliberate plan insidiously and wickedly to overthrow the government of the country; and for this event they had endeavoured to prepare the people, by removing from their minds every moral and religious feeling. He was sure his opinion would meet with the concurrence of the whole House, when he said, that this was a state of things which was not fit to be endured, and which every authority in the kingdom ought to repress. But all that had passed was nothing to what might be expected to follow, if the laws of the country did not resume their efficacy, and if the people were not, by that renewed efficacy of the laws, brought back from the errors into which they had been misled. The House had interests to consult beyond those of the present moment. If it was their intention to support the constitution, they must support it by checking the principles of disaffection which had been so industriously diffused. The constitution of this country was a system which imposed on the people no restraints but such as were necessary to the well-being of the community. But if the character of the country was in danger of being changed, and if a system of immorality and disaffection was undermining the fabric of the constitution, it became the duty of parliament to interpose, and apply a check to the growing evil. Before he sat down, he would say a, word or two on the distress and disturbance which at present existed. That great distress prevailed could not be denied, but he believed there was no person, especially in that House, who was not anxious to relieve it. Whether that question came before parliament or not, or in whatever shape it came, it was essential to the interests of the country that it should be viewed free from all party considerations. The general interests of the country were involved in the question; and, viewing it in that light, parliament might be able to

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alleviate or to remove the evil of which all complained. He was convinced, however, that, till the country was reduced to a state of obedience to the laws, every attempt to lighten the public distress must be fruitless and unavailing. The first thing to be done was, to establish that point, and to reduce the refractory to obedience; and, compared with that object, every other was of minor consideration. In alluding to the present disturbances, he meant not to lead at present to any discussion on the subject; but he thought that no man, whatever might be his principles, would deny that it was the duty of that House to compel obedience to the laws. In his apprehension, nothing beyond this point was desirables It was neither necessary nor desirable to impose any severe restraints on the people, but merely to enforce those salutary laws which were already in existence. He had now fulfilled the promise which he made not to detain them long; and he begged to return thanks to the House for the indulgent attention with which they had heard him. The hon. baronet concluded by moving,
"That an humble Address be presented to his majesty, to return the thanks of this House to his majesty for his most gracious Speech from the throne:—To acknowledge with the liveliest gratitude his majesty's gracious assurance, that he shall always continue to imitate the great example of our late venerated sovereign, his majesty's beloved father, in unceasing attention to the public interests, and in paternal solicitude for the welfare and happiness of all classes of his subjects:—To express the satisfaction that we feel at the prospect of continued tranquillity, derived from the assurances of the friendly disposition of foreign powers, which have been renewed to his majesty, with their earnest desire to cultivate the relations of peace and amity:—To return our humble thanks to his majesty, for having ordered the estimates for the present year to be laid before us, and for the attention to strict economy which his majesty has been pleased so graciously to assure us has been observed in framing them:—To entreat his majesty to believe that we fully participate in the deep regret expressed by his majesty, that the state of the country has not enabled him to dispense with those additions to our military force, which were found necessary in the last session of parliament:—To assure his
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majesty, that we shall proceed with the utmost readiness to make such an adequate provision for the support of his majesty's civil government, as may be sufficient to maintain the honour and dignity of the Crown:—To express our gratitude to his majesty for the paternal solicitude for the interests of his people by which he has been guided, in the manner in which he has been graciously pleased to bring this important subject under our consideration; and to assure his majesty, that we shall not fail to enter upon it with corresponding feelings of loyalty and attachment to his person and government:—To make our most dutiful acknowledgments to his majesty for the satisfaction which he has expressed at the vigilance and activity of the magistrates, and the zealous co-operation of all those whose exertions have been called forth to support the authority of the laws, by which the machinations and designs of the disaffected, which we deeply regret to find have led, in some parts of the country, to acts of open violence and insurrection, have been happily suppressed:—To assure his majesty, that while we trust that the wisdom and firmness manifested by the late parliament, and the due execution of the laws, have greatly contributed to restore confidence throughout the kingdom, to discountenance those principles of sedition and irreligion which had been disseminated with so much perseverance, and had so poisoned the minds of the ignorant and unwary; his majesty may securely rely upon our continued support in his determination to mantain, by all the means entrusted to his hands, the public safety and tranquillity:—That, deploring as we all must do the distress which still unhappily prevails amongst: many of the labouring classes of the community, and anxiously looking forward to its removal or mitigation, we feel it to be in the mean time our indispensable duty, to concur with his majesty in every measure necessary to give effectual I protection to the loyal, the peaceable, and the industrious, against those practices of turbulence and intimidation by which the period of relief can only be deferred, and by which the pressure of the distress has been incalculably aggravated: that we concur most heartily in the benevolent wish expressed by his majesty, that an awakened sense of the dangers which they have incurred, and of the arts which have been employed to

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seduce them, will bring back the far greater proportion of those who have been unhappily led astray, and will revive in them that spirit of loyalty, that due submission to the laws, and that attachment to the constitution, which we are confident subsists in the hearts of the great body of the people, which, under the blessing of Divine Providence, has cured to the British nation the enjoyment of a larger share of practical freedom, as well as of prosperity and happiness, than has fallen to the lot of any nation in the world."
