Sitting of 24 November 1819

ADDRESS ON THE PRINCE REGENT'S SPEECH AT THE OPENING OF THE SESSION.
The adjourned debate on the Address having been resumed,
Mr. V. Blakesaid, he rose to order, for the purpose of protesting against the vote of last night on the question of adjournment.
The Speakerobserved, that if in the impression he had taken of the hon. gentleman's object, he was incorrect, the hon. gentleman had risen on the point of order, with the view of altering and

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rescinding the vote the House had passed last night. If so, that was a course in which, according to the rules of proceeding, the hon. member was not at liberty to take.
Mr. Blakesaid he rose to protest—
The Speakersaid, it was open to the hon. member to submit a resolution to the House, to prevent any repetition of such a proceeding; but it was requisite, either that a regular notice of such intention should be given, or, at all events, be made the subject of a separate consideration. But no question, save one of privilege, could precede the regular discussion fixed for the day.
Mr. Humethen rose. He began by saying, that his object in pressing the motion of adjournment last night, was to afford many gentlemen the opportunity of meeting the statements and assertions of the noble lord opposite, with the information they possessed, and the conviction they entertained relative to the transactions which formed so prominent a part of his speech. He felt at the time the correctness of the course he pursued, and he was now convinced, that, when the papers presented that evening were read and distributed, the public would see the propriety of the proceeding. In the course of his speech, the noble lord had made statements, and had converted allegations into facts, upon which, from the information he had received, the noble lord would feel the necessity of affording the House further explanation. He was extremely sorry, that in the Speech from the throne, there were some points with which he could not agree; and he did consider it the duty of that House to pause before it gave to them its sanction. The Speech from the throne, stated, that a hostile spirit was abroad; he was sorry to acknowledge that such a spirit existed, but it was for the members of that House to reflect upon the causes which occasioned such discontent. What had they done during the last session to appease it? Had any effort been made to mitigate, much less remove, the accumulated sufferings which pressed so heavily upon the people? To what a situation had such a policy reduced the kingdom! Those hon. members who had so recently travelled through various parts, could bear evidence to the state of agitation that prevailed. The din of war was to be heard in every town!—military recruitings were to be seen every where, as if the
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government were preparing for an arduous contest! And against whom? Against our fellow-subjects! In a period of profound peace with foreign nations, we were adding to our military force — with a declining revenue we were increasing our military expenditure. When that expenditure amounted to twelve millions, the ministers of the Crown were embodying an additional force of 10,000 men. To such a ruinous proposition he could never give his assent.—The next point in the Speech to which he objected, was one which he felt could not be substantiated; he alluded to the passage in which the distresses of the country were attributed to the embarrassment of foreign states. In what way could such alleged embarrassment affect the internal peace and welfare of this country? Did the noble lord in adverting to foreign embarrassments, allude to France? He could not. There was no country in Europe more embarrassed than Great Britain. The true source of our difficulties and distresses was to be traced to our overwhelming taxation, and to the denial of a proper reform in that House. The question was not that the proposed Address was objectionable; but should the amendment be added, in his judgment that amendment was consistent, proper, and moderate.— It was stated last night by the noble lord, that the magistrates had given no orders to the military to dismiss the meeting at Manchester. If that was the case, in what a situation was the country placed! It was that day placed under military authority. Where, then, was the constitutional security? What could have prevented the military, if they pleased, from turning round on the very magistrates themselves and attacking them? In two of the letters from the magistrates presented that night, it was stated that the warrant for the apprehension of the parties was executed without any difficulty. How did this statement correspond with the assertions of the noble lord? He would not rest satisfied with the assertions of the noble lord, or of any man; he must have proofs on which to form a satisfactory opinion; he must give credit to the statements of eye-witnesses of the facts, who had no interest in any misrepresentation. Where was the proof of the magistrate being trampled upon when in the act of reading the Riot act? Where was the proof of what the noble lord asserted, that it was read three times? Nothing

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of the kind was to be found in these letters; they merely glanced at it in these words:—"in the mean time the Riot act was read, and the mob dispersed." A right hon. and learned gentleman, for whose character and talents he entertained the highest respect (Mr. Plunkett) had asserted last night that the meeting of the 16th of August was illegal. He had heard him with surprise state, that meetings might be illegal in four ways, namely, by numbers, by devices, by threats, and by language. What was the numerical criterion? Was a meeting of 30,000 legal; and did an additional fifty constitute its illegality. He denied the law which recognised such a principle, or the page of the statute book that constituted a precise number a proof of illegality. The whole population of the country were supposed, and might, if there was accommodation, be assembled in the court of King's-bench. Did the number there make the assemblage illegal? He acknowledged his ignorance of any such principle; he believed it was not law, at least on this side of the water. If the assembly of the 16th of August was illegal, ministers were highly culpable for not dispersing others equally large or larger, subsequently assembled with the same banners and ceremonies. From the papers, it was clear that, on the morning of the 16th of August, no notion was entertained that the projected meeting was illegal. What, then, had altered its nature before noon? and where were the overt acts that warranted the attack upon the defenceless multitude? He was bound to take the report of the magistrates as the most correct; and he regretted to observe the light and trifling manner in which the important subject was treated by many of them. He gave the noble lord credit for being sincere when he said, that he believed the information he had obtained; but he entreated ministers not to be too credulous. He begged to ask what confidence ought to be placed in Mr. Norris and men like him, who, on the 17th of August went to the Exchange, and had it and all the shops closed, because he was informed that 50,000 radicals were on their march to the place. Were men to be relied upon who talk of danger which they fear, and who are in such a state of terror themselves, as scarcely to know -whether they stand upon their heads or heals? The hon. member for Bramber had said last
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night, that the plan of the Manchester radicals was to remain on the ground until midnight, and then to fire the town; but what authority did he adduce for his statement? Did not the absolute ridiculousness of the plan give it a sufficient contradiction? Was this spirit, which was so much complained of, to be put down by heaping injustice on injustice? There were thousands and tens of thousands of individuals in the country, who suffered the most poignant distress, and, afflicted as they were it was really surprising that they had not been goaded on to acts of violence before this time. There were, he believed, many individuals who wished to take advantage of their distresses to inflame and irritate them; but if their efforts had any success, it was to be attributed to the conduct of his majesty's ministers. They were itinerant quacks, or field orators, who stimulated the passions of the people; but they would have been banished from society—they would not have been listened to—if they had not derived a spurious importance from the conduct of his majesty's ministers. The hon. member for Bramber had viewed, with dreadful alarm, the occurrences which had recently taken place, and wished the House to look on them with a similar feeling. But he would ask, could any just comparison be drawn between the state of England at the present moment, and that of France at the period of the revolution? In his mind, there could not. If the government of France, in that momentous hour, had conciliated, instead of oppressing and insulting, the people, in all probability the serious consequences which followed would not have been produced. If ever there was a question which called for mature and serious consideration before gentlemen came to a decision, it was undoubtedly the present. By agreeing to the amendment, of which he heartily approved, they would not pledge themselves to any line of conduct in future. They must be well aware that, from one end of the country to the other, an anxious desire to obtain justice, whoever the offenders might be, had been decidedly expressed. He begged to caution those members who imagined that a contrary spirit prevailed, and who were opposed to an inquiry into the circumstances which happened at Manchester, against being influenced by such a delusion. Let them look to the way in which counter-addresses had been got up

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in different parts of the kingdom. In most instances, the parties who were anxious to have them signed had not appeared openly and boldly. They had not declared, in the face of day, what they meant to do. No; they felt that injustice had been perpetrated, and they knew that it demanded inquiry, although they took measures which must defeat that object. He would not decide whether it was or was not proper to institute an inquiry at the bar of that House; but if it was not fitting that such a proceeding should be adopted, they could, as they had done on other occasions, order prosecutions to be instituted before a proper tribunal.
Lord Castlereaghsaid, he wished to say a few words in explanation. He was sure the hon. member who had just spoken had misrepresented him, not intentionally, but in consequence of having misconceived what he had stated on the preceding evening. He wished to set the hon. member right, rather because his observations affected the interests of others, than from any feeling personal to himself. He had last night stated, and he had good authority for doing so, that the meeting was dispersed in a manner not originally contemplated by the magistrates. Their intention was, that the assembly should be dispersed in the ordinary legal manner, the riot act being read, and every necessary form gone through. It was, as he had stated last night, the conflict with the troops at the hustings, which produced that state of things not originally contemplated by the magistrates. The hon. member had inferred, what was not warranted by the facts, that the meeting was dispersed without the interposition of the magistrates. That was not the case. He thought, however, that when the troops were attacked, they had a right to repel force by force, even if there were no magistrate present. The hon. member had accused him of not having produced proof of every fact he had stated. This would not have been consonant with the course he conceived it right to adopt. He contended, that the House of Commons wais not the place where such proof ought to be adduced, and he merely undertook to repel assertion by assertion, in order to-clear the characters of a number of individuals from the unjust attacks that had been made on them—attacks that were not warranted by the circumstances. The' hon. member had argued, that because he
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admitted the meeting to have been dispersed in a way not at first contemplated by the magistrates, he therefore conceded the point, that it was not dispersed in a legal manner. He had conceded no such point. He said, that the military, when assailed, were justified in repelling force by force; and he would now state, what he had forgotten to mention on the preceding night, that it was by the order of the magistrates that the meeting was dispersed. The facts were these:—A small force about forty of the Manchester yeomanry was appointed to accompany the peace-officer to the hustings. When they arrived there, a conflict took place between the people and the yeomanry. A magistrate who was in conversation with colonel 'Estrange and colonel Dalrymple, at a window which afforded a full view of the place, saw these forty yeomen, in the midst of 50,000 persons, assailed, and he might say, overpowered. He observed to the officers, "Don't you think those yeomen are placed in a most perilous situation?" They agreed with him that their situation was critical and dangerous, and, in consequence, an immediate order was given to support the yeomanry and disperse the assembly. The 15th dragoons and the Cheshire Cavalry advanced to the rescue of the Manchester yeomanry; and in so doing, acted distinctly under the authority of the magistrate, who, on a fair view of the case, felt himself bound to give the necessary order. The hon. member seemed to consider, that the documents now laid before the House contained the whole of the information on which government formed its judgment. What he had stated last night showed the contrary. Government proceeded in a considerable measure, on the statements of the two individuals who had been sent up to give necessary information, and who were enabled to state the facts. How was it possible that a magistrate, at 12 o'clock at night, after what had occurred in the course of the day, and while the town was still in a riotous and tumultuous state, could detail, in a hasty letter, all the circumstances connected with the case, and which operated in his mind in forming a judgment of what ought to be done? He entreated the House not to give way to the idea that the case was to rest on the documents now laid before them. He had always stated that it was not, and he further said, that the transaction was not to receive judgment in that House. Go-

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vernment conceived, from the facts laid before them, that the conduct pursued at Manchester was right; but that opinion did not conclude the conduct of the magistrates, which was still open to investigation.
Earl Templeapologized to the House for presuming to occupy any portion of its valuable time; but, under the peculiar circumstances in which the country was placed, he conceived it to be the duty of every member of parliament to state, and to state openly, his reason for the vote he meant to give. He had heard the speeches of different gentlemen who had addressed the House, but none of them had given him so much surprise as that delivered by the right hon. gentleman on his right hand. He had absolutely treated the situation of the country with levity. Were they, then, to look lightly upon those who went about the country preaching doctrines destructive of the constitution? Were not persons of that class to be considered dangerous to the state? He could not look upon the machinations of persons of that description as matters of indifference. The occasion was one which demanded the prompt aid and assistance of every member of that House to put down the spirit of insubordination which prevailed to an alarming extent; and unless the government of the country were firmly supported at this crisis, neither he nor any other man could foresee or answer for the consequences that might follow.
Mr. Bennetsaid, that having procured much information on the subject now under discussion, he was anxious to set the hon. member for Dover (Mr. B. Wilbraham) right on several points, which he had stated incorrectly on the preceding evening. Although he would not go the length of declaring that all the statements which had been presented to the 'public, with respect to the sufferers at Manchester, were true in every part, yet this he would say, that a case was substantially made out, which demanded inquiry; that case was supported by the evidence given on oath at the coroner's inquest, the proceedings at which, taken in short-hand he had read; it appeared from that evidence that great cruelty had been exercised. The hon. member for Dover began by stating, what he thought, on cooler judgment, he would reject, namely, that the persons who assembled at the meeting had no other object but that of plunder:
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such was the general and sweeping declaration of the hon. member. He (Mr. Bennet) would not assert that alarm might not be created by the meetings of large bodies of the people; but this he would: say, that nothing could be more degrading to the character of the country, or more injurious to individuals who were employed in administering justice in those parts of the kingdom where these meetings were held, than to declare that assemblies of persons, consisting of he knew not how many thousands, were formed merely for purposes of plunder and devastation. That, when great numbers of persons met together, there might be some bad and mischievous individuals amongst them, he meant not to deny; but he would confidently maintain, that the great majority of them assembled for the purpose of stating their political opinion. They held opinions which he certainly detested—opinions that were injurious to the best interests of the country; but he believed they adhered to them from honest and conscientious feelings; and he felt that he had no more right to put them down by force, than he had to. persecute a man who held religious opinions of a different nature from those which he acknowledged. He believed those people met together for the purpose of taking the best means of carrying into effect those political sentiments which they supposed to be correct. The hon. member, who had thus accused between 30,000 and 40,000 persons, proceeded to give an account of the meeting. He stated, that the advance of the cavalry from the front of the house to the hustings, was attended by no attack on any person. This was not correct. It was proved by one of the witnesses who appeared for the magistrates, that not only great personal alarm was excited, but that violence was committed. James Hall, who gave his evidence before the coroner, who had been placed in a situation where he could watch the meeting, for he was but fifty yards from it, distinctly stated that he saw Meagher, the trumpeter, knock down a man, with, as he thought, the flat of his sword. That was before the cavalry arrived at the hustings. But this was not all. It was stated in evidence that three individuals were cut down by the yeomanry as they advanced. A woman with a child in her arms was also wounded; and, although the grand jury had thrown out the bills preferred on her behalf, still

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he had a right to state it as a substantial matter that called for inquiry; when persons filling the situation of magistrates, and individuals who held the rank of ministers, offered statements to the House that were contradicted on oath, no doubt could be entertained that there was substantial reason for inquiry and investigation. If ever there was a case that demanded a severe scrutiny, it was that which now occupied the attention of the country, connected as it was with the loss of so many lives. The hon. member had stated, that there were but twenty-six persons hurt, who were taken to the infirmary. He believed that not less than fifty eight persons were admitted, in consequence of wounds and bruises. It was a fact, that eight persons had lost their lives, and he was sure he spoke within compass when he said, that between 3 and 400 individuals were rode over, wounded by sabres, or otherwise maimed. A committee had been formed at Manchester, to ascertain the number of the sufferers. The list prepared by them had not yet been sent to London, but it would be transmitted in the course of a few days, and then it would be seen whether his statement, or that of the hon. member who said that very few accidents had occurred, was the correct one. It would be found that a great deal of unnecessary cruelty had been resorted to. The people who attempted to escape by a passage not more than forty feet wide, were driven together in one mass, to the imminent danger of their lives. This was the only real outlet; the others, were difficult of egress, in consequence of the situation of different houses. But one effect could be produced by a body of cavalry pursuing a great concourse of people into such a narrow pass; and it was in evidence that the poor creatures were forced down, and were seen lying in heaps, one on the top of the other, black in the face, and with all the appearance of suffocation. So great was the pressure, that the railings were broken down, and numbers of the people were dragged, wounded, and bloody, through the panels of doors, which had been forced in by their efforts. Two individuals were, on oath, accused of having cut at every person who passed. This was all stated before the coroner's jury, and no attempt was made to controvert it. Respectable persons living within eighteen or twenty yards of the hustings, were unjustifiably assailed. Gentlemen
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turned round on those who condemned such proceedings, and, because the facts he now adduced were not stated in the course of the debate; because individuals had not an opportunity of critically reading the evidence, they thought proper to taunt them, affected to believe that not the shadow of a case could be made out, and declared the whole of the statement that had been laid before the public to be false. The hon. member had stated, that a yeoman of the name of Hulme, had been struck from his horse by the blow of a stone, before the cavalry made any attack. The hon. member's information was incorrect. It was proved, on oath, that Mr. Holme was one of the persons who was actively employed in dispersing the meeting, and that he rode into the yard of the Quakers meeting house, cutting and hacking the people, whose blood now lay on the stones and rails. It was in a street near the yard that he received his wound, long after the military had advanced, and Hunt and Moorhouse were in custody.— He would not now go into a detail of the evidence, which at a future period must of necessity be fully considered. He agreed in the statement of those who held that a meeting, by reason of the language and conduct of the person who attended it, might become illegal; but he was not prepared to say that there was any part of the proceedings at Manchester, that stamped the meeting there with an illegal character. It had been observed, that the meeting of large bodies of men was attended with inconvenience, if not danger. There was no person but would allow that the assemblies of great numbers of people, in a manufacturing district was exceedingly inconvenient; but inconvenience did not constitute criminality. It was also observed, that those people came to the ground with flags and banners. He admitted that they did, and that same of those banners had very improper inscriptions on them. But such a parade never could justify the severe measures that had been adopted. Again they were told that the people advanced to the place of meeting in military array? But how was it possible for 5,000, or 6,000 persons to move, except in an irregular and tumultuous manner, without they were put into something like military array? He did not, therefore, think, that the mere circumstance of their being attended by music, or their marching eight or ten a-breast, with their arms linked together