Mr. Wilmotrose to second the address, and said, that he did not yield to the hon. mover in the earnest hope which he had expressed, that the House would unanimously agree to the address; and he trusted that no expression would fall from him which could in any degree tend to provoke discussion, or interrupt the unanimity of the House. He would avoid the introduction of any topics which might more properly come under the subsequent consideration of the House; but there was one topic on which he could anticipate the unanimous feelings of the House—he meant the demise of our late venerable sovereign. Looking at the period of his accession to the throne in the prime of life and the pride of hope, and contrasting it with the mournful close of his life, when confined within the precincts of his palace, and bereft of that sense which might have mitigated his afflictions, he was shut out from almost all the consolations which this life affords. Whatever difference of opinion might exist as to the policy of the measures pursued during his reign, every feeling of irritation must subside at the contemplation of so awful an instance of the instability of human grandeur. The recollection of the paternal solicitude with which he uniformly watched over the interests of the. people, would secure to his memory the lasting gratitude of the country. His reign, one of the longest in our annals, was distinguished by an event so prominent, as almost to monopolize our attention;—he alluded to the French revolution, an event which might justly be considered as one of the most extraordinary in the history of nations, whether we regarded its origin, its continuance or its termination. It had terminated in a military despotism, which threatened to overwhelm the whole civilised world, but which had been, at length, triumphantly
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overthrown by the persevering exertions of this country. That great event had occurred in the actual reign of the late monarch, but in the virtual reign of our present sovereign. We had not only the promise of his majesty that he would follow the great example of his father, but we might look back with satisfaction upon its actual performance during the period in which he had exercised the functions of royalty. In adverting to that part of the speech which related to the finances of the country, he felt assured that the House would convey to the throne its gratitude for his majesty's renunciation of his hereditary revenues, and for the principle of strict economy which dictated the arrangement of the civil list. Without entering into a review of any of the measures of the last session, he might express his confidence that the present parliament would be most anxious to support the dignity of the Crown, and the safety of the state, without reference to past transactions. He deplored deeply the distresses still prevailing in various parts of the country, but he deplored no less the advantage that had been taken of inevitable visitations to corrupt the minds of the lower orders, the effect of which could only be to augment sufferings that might otherwise be alleviated. He trusted that the time was not far distant, when the influence of temporary irritation would be removed; and that as soon as existing delusions were dispersed, the disaffected would return to their duty. He could not avoid here referring to the opinion of a most distinguished individual (the late Mr. Burke), whose sentiments upon this subject seemed to partake of the spirit of prophecy; it was uttered in 1791, and was in these words:—"As long as by every art the disaffected keep alive the spirit of disaffection against the constitution of the kingdom, and attribute, as lately they have done, all the public misfortunes to that constitution, it is absolutely impossible that some moment should not arrive when they will be able to produce a pretended reform but a real revolution." What was here said generally might perhaps be applied particularly to the constitution of the House of Commons: for what good could result from the attempts to vilify it? Without entering into any of the questions of reform, and without pledging itself in favour of the abstract projects for its improvement, he was well assured that the House would

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stand by the constitution, would do all in its power to instruct the public mind, and, by removing existing delusions, establish that national prosperity which was compatible with the present state and formation of the House of Commons. He never could believe that principles of sound political economy could have a fairer chance in a body collected merely to obey the will of the people, and compelled to abandon one course of policy for another at the command of the people, than in a body constituted like that which was now assembled to promote the national prosperity. He was convinced that the House would give the present state of the country its most anxious attention; but lie should be merely aiding the prevailing delusions, if he expressed any opinion but that the distresses could only be removed by the slow but certain process of time, which would invigorate the great sources of wealth, for a moment in some degree exhausted. Notwithstanding unfavourable appearances, there was every reason to anticipate that at no distant period the real and practical blessings of peace would be enjoyed by the whole people. The prosperity and happiness of the community at large, depended upon its sobriety and industry, and he trusted that a conviction of this truth would soon supersede the false and injurious notions at present prevailing among a great body of the manufacturing classes. It was not less his sanguine hope that the unanimous opinion of the House on this subject would have the speedy effect of checking and repressing disorders. In reviewing therefore the various topics of the royal speech, he should be extremely unwilling that any thing should drop from him that might for a moment retard the state he was anticipating: he did not mean to pledge himself against any kind of amelioration or reform, but he protested against the supposition, that the lower class or any class of the community could be benefitted by a general and sweeping alteration of the constitution. The nation was blest with a system of civil polity the most perfect of any age or country, and he believed that the great mass of the people duly estimated it: if the inferior orders, in the manufacturing districts, were once convinced of its benefits, much of the power of the agitators would be destroyed for ever. He concluded by thanking the House for the patience with which he had been received.