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was a sufficient reason for calling the meeting at Manchester an illegal assembly. The noble lord had told them, that the magistrates did not originally intend to disperse the meeting; but were compelled to do so, when it assumed a character similar to that stated by certain individuals who had given their information, all of whom, except Mr. Owen were concealed. Now, the meeting began to assemble at half past eleven o'clock, and continued till one. Had not, then, the magistrates, long before one o'clock, an opportunity of satisfying themselves whether the meeting was legal or illegal? If they conceived it to be the latter, why did they not stop the people as they were advancing to it? Or why not order the Riot act to be read, and prevent the meeting altogether? There was no necessity to apprehend Hunt at the meeting. He might have been arrested on the charge now preferred against him, without any difficulty. In his opinion, if the magistrates conceived that such a meeting was illegal from the first, they had acted most indiscreetly in not preventing it. It was now distinctly known, that the Riot act was never read till the charge of the soldiers took place. Three persons were wounded by the advance of the cavalry before it was read. Mr. Hay's statement put it beyond a doubt that it was not read till after the charge. One of the magistrates, a clergyman, Mr. Ethelstone declared that he read it; but he had' not said, when or where—nor had he ventured to swear to the fact. He did not mean to say that the Riot act was not read at all; but he believed that the reading did not take place until after the yeomanry had begun their attack on the people. The noble lord bad spoken of the attack on the military, and the hon. member for Dover also stated, that such an attack was made. He (Mr. Bennet) did not believe it. Nadin, in his evidence, deposed, that he only knew of one stone being flung. Another witness, Mr. Entwisle, spoke of stones, brick-bats, and sticks being made use of; but he was not borne out by the testimony of any other person, and he was contradicted by the testimony of most respectable merchants, who, out of curiosity, proceeded to the field where the meeting took place. He believed the real facts of the case were these—that after the persons on the hustings had been seized, the multitude was attacked, and the word was given by some person
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or other whom he knew not, "have at their flags." The constables then seized the flags, and the yeomanry made an irruption into the crowd, and committed the evil which was now so universally deplored. That proceeding lamentable as it undoubtedly was, originated, he had no doubt, from a loss of temper on their parts, and an ignorance of the kind of enemy with whom they had to contend. This view of the subject received great illustration from a statement made by Nadin, in the evidence which he gave on the inquest at Oldham: he had there stated, that it never was in contemplation to allow the yeomanry to advance without the support of the dragoons; that no order was ever issued by their commandant, captain Birley, enjoining them to march; that owing to some impetuosity, which he pretended not to explain, they made a simultaneous rush forward; that immediately afterwards, they lost their head, and became ungovernable; and that they became so from that want of command over them, which regular troops never experienced.—The hon. member then observed, that after having made these remarks on this subject, he felt it necessary to say a few words more upon another, which had been mentioned by the right hon. gentleman opposite, and his hon. friend who had preceded him—he meant the seditious and blasphemous publications which had been so much complained of. There was not a man in that House who felt greater abhorrence than he did of such publications; still he begged leave to say, that he had, while in Lancashire, been informed, that irreligious doctrines were not prevalent among the lower orders of the community in that county; and that this information had been derived from many individuals who had taken a philanthropic interest in the union schools established there, and who had particularly inquired into the nature of the religious works circulated among them. It was difficult, he allowed, to disprove the existence of irreligious principles; but if he might be allowed to judge of what the principles of the people were from the primers which were used by them in the education of their children, and which were now in his possession, he would say, that there were no books in the English language better calculated than they were to instruct youth in their moral and religious duties. There was no union school in which, the lessons did not commence

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with a hymn, a religious hymn, in which the gospel was not regularly read, and in which a sermon was not regularly preached. Perhaps it would be interesting to the House to know something of the origin of these union schools. Most of them would be aware of the difficulty which had once existed in getting the children of the poor to the Sunday-schools; that difficulty had, however, soon abated, and the poor were made sensible of the benefits which accrued to them from education. Out of that conviction the union schools had arisen; they owed not their origin to the charitable endowments of the rich, but to the con-joint exertions and subscriptions of the poor; and if the right hon. gentleman would either communicate to him in private, or would favour him in public with the name of the school in which this blasphemous primer was said to be taught, he would undertake to show him that his information was incorrect, on the testimony of the patrons and inspectors of the school, who, he had no doubt, would be able to satisfy both the House and the country that no such work had ever been taught, either by their direction or with their knowledge. To the poor, indeed, religion was their best consolation; as it taught them that there was another world beyond the present, in which they might expect to enjoy those benefits and blessings which were denied them here. He could show, that in no part of England was this consolation more strongly enjoyed than in the county palatine of Lancaster; and that in no part of it was a religious feeling either more general or more warm than in the manufacturing districts. He did not know whether what he had now stated would carry conviction to the mind of the right hon. gentleman; but he would undertake to convince him in private, if he had not already convinced him on the subject; and therefore he trusted the House would give him credit for the assertion when he declared, that whatever mischief certain designing men might have intended to propagate by the dissemination of irreligious and blasphemous publications, the inhabitants of no county stood more clear than the inhabitants of Lancashire on the question of irreligion. It was requisite to state this fact thus publicly, because nothing had inflicted so severe a wound upon the minds of the persons of whom he was then speaking, as the slanders which had been uttered on this subject.
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Indeed, the public press had long teemed with the foulest calumnies on this head; and, what was still more worthy of reprobation, the authors of those calumnies knew them to be destitute of all foundation, even at the very moment that they were committing them to paper.— There was likewise another subject on which he was desirous of speaking, shortly. He felt it his duty to state, that it was his decided opinion that it was impossible. to govern England in 1819 by the same means as it had been governed in 1719; neither was it any reason that the county should suffer bad government now, because our ancestors had at that time, or formerly, suffered a worse. There was a degree of intellect now in the country which rendered it necessary that the. House should look into the state of the representation, and should examine whether it was not expedient, from the more general diffusion of wealth and property, to give to wealth and property more weight in the representative system. From a contrast which had lately fallen under his view he had learned, that the county of Lancaster, with a population amounting to little short of a million inhabitants, sent fewer members to parliament than those which were returned by five great families in Cornwall. This system could not be what it ought to be; and some alteration in it was absolutely necessary, if the government wished either to retain or recover the affections of the people. That alteration, however, ought not to be annual parliaments or universal suffrage; as such innovations would lead to anarchy one day, and to military despotism the next. Still, though such was his opinion, he felt himself bound to recommend to the House, if it wished to avoid civil dissention, if it wished to avoid that greatest of all evils, the shedding of English blood by English hands, to examine fairly and freely into the state of the representation, and to show the people that, though it would oppose all such innovations as would tend to subvert the constitution, it was quite alive to that greatest of all great questions—the propriety of giving to the people a better, a greater, and a more general control than they now possessed over parliament, by extending, to a certain degree, the power of suffrage [Hear!]—He could not conclude the remarks which he had to offer to their notice, without earnestly imploring them to pause before they de-

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cided. No man could look at the present state of the country without alarm, and therefore it became doubly necessary that they should adhere to safe counsels. Nothing that looked like an empty display of power, nothing that resembled a wanton abuse of patronage, ought to be exhibited: above all should be avoided such measures as the dismissal of earl Fitzwilliam from the lieutenancy of the West Riding of the county of York; because that situation was not bestowed on that illustrious nobleman as a mere honour or civic decoration, but as a pledge that, though he was employed by the Crown, he was still to remain the servant, the faithful servant of the people. Indeed, by adding great virtues to his great possessions, he was also calculated, in more ways than one, to be their natural leader—The hon. member then went on to say, that he cordially supported the amendment which had been proposed, though he hardly understood now to tack it on to the address, since he disputed the facts, protested against the conclusions, and abhorred the remedies which were proposed in that document. Indeed, he did not understand how he could support any thing which he detested so cordially. What he wished to obtain at present was, union among all ranks and classes of the people; and therefore he could not support the address, as he considered it more calculated than any thing else which could be devised to spread disunion and contention among them [Hear, hear!].
Mr. Bootle Wilbrahamsaid, he would not again have intruded on the notice of the House, had it not been for certain statements which had just fallen from the hon. gentleman who had preceded him; and expressed a hope that the House would pardon him, if he transgressed a little beyond the limits of a mere explanation. He allowed that the hon. gentleman had one advantage over him: he (Mr. B. Wilbraham) had not been at Manchester at all this year, whereas the hon. gentleman had been there for some weeks.
Mr. Bennet.—I was not there for twenty-four hours.
Mr. Bootle Wilbraham.—He knew, however, that the solicitor who had conducted the prosecution at Oldharn had been frequently with the hon. member, and therefore that he was well acquainted with the evidence which had been given there. The hon. gentleman had applied
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to him regarding some facts which were stated to have occurred before the grand jury: those facts he did not feel himself at liberty to communicate, from having been upon it. He would, however, read to them one instance of falsehood, out of many, which had been communicated to him by a noble friend. The House would recollect the indictment which had been presented against Edward Tebbutt, by Elizabeth Farren, who had been hurt in consequence of having fallen into a cellar. After Pearson's fishing advertisement for indictments, this woman had said she was cut by a man in large whiskers; whereas, Tebbutt never had large whiskers in the course of his life.
Mr. Egertonsaid, that he should not be doing his duty to the magistrates of the county which he had the honour to represent, if he did not declare, that they were as anxious as the House could be to have an inquiry instituted into their conduct; at the same time he thought it right to say, that this was not the proper court in which to institute such an inquiry. If their conduct was investigated in the proper court, and evidence regularly heard regarding it, he had no doubt but that they would come out of such investigation with the purest and most unsullied characters. The worthy member then detailed the proceedings of the magistracy of the two counties of Lancaster and Chester, previous to the 16th of August, as also the military array and tumultuous march of the reformers on that day; and argued, that if the magistrates had not dispersed them in the manner they did, they would have incurred a most dreadful responsibility. He also urged, that all the injuries sustained on that day ought not to be attributed to the magistracy, because, whenever a panic was created among a large multitude, the rush to escape was always attended by dangerous consequences.
Sir W. De Crespignysaid, that the best way in which he could characterise the dispersion of the meeting at Manchester by the magistrates and yeomanry, was by calling it an illegal attack upon an unarmed multitude [Coughing.] He trusted that the House, upon so momentous a question as the present, would support him, whilst he mentioned certain facts, which he pledged himself to be able to prove at the bar of the House. A venerable gentleman, a clergyman, had gone to the meeting out of curiosity and