Mr. Tierneysaid, he was not disposed to quarreh with a great deal that had fallen from the hon. mover and seconder; on the contrary, he agreed with them entirely upon some points; and if at all times he felt it unnecessary to bring forward matter of difference where none was offered on the other side, he should be peculiarly unwilling to do so on the present occasion, when the first speech of a new sovereign was before the House. The fair, cool, and temperate tone of the hon. gentlemen who had just taken their seats, formed another inducement for him not to express any dissent; or, supposing the. speech from the throne had contained any particular phrase, ambiguous or liable to misconstruction, what they had said on the various points would probably have rendered explanation needless. He congratulated the House on the prevailing unanimity; he hoped it was an earnest of the future, and that all parties in the House would unite in the expression of unshaken loyalty to the Crown, and of a firm determination, while the true liberties of the people were supported, to set themselves honestly and steadily against those machinations alike directed against the happiness and security of the sovereign and his subjects. In that direction he would go as far as any man; and beyond that, happily, on the present occasion, it was not necessary to say more. He therefore again congratulated the House on the favourable auspices under which the new session was commenced.
Sir Francis Burdettsaid, that he should be very sorry if he were supposed capable of showing any disrespect to the throne, by disturbing the unanimity so desirable on the present occasion. He should certainty be reluctant to do so for the reasons already stated; but he could not at the same time avoid observing, that for some few years past the House had been placed in rather an awkward and disagreeable predicament with regard to the speeches from the throne, Formerly it was expected that they should be a full and fair statement of the whole situation of the country, instead of being frittered away, as at present, into mere matters of form and compliment, in which gentlemen might or might not concur according to the state of their own feelings, and the respect which all ought to feel towards the person of the sovereign, but a non-concurrence in which need not be intruded upon the House when all questions

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of state policy, and all general principles involving the conscientious opinions of individuals, were so carefully avoided. He could not help thinking that an extreme want of courtesy had been shown by the executive government in not pursuing the wholesome practice of former times—he believed from the Revolution downwards. It might be considered a privilege, and a very important privilege, of the House, that the tenor and nature of the king's speech should be made known to the members on the day before it was delivered from the throne. The custom used to be, for members to attend in the cockpit, where the speech was read; it thus formed the topic of thought and conversation on the evening anterior to the meeting of parliament. By this means gentlemen were able to attend in their places after they had given due reflection to the great topics that ought to form, and then did form, the main features of a speech from the throne. To be called upon, however, to agree in whatever sentiments the minister of the day might think fit to put into the mouth of the king, more especially in the present state and circumstances of the country, was most extraordinary: it was calling upon the House to do a little more than its duty enjoined. In loyalty, and in a love for the constitution, he would yield to no man; he also felt an unfeigned respect for the sovereign: but surely it was a little too much to expect, that, on the first showing of the minister, he should be prepared to say, that he concurred in the various parts of the royal speech. On the spur of the moment he should not like to enter into a consideration of it; nor, by so doing, should he think that he discharged his duty either to the people or to the Crown. When a younger man, and when first this new practice was introduced, he bad proposed on one occasion that the consideration of the speech should be adjourned to the following day: in the present instance, however, he should be sorry even to make that proposition; but he begged, while he consented to the compliment on the commencement of a new reign, to guard himself against being supposed to concur in any of the sentiments of the address, excepting those of congratulation and condolence—in short, in any thing that was not matter of mere and absolute form. He protested therefore, generally against being precluded on any future occasion from stating where he differed, and on
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what grounds he differed: indeed, one or two points were so prominent, that but for the respect he wished to evince on the opening of a new reign, he should have felt imperiously called upon to notice them; he should, however, reserve his remarks upon them until a future occasion, when they should be brought forward in another shape, and should not disturb the unanimity which it was his wish, as well as that of the House, to preserve.
The Address was agreed to nem. con.

THE KING'S SPEECH ON OPENING THE SESSION.
This day his majesty came in state to the House of Peers, and being seated on the throne, the gentleman usher of the Black Rod was directed to summon the Commons to attend. The Speaker immediately obeyed the summons, and presented himself at the bar, attended by more than one hundred members. His majesty then delivered the following most gracious Speech to both Houses:
"My Lords and Gentlemen;
"I have taken the earliest occasion of assembling you here, after having recurred to the sense of my people.
"In meeting you personally for the first time since the death of my beloved father, I am anxious to assure you, that I shall always continue to imitate his great example, in unceasing attention to the public interests, and in paternal solicitude for the welfare and happiness of all classes of my subjects.
"I have received from foreign powers renewed assurances of their friendly disposition, and of their earnest desire to cultivate with me the relations of peace and amity.
"Gentlemen of the House of Commons;
"The estimates for the present year will be laid before you.
"They, have been framed upon principles of strict economy; but it is to me matter of the deepest regret that the state of the country has not allowed me to dispense with those additions to our military force which announced at the commencement of the last session of parliament.
"The first object to which your attention will be directed is the provision to be made for the support of the civil go-
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vernment, and of the honour and dignity of the Crown.
"I leave entirely at your disposal my interest in the hereditary revenues: and I cannot deny myself the gratification of declaring, that so far from desiring any arrangement which might lead to the imposition of new burthens upon my people, or even might diminish, on my account, the amount of the reductions incident to my accession to the throne, I can have no wish, under circumstances like the present, that any addition whatever should be made to the Settlement adopted by parliament in the year 1816.
"My Lords and Gentlemen;
"Deeply as I regret that the machinations and designs of the disaffected should have led, in some parts of the country, to acts of open violence and insurrection, I cannot but express my satisfaction at the promptitude with which those attempts have been suppressed by the vigilance and activity of the magistrates, and by the zealous cooperation of all those of my subjects whose exertions have been called forth to support the authority of the laws.
"The wisdom and firmness manifested by the late parliament, and the due execution of the laws, have greatly contributed to restore confidence throughout the kingdom; and to discountenance those principles of sedition and irreligion which had been disseminated with such malignant perseverance, and had poisoned the minds of the ignorant and unwary.
"I rely upon the continued support of parliament in my determination to maintain, by all the means intrusted to my hands, the public safety and tranquillity.
"Deploring, as we all must, the distress which still unhappily prevails among many of the labouring classes of the community, and anxiously looking forward to its removal or mitigation, it is in the mean time our common duty, effectually to protect the loyal, the peaceable, and the industrious, against

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those practices of turbulence and intimidation, by which the period of relief can only be deferred, and by which the pressure of the distress has been incalculably aggravated.
"I trust that an awakened sense of the dangers which they have incurred, and of the arts which have been employed to seduce them, will bring back by far the greater part of those who have been unhappily led astray, and will revive in them that spirit of loyalty, that due submission to the laws, and that attachment to the constitution, which subsist unabated in the hearts of the great body of the people, and which, under the blessing of Divine Providence, have secured to the British nation the enjoyment of a larger share of practical freedom, as well as of prosperity and happiness, than have fallen to the lot of any nation in the world."
His majesty then retired, and the Commons returned to their House.

ADDRESS ON THE KING'S SPEECH AT THE OPENING OF THE SESSION.
His majesty's most gracious speech having been again read by the lord chancellor, and also by the reading clerk at the table,
Lord Viscount Granvillerose to move an address of thanks. The noble lord said, that being of late not much accustomed to public speaking, he felt considerable embarrassment in addressing their lordships on the present occasion, and that embarrassment could not fail to be increased when he considered how many noble lords there were now around him who were far better qualified than himself to do justice to the task he had undertaken; but it was at the same time highly satisfactory to him, while performing this duty, to reflect, that the speech which had, on this important occasion, been delivered from the throne, was one the language of which was of a nature almost to preclude discussion; and that the sentiments of the address he was about to move, were such as must necessarily command the general, he might say the unanimous, concurrence of their lordships. This consideration was more peculiarly satisfactory at the present moment, for there never was a period when it was of so much import-
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ance for both Houses of Parliament to show unanimity in their devotion to the throne, and attachment to the institutions of the country; and the spirit by which they were animated would be best proved by abstaining from introducing topics calculated to create division. The occasion on which he addressed their lordships was most important, whether considered as the commencement of a new era or the close of one that had passed. In looking back to the history of the country under his late majesty, they beheld a period marked by various and important vicissitudes. The annals of the late reign afforded more historical lessons than those of preceding centuries. In them their lordships might learn what ought to be avoided, and what it was fit to imitate. They would see how, in another country, an event which had commenced with appeals to philanthropy and humanity had soon changed to anarchy and bloodshed, and had finally terminated in a military despotism. This example warned them carefully to maintain the constitution from which they had derived such benefits. He was old enough to remember the time when the people of this country were instigated to imitate France; and the spirit which then prevailed was of such a nature, that it justly excited alarm. He who now were the crown of these realms, notwithstanding there were among his earliest friends come who held opinions different from his, was among the first to give to the measures of government the support of his name and authority. His great example was followed by the most distinguished men of that day, and by the great majority of the country. The consequence was, that discontents were suppressed, and the designs of the disaffected were defeated. It was with great propriety, then, that they were this day called upon by the crown to imitate this example, and to discountenance those principles of sedition and irreligion which had been disseminated with such malignant perseverance, and had poisoned the minds of the ignorant and the unwary, and of the fatal effects of which their lordships had already had so much experience. The danger of the country in those times was not, however, completely removed by the defeat of the internal enemies of the constitution. The great military power of France formed a most formidable external danger, and threatened the country with invasion. France being at last enabled to command the resources of almost all the

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countries of Europe, and to bring them against Great Britain, the contest became most arduous, and the difficulties were such as could only have been overcome by a people fully sensible of the advantages of the constitution under which they lived, and resolved to sacrifice every thing in its support. It must, however, be admitted, that the exertions made by the country were almost beyond its means. The effects of the exhausting efforts which were made during the war were now severely felt. While the contest continued no distress was experienced, because, from the manner in which the contest was carried on, it secured to this country a commercial monopoly. Thus, the means of carrying on the war increased with the progress of hostilities; but the growth of commerce, and the extent to which it was pushed, created a mass of manufacturing population, for which it was impossible to find employment on the restoration of peace. To the embarrassment occasioned by this state of things was to be added that arising from the number of men discharged from the army and the navy. These men, accustomed to warfare, were not disposed to