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a desire to see Hunt. He had waded through the crowd till he arrived at the hustings, and just as he got there, Hunt ascended them. Having satisfied his curiosity, he was departing, when he was induced to turn round, by hearing a body of cavalry advancing with great velocity. The yeomanry halted; a short address was made to them; and then a voice called on them to advance. Shortly afterwards he saw Hunt taken, the flags struck down, and the yeomanry turning their havoc upon their own countrymen and townsmen. He then endeavoured to make his escape as fast as his feeble limbs could carry him, by the street opposite to the hustings. When he got there, he found the soldiers posted across the street; he asked them to let him pass; they refused, and forced him back to the field from which he had just escaped; he went back in the expectation that he should immediately be cut down. When he got there, he recollected that he had a friend who lived on the spot; to his house he directed his steps, and was fortunately seen by his friend whilst on the road. The door was opened to receive him, when a yeoman pursued him so eagerly, that he forced his horse up to the steps. From all this, lie was of opinion, that inquiry was necessary; and he could not think that any gentleman in that House could bring himself to vote against the amendment. Was there one man in that House, was there one man without that House, who did not demand an investigation of matters so deeply affecting the dearest interests of the nation? He would conclude by seconding the amendment, which was essential to the defence of the rights of the Crown, of the people, and of the constitution.
Lord Nugentobserved, that his majesty's ministers had asserted that the meeting on the 16th of August was illegal. But, not satisfied with asserting the illegality of the meeting, they had asserted that the illegality had been admitted by his hon. and learned friend who had spoken last night. He most unequivocally denied this assertion. No such admission had been made. He allowed that if the noble lord opposite established his statements, then the meeting was illegal; but the proof of those statements depended upon the re-result of an inquiry. If on inquiry the noble lord's statements should be made out, all would be satisfied. But inquiry was indispensable for this purpose. The
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noble lord's evidence was not admissible on the subject. It was not admissible in the first place, because it was not evidence in chief, but the remote testimony of consequential circumstances. It was not admissible in the second place, because the noble lord had made himself a party to the transaction in question, by giving his approbation, when that approbation could not be the result of investigation and inquiry. Stress had been laid on the grand jury of Lancaster having thrown out the bills of indictment against the magistrates, as if the grand jury had been trying the legality or illegality of the meeting. But no such thing had come under the consideration of the grand jury. They were called upon to inquire only into the grounds for putting certain individuals on their trial for a capital offence, he believed, under lord Ellenborough's act. Could the noble lord suppose that the grand jury could, on such an occasion, have gone into all the circumstances of the meeting? But, granting that they had, and that they were of opinion that the meeting had been illegal, he begged to be allowed to say, that the unanimous declaration of another jury, upon evidence on both sides of the question before them— he meant the coroner's jury—had pronounced the meeting to have been legal. The opinion of the latter jury was at least equal to that of the former on this question, admitting the former to have declared the meeting illegal. But supposing it demonstrable that the meeting had not been legal, even then, granting that, and granting that the Riot act had been read, audibly and sensibly to the audience, and granting further that one hour had elapsed after it was so read before the dispersion, still not one step was taken to- wards exculpating ministers for their hasty approval of those proceedings. The case before them was of the greatest importance. A meeting had been put down by the sword—a meeting assembled to discuss objects which every enlightened and honest man must endeavour to prevent, but legally assembled to discuss those objects; such a meeting was dispersed by the sword. He would not state it as a case of rumour of bloodshed, of the ignorant, the unwary, and the helpless—men, women, and children mix- ed in indiscriminate carnage. It was not necessary to state it so as to excite feelings perhaps already too prevalent. But it was a case which called imperiously for

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the explanation of one thing—why military force had been at all employed. And if military force was to be employed, why the Manchester yeomanry, the most improper of any, were employed? Useful as yeomanry corps might be, attached as he was to such means of defence, he must say that the yeomanry were the most improper that could be employed on this occasion. Many of them were under the influence and direction of prejudiced men; many were themselves masters, offended and irritated by their workmen; all had feelings of affection or hatred to gratify. Here he would state a fact which he had from the most respectable authority—an authority which he pledged himself to produce at the bar of that House, if inquiry was granted; upon that authority he stated that rations of wine and brandy had been issued to these men before they were called upon to perform this business. Such, indeed, had been the treatment received by the constables from the soldiery, that several of them assembled next day and broke their staves, declaring that they would no longer act under the magistrates. He did not mean to say that they, in doing so, were right, but he mentioned the circumstance to show the feelings entertained of the conduct of the magistrates. He pledged himself to produce to the House his authority for this fact also, if an opportunity should be given for doing so. Upon the fact, then, that many lives were lost by the sword, his Royal Highness was advised to give thanks to those whose swords those lives had been taken away. The House had been told that these circumstances were not a fit matter of inquiry by parliament—that the courts of law were open to the sufferers; but let the House recollect the quarter from which this statement came. Who was the great authority who now pointed to this resource? Who was this ultima ratio Juris? Why, it was the very authority who two years ago had introduced indemnity bills for the purpose of preventing all legal redress! Let it be also recollected the it when actions were brought against lord Sidmouth and other magistrates, this high authority told them that juries were not the fit tribunal for such questions. Then they were to come to parliament with their complaints. The language of ministers then was—" these are not matters to be decided in a court of law, that is not the proper tribunal, come to parlia-
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ment, there it is that you are to look for redress." But what was their language now? "You have no right to discuss these matters in parliament, the courts of law are the proper tribunals to which to appeal!!" Thus, as it suited their convenience, ministers drew directly opposite conclusions from the same premises. But was this to be tolerated? Was there to be one law for the magistrates and another for the people? What did the address recommend? Was the liberty of the press to be limited? Were bills to be introduced to give magistrates indemnity for the past and security for the future? Was the Habeas Corpus Act again to be suspended? He sincerely hoped that no attempt would be made to resort to any of those measures. Again, it had been urged that there was a spirit of blasphemy and irreligion widely disseminated through the country. Was this a fact? That there was a feeling of dissatisfaction in the country he admitted; but from what did it arise? Let them not mistake causes for effects. This spirit was created by misgovernment. The people of this country were naturally of a religious, peaceable, and loyal disposition, and generally desirous to obey the laws. This had ever been their character. What was it that had changed their character? He was sorry to hear the hon. member for Bramber, on a former night, support with that eloquence which was so peculiar to him, the opinion that blasphemy and irreligion so generally prevailed. The hon. member's religious horror seemed to have overcome the conviction of fact and evidence. But he hoped that, upon more deliberate consideration, the hon. member would suffer himself to be convinced of the propriety and justice of inquiring into the circumstances of the transactions in question. Let him look at the trial of that poor wretch who had stood charged with publishing blasphemy; let him look at the effect of blasphemies on the crowd assembled in the court; let him recollect the thrill of horror which was excited among them; let him recollect the instant verdict of guilty found against him, while no sympathy or regret was expressed by the spectators. Let the hon. member look at these things, and he would find in them no proof of the prevalence of sedition and blasphemy. He admitted that in a few of the manufacturing districts there were some feelings of this kind entertained; he also knew that there were