suffer privations quietly, and all their habits prepared them for taking part in the scenes of turbulence which had agitated the country. To remove the difficulties arising from these circumstances was obviously one of the most important, and, at the same time, one of the most difficult problems that could be submitted for legislation; but, in whatever extent the distress of the country might exist, it certainly was not by seducing the poor from their daily labour, and by sowing sedition among the lower orders, that a cure could be obtained. At then of the last century, when the demand for labour far exceeded the supply, the labourer not only obtained higher wages than formerly, but, comparatively speaking, had it in his power to enjoy luxuries. It was not then surprising that the labourer should severely feel the difference which the change of circumstances had produced in his situation. It was therefore matter of compassion rather than of anger, that men so situated, and necessarily ignorant with regard to great questions of policy, should be disposed to attribute their sufferings to causes quite foreign to the real ones, and should wish to resort to remedies incapable of affording them any relief.—There was another circumstance which distinguished the present from all former periods, and which could not be
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overlooked in any view of the state of the country—he meant the great diffusion of education. This was regarded as one of the greatest advantages of the present age; but, in making this admission, it must at the same time be allowed, that it afforded an opportunity for the dissemination of dangerous doctrines; and when men in a state of the greatest distress were daily told that all their sufferings were owing to the government, and that its overthrow would relieve them, they must be sanguine indeed who could suppose that the constant inculcation of such doctrines made no impression. This state of things doubtless occupied the attention of government, and he hoped that, in the application of the law to the correction of the evil, a broad distinction would always be made between the deluded and the deluders. It was the indispensable duty of those who administered the government, first to secure the safety of the state and maintain its tranquillity; but, having accomplished that great object, it became next their, duty to discriminate between the parties by whom the safety of the state had been endangered.—His majesty had informed parliament that he had received renewed assurances of the friendly dispositions of foreign powers. Their lordships had, therefore, no reason to apprehend any foreign war. Still, however, it was impossible not to perceive that the continent of Europe was far from being in a settled state. In the events which had recently taken place there was a conflict between good and evil; and, upon the whole, they were of a nature which did not permit the statesman or the philosopher to con tern plate the result without apprehension.—Their lordships' prayers would doubtless be for the establishment of a well ordered; system of liberty; but if, instead of that, I anarchy or civil war should unhappily be inflicted, he trusted that the consequences of such a state of things would not reach this country. While freed from apprehension with regard to our foreign relations, it was satisfactory to be informed, in the speech from the throne, that the country was not to be called upon for any fresh burdens, not even for any thing towards the maintenance of that civil establishment which they were always bound to support in a manner becoming the dignity and honour of the crown. The speech from the throne, while deploring the distress of the country, looked forward to its removal. It certainly was not reasonable

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to expect that trade should again be carried on to the extent in which it existed during the late war. Our monopoly had ceased, and it was now our well-understood interest, that every nation should have its share in the commerce of the world; and one effect of the peace, he hoped, would be to produce a more equal and liberal reciprocation of commercial advantages.—The great difficulty which opposed the accomplishment of this important object existed in our restrictive laws, the operation of which had been on a former occasion described to their lordships by a noble baron whom he did not now see in his place. Still, however, he was not without hope that some alteration would be made in that system of prohibitions by which commercial enterprise was so severely checked. He was not fond of legislating on such subjects, but he could not help expressing his conviction, that the revival of manufactures would soon be followed by a nourishing state of agriculture; for their interests were inseparable. He should now conclude, satisfied that, while their lordships looked forward to better prospects, and recollected the great examples of the late reign, they would feel the necessity, as members of parliament, of discharging one common duty, by drawing closer the bonds which unite the sovereign and the people. With that view he moved the address.—His lordship then read the address, which repeated, as usual, the sentiments of the speech.
Lord Howardof Effingham rose to second it. The noble lord alluded particularly to that part of the speech which related to the distress of the country, and the necessity of protecting the loyal and peaceable against the effect of those principles of sedition and irreligion which led to riot and disturbance, by taking advantage of the irritation which that distress created. It was not strange, he said, that severe distress should be felt, when the fluctuation of our commerce and industry were considered. At one time we had nearly the commerce of the world, and our population was fully employed in branches of industry, either for the supply of domestic or foreign demand. Now that commerce was much reduced by being shared among other nations, and our manufacturers aid artisans were thrown out of work. They were consequently reduced to a state of poverty, and became an easy prey; to the arts of the designing and the wicked. But, from whatever cause disaffection arose,
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the peaceable, the loyal, and the industrious, must be protected in their persons and property from its violence. He trusted that, by the firmness of the constituted authorities, the turbulent and seditious would be restrained, and the dissemination of their pernicious doctrines prevented.—Those who had been deluded would, he hoped, then return to their former habits of industry, which would be found not only beneficial to themselves, but conducive to the interest and tranquillity of the state. At the same time it was to be dreaded, that many, who could not plead distress as the cause of their discontent, entertained designs against our constitution which must be resisted and put down, and were making endeavours to realize schemes of government which must be strenuously opposed. The people of this country would never yield to designs of this kind. If their authors endeavoured to intimidate the authorities, and to drive some part of the people to violence, he trusted their designs would be frustrated and destroyed by the loyalty and good sense of the great body of the nation, and that the government, supported by all classes of men, would preserve unimpaired our excellent constitution and invaluable privileges.
Earl Grosvenorsaid, that in speeches from the throne, at the commencement of a new session of parliament, it was generally thought proper to include a view of the system which ministers meant to pursue for the year; and it was a general practice, in those opposed to them, to enter into a discussion or consideration of all the topics so introduced. But on such an occasion as the present, at the commencement of a new reign—when his majesty had been in the House for the first time since his accession—when he had addressed to their lordships his first speech—it was desirable to avoid the introduction or the discussion of any subjects which might lead to a difference of opinion. Although, therefore, he felt, that at other times it was proper to discuss the topics of speeches from the throne, to whatever difference of opinion they might lead, he was glad that such a course was not necessary now. It was in every respect, to be wished that the first address to the throne from the first parliament of his majesty's reign should be adopted unanimously; and, to be Unanimous, it was desirable that no discussion should be provoked on subjects likely to create

19
disunion. Entertaining this wish, he must give ministers praise for the manner in which they had worded the speech. They had abstained from the mention of any topics that were likely to divide the House. Therefore, as the speech and the address were such as to meet with his general approbation, he should have great satisfaction in saying "content." He could have wished that the speeches of the noble mover and seconder had as studiously abstained from all subjects likely to create a difference of opinion. But it seemed to him, that his noble friend who moved the address had gone out of the natural track of the speech to find topics of difference. He agreed with his noble friend in some parts of what he had said; but from other parts of his observations he entirely dissented. This was not the occasion, however, for the discussion of those points of difference; and the same motive which induced him to wish for unanimity in the address would prevent him from introducing opposition in the debate. He could not, however, let one remark of his noble friend pass, without expressing his dissent from the principle which it implied. He could never admit the truth of the insinuation, that the diffusion of education among all ranks of the community could be dangerous to any, or that a system of education like that followed generally in this country could be pernicious, or could create mischief. Although the speech from the throne alluded only generally to our foreign relations, and mentioned no nation in particular, his noble friend had, in a qualified manner, adverted to the late events in Spain, he could not, therefore let the opportunity slip of expressing, in a more unreserved manner, his great satisfaction at the glorious revolution which had taken place in that country. Knowing that Spain was once a great, an enterprising, and a victorious nation; knowing that its resources had been dried up, and its energies repressed, by the accumulated evils of tyranny, priestcraft, and superstition, and expecting from the late changes a revival of its ancient splendor, he could not but rejoice at the issue of the late events, so creditable to those engaged in them.
The Marquis of Lansdownesaid, that he looked with sincere satisfaction to the course which had been pursued, and the result to which their lordships were likely to come. For, whether he considered
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the nature of the topics introduced into the speech from the throne—whether he considered that this was the first time that his majesty had addressed their lordships in this House—or whether he adverted to the various important and painful circumstances connected with the situation of the country, and recent events—he saw abundant reason for wishing as great unanimity as possible to prevail on the present occasion. He therefore solemnly declared that he felt the greatest satisfaction in being able to concur in the speech and the address, and in not being compelled, from duty or policy, to make the least opposition to it. His uniform private sentiment, and constant public declaration, being, that as great a practical retrenchment of our expenditure, and as economical a management of our finances as possible, were the only source of relief to the country—that they would constitute, if not remedy for the public distress, at least an alleviation of its pressure—that they formed at least a line of conduct, which, whether it sensibly ameliorated their condition or not, the people had a right to expect from their government, out of respect to their feelings—that their rulers could only obtain their cordiality and support by making such endeavours for their satisfaction;—such, he said, being his sentiments, so long cherished and so maturely considered, it was with peculiar pleasure that he saw a disposition to set a noble example from the throne, of that economy which he had recommended—an example which he hoped would be followed as zealously, as sincerely, and as extensively as possible by the king's ministers in all the other branches of the public expenditure. They ought to follow up such an example in the true spirit of it; and, if they did not wish to do so, he hoped that parliament would compel them. By such conduct, by a careful attention to the distresses or the people, and a zealous endeavour to reduce their burthens, the ministers and the legislature would do more to recall them to their duty, to allay their discontents, to secure their obedience, and to ensure their cordial co-operation in maintaining peace and tranquillity, than all the restrictive measures which the House could enact, than all the privations or suspensions of liberty which they could inflict. He had heard with great satisfaction many of the observations of his noble friend who had