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persons who for certain purposes pretended to do honour to the rotten bones of the infamous Paine. But how were these opinions to be met? Alas! not by chains, and dungeons, and bayonets. The remedy was, employment for the laborious poor. Let ministers take measures to revive our manufactures; let them open commercial treaties with South America in the one hemisphere, or oblige our faithful ally on the other to open her ports to our trade. He congratulated the House on having assembled so early; but in order to be of use, they must meet the difficulties fairly which pressed upon them. They must look the situation of the country in the face, and induce ministers to do the same. Let ministers look fairly at the situation which they had themselves occasioned. Their measures had given rise to principles, and called forth characters, previously unknown in this country. Let them now look at those principles and characters which their misgovernment had brought into action. Let them look at the poor meeting to petition for objects which, if granted, would soon present the image of ruin to the country and to themselves. But they must also look to the causes of these evils. Let them find confidence to say, and let them find an audience to believe, that these things were owing to the sedition and turbulence of such men as lord Fitzwilliam. They had been told that this subject did not belong to that House. It did, however, most evidently belong to the very question now before them; for that noble earl had been dismissed for petitioning for the very same inquiry, the expediency of which was now under discussion. To say one word upon the character of that illustrious person was indeed unnecessary. But when they saw a nobleman dismissed whose whole life formed the basis of his popularity, and dismissed for an act deserving thanks from his sovereign and his country, it was impossible not to view the occurrence as an indication of the character of the transactions at Manchester, and of the intentions of ministers. When ministers attempted to degrade lord Fitzwilliam for expressing old English jealousy of military attacks on the people, they degraded only themselves. Let the House consider the purpose for which they met. If they separated without inquiry, they might give rise to violence and bloodshed, which every member of that House must depre-
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cate. Let it not go forth to the public, that a number of persons were killed, that his majesty's ministers issued thanks to those who had killed them, and came to that House and desired the House to make itself a party to screening them; and that the House consented to suppress inquiry for that purpose.
Mr. Warrenremarked, that the hon. members on the other side had set out by admitting the illegality of the meeting on the 16th of August, but having slept upon the matter, they now came down with a retraction of that admission. Notwithstanding this, however, he had no doubt but he should satisfy the House of the illegality of that meeting. Indeed, if any doubt were entertained on that point, the speech of the right hon. and learned member was calculated to remove it, notwithstanding that that speech was spoken of by another hon. and learned gentleman as special pleading. The hon. gentleman who had opened the debate tonight said, Where is the law? Where is the statute by which a meeting of the description of the 16th is declared illegal?—There was certainly no statute, if that was any satisfaction to the hon. gentleman; but his right hon. and learned friend had argued, that the meeting was illegal on the principles of the common law. But he wished to call to the recollection on the hon. gentleman, that letter which was written by Mr. Hunt, the head of the radicals—that itinerant orator, that mountebank, as the right hon. gentleman opposite had properly called him, before the meeting of the 16th. At Coventry, in his way to Lancashire, he wrote a letter, in which he asserted that it was necessary to make a demonstration of physical force. If the hon. gentleman knew that on the 9th it was intended to add a representative to the House from a borough, which now sent none—was that legal? Even the persons intending to assemble, themselves shrunk from that attempt; and on the 16th, the professed object for which the meeting was called, was conceived in different terms. But would any man say, that the subject discussed on the 16th was different from that proposed to be taken on the 9th? Was any man blind enough to say, that the same object which was proposed to be discussed on the 9th, was not in reality discussed on the 16th? With respect to the meeting on the 16th, it could not be denied but that on that day several thousand

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persons were assembled—some said 70,000 in all—in Manchester, with Mr. Hunt at the head of them, and that they marched in a sort of military array—that some of the persons who assembled at that meeting had been trained before. Let them consider next what the banners were. One of them had a female figure on it with a bloody dagger in her hand—that was necessarily connected with an alteration of the law. Another had on it an inscription of "Equal Representation or Death." Now he would ask any hon. member, if Mr. Hunt had said to the meeting, we will endeavour by every means in our power to obtain an equal representation, even if we should be put to death in making the attempt, would not that have been a seditious speech? But what was the difference between a sentiment of this kind in the mouth of a speaker or on a banner? What was the difference between words uttered in a speech at a meeting, and words emblemed on the banner under which the people met? The meeting was clearly an illegal meeting. Then were the magistrates justified in the course which they pursued? On the statement of circumstances calculated to excite alarm made to them on oath, they issued a warrant to arrest Mr. Hunt. So far, at least, the magistrates had conducted themselves with prudence and propriety. The next question was, as the meeting was illegal, in what manner it was to be dispersed? If the meeting was illegal, as he conceived it was, it became the duty of the magistrates to disperse it. The magistrates had two different steps to take—one was, to arrest Mr. Hunt; another, to disperse the meeting. Then came the question, whether the manner of the dispersion was such as to be justified by the circumstances which then occurred, or not? And here he contended, that the House was not the proper place for an inquiry into this part of the subject, as the courts of law were open. This was a matter to be determined by judges and juries, and not to be inquired into at the bar of the House. An hon. and learned gentleman had said, that the magistrates might have acted in such a way as to call for an inquiry into their conduct at the bar of the House, though the wrong done by them might not be such as could be taken cognizance of by courts of law. But would any member say, that any thing could be an offence here which
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was not an offence at common law? If inquiry was entered on, and it should appear that criminality attached to the magistrates, what would be the result? The House must order them to be prosecuted. And thus, after all the evidence taken at the bar of the House, they must be sent back to the tribunal, out of the hands of which the inquiry was taken. The decision of the grand jury on the bills sent up to them was, so far, a proof that the magistrates were innocent. It had been asked, how it happened that the attorney-general had been able to have a variety of bills found against a variety of persons, while Mr. Hunt was not able to succeed in the same object? It had been suggested, that it was because this individual had not property sufficient to enable him to prosecute, now, the very attempt already made by Mr. Hunt showed that that there was money somewhere to enable him to carry on the prosecution if necessary. One attorney, or more had been employed; so that it would not appear that there was any want of money to carry proceedings on, if they had been thought likely to succeed. The inference was, as no steps had been taken, that the magistrates were innocent. This was a prima facie case in favour of the magistrates. Was it to be laid down as a rule, that whenever, by any accident, a loss of life or limb took place, the House were called on to interfere? A right hon. gentleman, who spoke very early in the debate, had said, that the House was in such a situation from the state of the representation, that it had lost the confidence of the country, and that very little regard was paid to its decisions; and yet, in the very same breath in which he said the country reposed no confidence in the House, did he propose to bring forward this inquiry. Such was the consistency of the right hon. gentleman.
Mr. Philipssaid, that if he comprehended correctly the purport of the speech of the hon. and learned gentleman who had just sat down, that hon. and learned gentleman had certainly misunderstood his hon. friend. It did not follow, from the hon. and learned gentleman's own showing even, that the conduct of the magistrates of Manchester was justifiable; because, admitting that the meeting of the 16th of August was an illegal meeting, it did not necessarily result that it was a riotous one; for although in his own view of the law, a riotous meeting was therefore an

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illegal one, yet it was not thence to be inferred, as matter of course, that if illegal, it must be riotous. Admitting even that the meeting was illegal, did the magistrates exercise a sound discretion in proceeding as they did with that meeting; he felt a great delicacy in delivering any opinion on the conduct of the magistrates of Manchester, because he was aware, that the conduct of the people at Manchester and its vicinity, some time previous to the meeting of the 16th was such as to excite a very general, and, as he thought, a very well-founded alarm. The moment he was informed of the drillings, and other transactions carrying on in Lancashire, he was convinced that they were of a character incompatible with good order and tranquillity; and he had no hesitation in now declaring his belief, that never was there a time at which it was more important to the real welfare of the country, that the civil authorities should be protected, supported, and upheld; and that under the difficult circumstances in which they were placed, the magistrates should proceed in such a manner as to command the approbation of all respectable men. He had up to this time cautiously avoided doing or saying any thing respecting the proceedings of the 16th, least they might be considered to pledge him to do or say any thing on the subject; for he conceived that he had an important duty to discharge in that House, and that he ought not to do any thing which might have a tendency to bias him on the subject, or which might operate as an obstacle in the way of his obtaining from individuals a communication of such facts as they might be able to give him. In comparing the information which he had received upon the subject—with the papers before the House— he did not mean to state the thing more positively—but there did appear to him to be such differences as authorized inquiry. He had his views of the facts; but without stating what they were, he might be allowed to observe, that it appeared to him, the noble lord who had spoken in an early part of the evening must have been very much misinformed. In what the noble lord had said he seemed to have detracted very much from the value of the thanks which had been given to the magistrates. Now, he found it stated on the one hand, that the warrants could not be executed without the assistance of the military power; and on the
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other, that an avenue was preserved from the House where the magistrates assembled, up to, or very nearly up to, the hustings upon which the parties were stationed. This appeared from Mr. Hay's letter. It had never been clearly explained what was the motive upon which the magistrates had acted in that case. It would have been surely advisable, before the military aid was called in, to have tried whether, by means of this avenue, the warrants, as had been stated to be the fact, could not have been executed by the civil power alone. It had never been asserted, that in the first instance an attempt was made to execute the warrants, without the military, and that such attempt failed. It had been asserted, that the persons who were near the hustings were locked arm in arm, and that it was on that account impossible to approach the hustings. On the other hand it had been said, that the persons in question were locked arm in arm to preserve a space open to the hustings. But whatever was the fact, it would at least have been adviseable to see whether the warrant could not be executed by the civil power alone, before calling in the military. Another assertion which had been made was, that the yeomanry, in their attempt to seize Mr. Hunt, were assaulted and resisted. It was asserted on the other side, that no resistance was made by any part of the meeting, at least until after the advance of the yeomanry to the hustings. Persons who went there merely to make their own observations, not one of whom approved of the meeting, but even disapproved of it as much as he himself did, and were friendly to ministers, did assure him that not a single stone was thrown in the advance of the yeomanry to the hustings. This was a fact of infinite importance. What, he would ask, was to have prevented the civil power, when there was no opposition to the advance of the yeomanry to the hustings? The noble lord had said, that the magistrates read the proclamation in the Riot act three times over, in order that the persons on the ground might be aware that the meeting was illegal. It was really most unfortunate, however, that the poor people assembled at the meeting were not at all aware of any such proclamation having been made. One poor man who went there for the protection of his own property which happened to be situated in a place immediately adjoining the house in

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which the magistrates were, had told him that he was on the ground from eleven o'clock till the meeting was over, and yet he had never heard the Riot act read— that no one near him had ever heard it read—and he had never seen any one who heard it read. The noble lord had said the magistrates had no intention to disperse the meeting in the manner it was dispersed. Was it not, then, most unfortunate, if the Riot act was read to give notice that the meeting was illegal, and that it would be dispersed unless the people retired quietly from the ground without delay, that the notice was given in such a manner as to prevent the possibility of its being heard? Mr. Hay's letter made it extremely doubtful when the Riot act was read, whether it was read before the advance of the military, or during that advance, or after it. It contained no correct information as to the time when the Riot act was actually read. He really could apply no particular meaning to the letter —it was impossible for him to judge, either what time the Riot act was read, or what time the resistance on the part of the people began. On this subject, therefore, it was impossible for him to form a judgment without farther facts— and he therefore conceived that an inquiry into the case became necessary. It did appear to him that an inquiry by the House of Commons was the only manner in which the popular irritation which now existed could be allayed; or justice done in the matter. The situation in which the magistrates had been placed was certainly extremely arduous, and he should be extremely rejoiced to find from the result of such an inquiry, that they had exercised that sound discretion which every one would wish they might prove to have done. He considered that the House would not perform the duty they owed to themselves and to the country, if they did not direct such an investigation to be instituted; and he called upon them to remember what had been said upon that point by a well-known, able, and luminous writer, the power of whose oratory had often been felt within those walls: "A vigilant and jealous eye over executory and judicial magistracy; an anxious care of public money, an openness approaching towards facility to public complaint: these seem to be the true, characteristics of a House of Commons. But an addressing House of Commons and
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a petitioning nation; A House of Commons full of confidence, when the nation is plunged in despair who, in all disputes between the people and administration, presume against the people; who punish their disorders, but refuse even to inquire into the provocations to them— this is an unnatural, a monstrous state of things in such a constitution." He really could see no danger from an inquiry. At all events an inquiry could not throw the public mind into a more alarming state than that in which it was. The working people had been taught to believe that their condition would be benefitted by that species of reform which they supported, and they were, therefore, disposed to do all they could to promote it. They were zealous, he granted, in furthering the object they had in view. There were indeed, some who might endeavour to increase the exciting discontent, for the purpose of pushing the poor people on to objects which they did not contemplate; but though there might be individuals who had such mischievous intentions, he could not believe that the many thousands who advocated parliamentary reform, were not sincere in their objects. In the manufacturing districts, a great and most lamentable change had taken place. The people, from receiving high wages had come to receive low wages. If their condition was the same as it formerly was, the House would have heard nothing of this discontent. But they must not deceive themselves—the real difficulty they had to contend with was the severity of taxation, operating on all classes, but most on the lower classes. Low as wages were in England, they were still lower on the continent; but then on the continent provisions were cheaper. This was the difficulty. But what was the remedy? It was not easy, he confessed, to find one. But at all events every retrenchment which was practicable ought to be made. Even when the retrenchment was comparatively of a trifling amount, yet for the sake of principle, it ought to be made. But he was sorry to say, that even the most trifling savings, were always opposed, however frivolous the grounds on which such opposition was made. Nothing tended more to spread discontent among the people than this disposition on the part of government. He did really believe, that in the manufacturing districts it was almost universally supposed, that nothing but plunder and the grossest pe-

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culation were going forward. This was a gross infatuation, he was ready to allow, but still it was believed; and he thought that the Mouse of Commons were called upon to show by their conduct that they were entitled to the confidence of the country. The House of Commons, by their conduct on one important subject, might regain that confidence, he meant, by agreeing to that reform which was now so generally desired. He knew he was delivering a very unpopular doctrine. But if it was not popular in the House, it was very popular out of it, not merely with the lower classes, but he believed with an infinite majority of the middling classes throughout the country; and in all our difficulties we must rely on the exertions of the middling classes. He believed an infinite majority of the middling classes were for a moderate and temperate constitutional reform. And why should parliament be unwilling to consent to such a reform? Why should not the representation be suited to the varying circumstances of the country? It would certainly be a most wonderful circumstance if they had had the good luck to hit upon that representation which would not admit a possibility of advantageous change. We ourselves had witnessed a very important change in the representation of Ireland, which had become more popular, without any bad effect having resulted from it. What great mischief could arise if Scotland were gratified—if an attempt were made to improve its representation—if that could be called representation which was not representation? What great harm could happen if the representation of some of the notoriously corrupt and trading boroughs were transferred to Manchester, Birmingham, and some other places? He believed, if a serious attempt at this sort of constitutional amendment were made, it would do more to put down the evil disposition which he was sorry to say did exist in some districts, than any other course which could be adopted. It had been wisely said, that the bulk of mankind were little curious about any theories when they were happy, and that it was a sure proof of a misconduct on the part of those who governed them, when a whole people were discontented. The advice which the noble marquis who spoke last night, gave the House, and which was worthy of the noble family to which he belonged, was most judicious, and every way deserving of their attention.
The Solicitor Generalconfessed, that the course of observations which had been pursued by the hon. member for Shrewsbury, appeared to him to afford a practical illustration of the mischief of indulging in comments on the proceedings at Manchester. There was a judicial proceeding at this moment depending before the coroner, which might affect the lives of the individuals, against whom it was directed. That proceeding had been adjourned at a certain stage, evidence having been heard on the one side, and partially only on the other, in consequence of most unjustifiable conduct on the part of some persons, tending to pervert the due course of justice. It was a proceeding which had been for a time deferred. While, however, it was yet pending, possessing as it did so grave a character, an hon. member had thought himself justified in bringing before that House, and through the House before the public, a part only of such evidence, coupled with inflammatory statements, tending to defeat the ends of justice in a manner almost unprecedented. The whole system of proceeding adopted by honourable gentlemen on this occasion was most extraordinary. He felt a great satisfaction at the tone and temper adopted by the gentlemen on the other side of the House, with respect to the character of the meeting of the 16th, in the course of the debate of last night. For three long months the country had been told, in every form in which it could be told, that that was a peaceful and legal meeting; and that the magistrates were not justified in interfering with it. He felt, therefore, grateful for the observations of yesterday, by the gentlemen on the other side, beginning with the right hon. gentleman who opened the debate, in which it was implied at least that the meeting was illegal [Mr. Tierney here said across the table, "I never said any thing of the kind.'']—He had not said that the right hon. gentleman stated the meeting was illegal; but, from the course of observations pursued, it was quite clear, as he thought, what was passing in his mind on the subject. The hon. gentleman who succeeded him had not stated that it possessed a legal character. Of how much consequence would it have been to their argument, if they had stated it was a legal meeting. When, therefore, they did not lake that course, it was a fair presumption, they considered the meeting illegal. But an hon. and learned friend