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moved the address, and most cordially concurred in most of them; and, without following him in some of his speculations, he would merely say, that he concurred with him in his prospective system, especially with regard to our foreign relations. These he had truly described as too uncertain in their issue to be the foundation of any distant hope; but he joined with his noble friend in the firm expectation and belief, that nothing which had occured, nothing which was likely to occur, could for some time to come disturb those relations of peace and amity which were so necessary to promote the general interest, happiness, and prosperity of nations, and to heal the wounds which a protracted war had inflicted on Europe. In alluding to Spain, his noble friend who had moved the address, and his noble friend who spoke last, had used language somewhat different. His noble friend who had spoken last called the issue of the late events in that country a glorious revolution, and his noble friend opposite had described the changes going forward as a conflict between good and evil. When he thus described the late changes as painful in their progress and uncertain in their issue, he must remind his noble friend, that this conflict between good and evil was occasioned by the long prevalence of evil; that it was caused by bad government; that the abuses of power led to the necessity of change; and that, if that change was attended with uncertainty and danger, it ought to teach a lesson to sovereigns not to create the necessity, and to subjects not to hazard it unnecessarily. The people of this country ought to learn from it not to run the risk of changes that must be attended with danger, and perhaps followed by despotism; while we enjoyed amid our distresses a great portion of practical freedom, while we had an equal administration of wise laws, and while we possessed a constitution, which, though it might contract blemishes or acquire defects by time and neglect, might by its own operation be brought back to its first principles of purity, without shock or commotion, and which constituted our present happiness and future security.—In that part of his noble friend's speech which referred to another topic connected with our foreign relations, he cordially concurred—a topic which was not adverted to in the speech from the throne,
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but which his noble friend could not pass unnoticed—he meant a relaxation of our restrictive system as it regarded foreign commerce. He sincerely hoped that our prohibitory system would soon be brought under the view of the legislature. It was a subject which he had much at heart, and which he had often intended to bring forward. That it might now obtain the attention of government and of the legislature, would be to him a solid satisfaction, and, he was convinced, would give satisfaction to the country. But while he thus expressed his expectation along with his noble friend—while he indulged this hope—a hope entertained and indulged by others, it ought to be recollected, that great firmness would be necessary to effect any change—that the application of general principles to our system of commerce must be a work of great delicacy and difficulty—that many partial interests must be encountered as obstacles, and that much immediate and partial distress must be incurred to establish a broad, general, and permanent system of national advantage and commercial freedom. To effect this, nearly as much courage and firmness would be requisite as in encountering the other difficulties of the country. Firmness, however, for that duty, he hoped, would not be wanting in the king's ministers—firmness, he hoped, would not be wanting in the legislature; and he pledged himself, whenever the subject of a relaxation of commercial restrictions—a great relaxation—was brought forward, he would lend it his utmost support. Some inquiry—some step in this important business—could not much longer be delayed; it must come before parliament, and he hoped ministers had made up their minds, as he had made up his. He agreed with his noble friend, that the magistrates of the country had on late occasions discharged their duty manfully, firmly, and ably; and he might add, still more the juries. He was the more induced to mention them with merited praise, as not many months ago it had been said in that House, that they were reluctant to give verdicts; and it had been insinuated that they favoured the bad principles of which they would not authorize the punishment. They had nobly replied to that insinuation. He meant to allude to no particular verdict when he said that they had shown themselves equally unawed by the power of the Crown or the influence of popular

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feeling. He was the more disposed to mention this circumstance with satisfaction, as on the due execution of the office of the jury depended our civil privileges, the confidence of the middle classes of the people (classes which generally remained, he would say, untainted by those pernicious doctrines which were said to be diffused among them) in the administration of the laws, and the protection of these rights and privileges which, according to the expression of the speech from the throne, "have secured to the British nation the enjoyment of a larger share of practical freedom, as well as of prosperity and happiness than has fallen to the lot of any nation in the world." The noble marquis concluded by giving his concurrence to the address.
The Earl of Liverpoolsaid, he hoped their lordships would excuse him if he trespassed on their attention for a short time. After the manner in which the address had been moved by his noble friend—after the speech in which it had been seconded; and after the manner in which the two noble lords opposite had concurred in the address, he trusted he should not be considered as rising on this occasion to detain them for more than a few moments. He could assure their lordships it was not his intention to bring before them any topic which could create a difference of opinion, or which could tend to prevent that unanimity so desirable at the present moment. That unanimity must be desirable to their lordships, from every circumstance connected with the business of the day. This was the first occasion that they had met their sovereign in that House, and it was most desirable that their lordships should be unanimous in going up to him with an address of thanks for his most gracious speech. But when they looked at the tenour of that speech—when they viewed that part where the illustrious individual was personally concerned—he was satisfied they would take that opportunity of going up with the address with unanimity and gratitude for the gracious sentiments which he had expressed. The noble lord who moved the address had well said, that his majesty had that day given a proof of magnanimous disinterestedness in everything which concerned himself. This was important in itself, as it was calculated to rivet him in the affections of his people; it was important, as it afforded an excellent example to those who were under him—and it was important, as it showed
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that strict adherence to the principles of economy were to govern his majesty's councils, principles which would afford the best security for the government and the people. In looking at this part of his majesty's most gracious speech, it was a great satisfaction to find that the address was unanimous.—Having said thus much, he did not wish to detain their lordships by going into the other topics which had been noticed in the speeches of the noble earl and marquis opposite; but he was anxious to correct a mistake into which a noble lord had fallen, relative to what had been observed by his noble friend on the subject of the general education of the lower orders. He had understood his noble friend to have said, that general education was a great national blessing, but that, in proportion as it was general, care should be taken that it was guided by sound principles, lest, by a deviation from those principles, that which was calculated to be a blessing might be made a curse and a great national evil.—Of the situation in which we stood with respect to foreign powers he would not then speak, further than to say, that nothing was more important in our present circumstances, or I in any circumstances, than that we should be on terms of strict friendship with other nations—that we should adopt a real pacific system in all our relations with those powers. As to what was passing in some of the countries of Europe, though it might be important, it was not, he considered, a fit subject for discussion then. The noble marquis had made an allusion to the state of our commerce with respect to some prohibitory laws which had, for a considerable time, been acted upon, and which at present formed a part of I our commercial code. On this subject a great deal more might be said than would be consistent with the discussion of that evening. He did not, therefore, intend to enter upon it. But, though at present he would abstain front it, he could assure their lordships that it was a matter upon which he was by no means indisposed to enter on a proper occasion. It was one, to which he and others of his majesty's ministers had given no inconsiderable degree of attention. His own opinions upon it were well known to many most respectable individuals in the city, and he should I be prepared to declare them to their lordships whenever a fit occasion offered. At the same time he wished to guard their lordships, and those more immediately

25
concerned, from any delusion on the subject. As to whether more good or more evil resulted from the operation of the present system, he would not now say; but perhaps, in some of the general principles respecting it, he did not differ from the noble marquis, though they might not agree in the minor detail. Not that by this he meant to convey that something might not be done, and some alterations might not be made; but their lordships would admit that it was a subject which should be approached coolly and dispassionately, and that too much should not be expected from its first agitation. There was only one other topic on which he was disposed to trouble their lordships—it was with respect to the administration of the laws, and the distinction which should be made between those who were wilfully guilty, and those who were only deluded by the artifices of others. He hoped it would be found that this was the policy which his majesty's government intended to pursue. He trusted that, in looking at the disturbances which had arisen in places where distress was known to exist, it would be found that, of those engaged in them, there were men, aye, and bodies of men, who had been deluded into those practices, and had not been guilty in the first instance. He hoped, also, that the same feeling which should urge the punishment of those who were really guilty, would induce them to allow for the delusion into which others had been led, and that their lordships would agree in the policy of bringing them back I to a sense of that duty from which they had been induced to swerve. The noble marquis had alluded to another and a great subject—the issue of the late trials in several parts of the country. He was unwilling to mix up any topics in the discussion which might detract from the unanimity so desirable on the present occasion; but he trusted he might be allowed to congratulate their lordships on the; result of those trials in one respect—on that respect for its laws, which had been evinced by the middle orders. The conduct of the juries had shown, that whatever extent the influence of delusion might have been supposed to reach, that order was still attached to the laws and constitution of the country; they had proved themselves determined to do their duty, and toe persist in spite of violence intimidation, and threats, to bring offenders against the law to the condign pu-
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nishment which they had incurred by their offences. The integrity of that order was if great importance to all governments; but it was particularly of importance to all, where, if we had any advantage above other nations, and we had many, the advantage was, that the due administration of the laws rested in a main degree upon those who constituted so large a portion of the political society. After apologizing for having occupied so much of their time, the noble earl concluded by congratulating the House upon the prospect of perfect unanimity on the present occasion.
Lord Hollandsaid, he was very unwilling to detain their lordships at the present moment, and in the few observations which he should offer he would abstain from every topic which might tend to disturb the unanimity of the House; but if he concurred, as he was certainly disposed to do, in this address, he must not be supposed to pay any compliment to the wisdom and energy of the last parliament, or to retract any thing which had been said on certain subjects by noble lords on his side of the House. He conceived that some of the last acts of the late parliament had been productive of nothing but mischief; and, if there was any improvenent visible in the country since then, which he hoped might be found to be the case, it was by no means to be attributed to the operation of those acts. With these reservations he would support the motion.
The address was then put, and carried nem. diss.

PETITION OF THE REV. MR. JONES.
Lord Hollandgave notice, that he would take an early opportunity of presenting a petition to the House, affecting in an especial manner the interests of the beneficed clergy. It related, too, very particularly to three right reverend lords if the House. He should be happy to hear from any of the learned prelates, when it would be convenient for them to attend to the subject.
The Bishop of Exetersaid, that any time would be equally convenient to him. Lord Holland accordingly fixed upon to-morrow se'nnight; and their lordships were ordered to be summoned.