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of his had not been so guarded—he had admitted, in the most distinct and unqualified manner, that the meeting was not of an illegal character—he had not only allowed, in the outset of his speech, but afterwards, in the most unqualified terms, in the course of it, that it was an illegal meeting.
Mr. Scarlettrose to order. He appealed to the chair whether, after the explanation which he had given last night in consequence of what he supposed an involuntary misunderstanding of what he said, an}' hon. member was justified in repeating the misrepresentation.
Mr. Bankessaid, that the interruption was irregular on the part of the hon. and learned gentleman. It certainly was not competent to any member to interrupt another member while speaking (though it was sometimes done by permission of the member speaking), in order to explain any misrepresentation, but it was competent afterwards to rise and give the explanation.
The Speakerconcurred in his opinion. If for convenience, or by courtesy, an opportunity was allowed a member to correct any misunderstanding of a member addressing the House, this was to be thankfully received; but though it was an ordinary courtesy of the House to allow a misstatement or misapprehension to be instantly corrected, as often saving time and further misapprehension, this could not be demanded as a right by any member.
The Solicitor-Generalcontinued, if his hon. and learned friend had waited for the sequence of his assertion, he would have endeavoured to show that his hon. and learned friend was not warranted in the premises he had assumed. He had assumed that the meeting was not illegal on the statement of the noble lord. He would recall to the memory of his hon. and learned friend what that statement referred to. The facts mentioned by the noble lord all related to the events which had occurred after the meeting had assembled. His hon. and learned friend had thrown out an argument of an extraordinary character, viz. that an impression had gone abroad that the ministers were determined to put down meetings for redress of grievances by force of arms, and he had hinted that the legal advisers of the Crown might have been the cause of this determination. What did his hon. and learned friend find in the character of
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the legal advisers of the Crown to countenance such an idea? He felt himself bound not to let such an insinuation pass without repelling it. It had hitherto been the policy of the gentlemen on the other side to pass lightly over the question of the legality of the meeting of the 16th, to create an erroneous impression, that the magistrates without sufficient warrant "let loose," as the phrase was, the military on the people. It was impossible to judge the magistrates fairly without examining the character of that meeting. That it was an illegal meeting alone might not be deemed sufficient by the House to warrant the proceedings which had taken place; but to him it was completely evident that the character of the meeting was almost treasonable, and that the magistrates were not only justified, but that they would have been guilty of a complete dereliction of their duty if they had taken a course different from that which they had. As other parts of the argument had been exhausted, he should refer briefly to the facts on which his inference was founded that the meeting was illegal. He should go back to the time of the prorogation of parliament. The moment the parliament was prorogued, the reformers commenced their operations. This he asserted, not from private information, but from the acts and documents of the reformers themselves. No sooner had that event taken place, but meetings were held, most alarming in their numbers and the nature of their proceedings. The avowed object of them was reform, on the principle of annual parliaments, universal suffrage and vote by ballot; in other words, the overthrow of the constitution. The meetings were conducted by persons who made a trade of attending them; by persons holding the most inflammatory and seditious language— "The parliament had forfeited its claim to obedience—the prince had forfeited his claim to allegiance—Charles and James had been, one beheaded, the other exiled, and the present sovereign must meet with the fate of one orother;"—this was the language used, not on one, but on every occasion, and it was promulgated and enforced in publications, in a cheap form, circulated with an activity, of which the House could have no conception. The overthrow of the government by physical force was over and over avowed as a legitimate object. Another formidable engine was found in the union societies,

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who corresponded with one another, and acted in concert, than which nothing could be imagined more dangerous to a state. This was the state of affairs at the beginning of August, and it was then that a meeting was planned in order to use their own language, to make a display of their force, and to overawe their adversaries. In judging of the character of a transaction, it was of use to look to that of the actors. An individual was sent for, who had no connexion with the county of Lancaster, Mr. Hunt. To show that the meeting had not merely an illegal, but a traitorous character, they should look to the conduct of this person. Hunt was the person who had presided at a meeting held in July, in Smithfield, in which resolutions were passed, that the parliament was not entitled to the obedience of the country, that after a certain time the laws should not be obeyed, and that the national debt "impudently so called," was not binding on the nation. It had been argued that the law officers had not been mindful of their duty, in allowing such resolutions to pass unnoticed. The law officers had not been negligent, they had endeavoured to obtain evidence, to connect the resolutions with the principal actors, in order to proceed by criminal information; but it was only on the eve of the 16th of August, that they had obtained that evidence, and it was only on account of the events of that day, which seemed to be on a greater scale, that the prosecution was given up. This was the person who was selected to preside at that meeting. Another person of the name of Harrison was present at that meeting, of whom the public had heard much. It had been thrown out, that this person had been allowed to retire from Stockport, that the warrant against him might be executed at the meeting in London. This was not correct. He absconded, and the officers who followed him first found him on the hustings at the Smithfield meeting. This Mr. Harrison, the day before the 16th August, was haranguing the people at Stockport, who intended to be present at the meeting, and insisted that parliament ought not to be obeyed. Another individual was present whom they had heard of, Mr. Johnson; he was not present at Smithfield, but he had sent a letter to that meeting, in which he declared, that he would be satisfied with nothing less than annual parliaments, universal suffrage, and vote
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by ballot, and that the reformers in the North were in ecstasy at being joined by their brethren in the South. Another individual was Mr. Carlile, to whom he would not allude merely on account of the offences of which he had been found guilty. This individual had a shop in the metropolis, on which had been inscribed Office for the Sale of Republican and Deistical Works. He conducted also a paper called the Republican. He knew not whether it had met the observation of gentlemen in that House; for it was the peculiar evil of these cheap publications, that while they found a circulation among the classes most exposed to their noxious influence, they had no circulation among those whose information might enable them to expose and counteract them. In this publication he had poured forth his sentiments profusely—"We had a mock king, and a mock parliament—it was now time to take up arms to play the man."— These were no unfavourable samples, they were rather tame and insipid compared with the general character of the work. There was a letter addressed particularly to the soldiery, in which he told them they were bound to obey the king, "but not a borough mongering faction," for that was the name which this writer gave to a faction which was supposed to rule over this House, but under that name he included all legal authorities. Such were the persons who were invited to attend a meeting called under these circumstances. Another fact to show the character of the meeting, was, that persons for weeks previously, had assembled in the night, and in retired places, 5 or 6,000 at a time, to learn the military exercise. This fact was at first doubted, and it was asserted to be only a fiction of government for their own purposes; but the matter was placed beyond controversy by the evidence of persons who had witnessed, and who were severely ill-used for having come to view those drillings. The assertion of Hunt with respect to those meetings was, that the men were only "playing at soldiers;" that they had nothing else to do, and resorted to this practice for amusement; but it was most important to consider, that a great many of the persons so engaged were men who had served in the line or in the local or general militia, and that they went through their exercises as well as the most disciplined troops. From the papers on the table, however, it would appear that mere

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amusement was not the object they had in view, for it was proved that they intended to resist the soldiers on the 16th of August. On the morning of that day most of the shops in Manchester were shut, and at an early hour large columns of men were seen with music and flags (of which he would speak presently), marching to the town in different directions—not arm in arm, for the sake of order, as had been asserted, but in regular military array, commanded by officers, and obeying their orders with all the regularity of disciplined soldiers. They did not proceed immediately to the hustings; that would not have answered their object; but marched through various parts of the town, taking their station at particular points, and waiting the arrival of more troops. Now, he would assert, that if any number of men assembled, so as to excite terror in the minds of peaceable subjects, such an assembly was in point of law illegal, and in fact a riot. There were many authorities which he might cite for this opinion, but he would only mention one. It was that of a great lawyer and distinguished judge: he meant lord Holt—a man who had been pre-eminently distinguished as a friend to the liberties of the people. He trusted the House would bear this opinion in mind, and referring it to the meeting which took place on the 16th, they would find it exactly applicable to the character of that meeting. The meeting assembled as he had described, was arrayed under banners; one was inscribed "Universal Suffrage and Annual Parliaments and Election by Ballot;" that is to say, an overthrow of the constitution. This was the object; the means were explained by other banners:—"Let us die like men, and not be sold like slaves;" "Equal Representation or Death." The evident meaning of the whole united was, that they would have no compromise; that they would have equal representation at the hazard of their lives. Could any one doubt that such inscriptions, sanctioned as they must have been, by the immense assemblage before whom they were carried, were calculated to strike terror into all peaceable subjects? The magistrates, then, had no discretion on the subject; they were bound both by common and by statute law to disperse such a meeting. The civil power was called out, and a military force stationed to aid them if necessary: for as lord Holt said, in the
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opinion on this subject to which he had alluded, "Who can moderate the event? who can foresee the result?" Yet the magistrates acted with a caution approaching to timidity. They had on that day received communications as to the nature and object of the meeting, from several of the most respectable inhabitants of the town; and on these they had granted the warrant to apprehend the parties. He had heard it said, "Why arrest them then? Why not wait till the meeting was over? To this he would say, Why should they have waited? Were they to have waited till the speeches of the several orators had produced their effect on the surrounding crowds? Why wait until the mischief had broken out? If they had done so, and violent disorders had ensued, what would have been said on the other side? Why, that there had been a neglect of duty, and we should have heard of the expediency of filing criminal informations for that neglect. What had been the consequence in the riots in 1780, when the magistrates had been so neglectful of their duty? What was the case three years ago in Spa-fields. The orators were allowed to assemble; they did so, and one of them jumped from the hustings, called upon the multitude to follow him, and the result was that the metropolis was thrown into alarm and confusion for four or five hours. But it was said, why not try the civil power? He answered, that there were many things which it was not necessary to try, because it was evident they could not succeed. Nadin the officer declared that it was impossible to execute the warrant without the assistance of the military. The men were united six deep about the hustings. The hustings had originally been placed in a different part of the field, and a double line of special constables was opened to it, but this did not suit the purpose of the directors of the meeting; the hustings were removed, and this cordon was formed round it to cut off communication.— The yeomanry troops, before they had attempted to strike a blow, were attacked by the crowd with stones and brickbats, some of them unhorsed and their horses thrown. At this time the 15th hussars came on the ground, and colonel Dalrymple was requested to send some assistance to rescue the yeomanry. Here was a riot created in resistance to a warrant. It had been said, that excess had been committed. Why, if it had, were the

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magistrates to be blamed? They had not ordered such excess; and if it was said to have been committed by the soldiers, was there not a coroner's inquest sitting, to inquire into the charges against these soldiers? The grand jury had, it was said, thrown out some bills preferred against those soldiers; was not that a prima facie case in their favour? Whatever the events of the 16th of August were, no inference could be drawn from it, as to the inclination of the ministers to suppress meetings by force, for except that a meeting was to take place, they had no previous knowledge of the arrangements of that day. Whatever the magistrates did, was done by their own authority, with a view to guard against the mischiefs which were apprehended from the meeting.
Mr. Scarlett Mr. Scarlett, in explanation, denied having ever said, or meant to say, that his hon. and learned friend, the solicitor-general, or his hon. and learned colleague, had advised his majesty's ministers to resort to military force against the people. From all he had known of his hon. and learned friend, he believed him incapable of such conduct, unless, indeed, his opinions had lately undergone a very material alteration.
Sir Francis Burdettsaid, it was not his intention to trespass long on the indulgence of the House; at the same time, he should feel himself guilty of a dereliction of his duty as a member of that House, if he did not accept the invitation which had been thrown out, and speak his mind freely and plainly on the very critical circumstances in which, it was admitted on all hands, the country was at present placed. With respect to the causes of the difficulties and the dangers of the country, he differed in opinion from many of the hon. gentlemen who had preceded him. The causes were now too obvious to escape the observation of any enlightened person not interested in that system of wasteful expenditure which had brought upon the country an amount of taxation which it was not able to bear, and to which some gentlemen ascribed that disaffection which was said to prevail in the country—a disaffection which, if it really existed (and he denied its existence to the extent alleged), must be remedied by measures very different from those which were likely to be now proposed. In cases of rooted evil like this, wise men would looked to the cause, while ignorant men
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would resort, not to a correction of the cause, but to palliatives which were ultimately productive of a greater evil than that which they were intended to diminish. A great many strange assertions had been made in the course of the debate, some which would formerly have been deemed inconsistent with constitutional doctrines; some which even, when he was first a member of that House, would not have been hazarded, or if hazarded, would have been received with a disapprobation, that would have prevented repetition. There had been so many contradictory statements of facts, so many contradictory modes of argument, on the question before the House, that the necessity of inquiry was sufficiently proved by those who opposed it. Among the reasoners upon the subject, there had been two, whose arguments might be classed together, the hon. and learned gentleman who last spoke and his hon. and learned friend, if he would now permit him to call him so, the chief justice of Chester. He had been long enough a member of that House not to be surprised at any thing, but nothing could be more calculated to surprise him than to witness his hon. and learned friend rising to make that speech which it had been his good fortune or bad fortune to hear: for from what he had formerly known of that hon. and learned gentleman, he should have expected very different sentiments from him. The speeches of those two hon. and learned gentlemen were in direct contradiction to the speech of the noble lord. The right hon. gentlemen on the other side might perhaps congratulate themselves on the accession of legal aid which they had acquired, and, indeed, it was evident that that accession to their strength was increasing every year; but upon great constitutional questions, he might be permitted to say without offence, that there were no members of that House to whom he listened with less deference, than to gentlemen of the long robe, however willingly he might bow to their authority on legal questions. He certainly did not think, that on the present occasion these learned gentlemen had aided the line of defence pursued by the noble lord. By the course which the noble lord had adopted, all proceedings antecedent to the arrest of Mr. Hunt were to be put out of the question entirely: and it was admitted that till that time the magistrates had no right to interfere.

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But what said the hon. and learned gentleman who had just sat down? He said that all the meetings previous to that of Manchester on the 16th August had been not only riotous and tumultuous, but treasonable; he said that treason had been concocted before the meeting at Manchester took place. But where were the proofs of this treason? "Those were cruel times when men were traitors without knowing it." The unfortunate persons at Manchester were not aware of their treason. On the contrary, they proved by their conduct that they meant to act consistently with the laws. It was true, indeed, that they meant to act in such a manner as should give effect to the purpose of their meeting. But let the House look at the situation of the people. Perhaps for fifty years, but in a more marked manner for ten or twelve, the opinion of the people had been declared in favour of a reform in parliament. It was not his intention to enter at present into the nature of the reform which they required; but it would be admitted that those opinions did not furnish a sufficient ground for putting them to death by the sword, and that admission was sufficient for his argument. The hon. and learned gentleman had said, that on former occasions magistrates had not acted with sufficient promptitude and effect; but surely it was no argument to say, that because the people had not formerly been published with sufficient severity, they ought in this case to be visited with a punishment greater than they deserved. There might be, on the part of the executive government, sins of omission as well as of commission; and he believed they had to answer for many of the former description; but their having neglected to discharge their duty on one occasion, could never authorize them to exceed it on another. The hon. and learned gentleman had talked of the banners displayed on this occasion as indicative of the feeling by which the people were actuated; as if the people had never before assembled under banners, expressing their sentiments. Why, one of the most obnoxious of these banners bore the inscription "Death or Liberty;" and that, surely, was a sentiment inscribed on the heart of every Briton. Whether it was desirable that such meeting should take place was quite a different question: what he said was, that they did not afford a sufficient cause for subjecting the people to
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military execution. They might be made the ground for enacting now laws, but not for violating the existing laws. The argument of the hon. and learned gentleman was a strange prelude to the proposal for increased legal power. Far from showing that the power of the law was deficient, he showed quite the contrary. The law, according to him, was surely strong and severe enough. On a great constitutional point like the present, he was ready to meet any gentleman in that House or elsewhere, for such a question required no legal knowledge; all that was necessary was honesty, joined to a common understanding. The conduct of the chief justice of Chester had greatly surprised him on this occasion, and he was afraid that the learned gentleman had been rather unfortunate m his debut. When he considered the great judgment which the hon. and learned gentleman had displayed on other occasions, and his former opinions upon constitutional questions (which he could never cease to remember), he thought it wonderful, since the hon. and learned gentleman might at a future period have to decide as judge upon the question of the Manchester proceedings, that he should have thought the present a proper occasion for declaring his opinions on the subject. The hon. and learned gentleman had declared that he had no doubt that the meeting was illegal: and this point ministers had imagined they might obtain as it were surreptitiously, supposing that no hon. gentleman would rise to deny the illegality of the meeting. The hon. and learned gentleman had argued as if the meeting at Manchester were admitted to be illegal by their opponents on that side of the House; but the fact was not so; for the argument on that side had been, that whether the Manchester meeting were legal or illegal, a parliamentary inquiry should be instituted under all the circumstances of the case. If that meeting were legal a fortiori such an inquiry should take place in consequence of the extraordinary means adopted to disperse it. But was it not matter calling for inquiry, how it happened that ministers should have advised the Prince Regent to return such an extraordinary answer to the address of the city of London, or that his Royal Highness should have been persuaded to express his satisfaction at the conduct of the magistrates and yeomanry of Manchester. For what was his Royal

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Highness thus persuaded to applaud? Not the discretion, moderation, or forbearance of the persons alluded to, but their promptness in shedding the blood of their countrymen. Yes, this was the conduct, which, as it was held forth to the country, gave satisfaction to the royal breast. What responsibility was not incurred on the part of ministers by whose advice the Regent had been induced to put forth such an extraordinary publication? The House had been told, that the Riot act was read before the yeomanry were ordered to make a charge upon the people. But the reading of the Riot act did not authorize the shedding of the blood of men, women and children. Such a proposition could not be seriously maintained for a moment. But how could the reading of the Riot act warrant the cutting down of even the peace-officers employed by the magistrates themselves, for some of these officers were among the sufferers at the Manchester meeting. Yet, where was the evidence that the meeting was such as called for the reading of the Riot act at all? The mere assemblage of people could not be said to imply a riot, unless such meeting appeared to be collected for a riotous or illegal purpose; or, otherwise, if a parcel of old women assembled, it might be maintained, that the Riot act should be read to them, lest they should set fire to the town. The Riot act, that disgrace to the Statute book, was never, with all its faults, intended for the purpose of authorizing military execution. What did it say? Did it say that if the people did not instantly disperse, they were to be cut, maimed, and killed indiscriminately; and if so, that no inquiry was to be demanded? No; it said that you were to give them warning, to read the act, and to allow them time to disperse. If they did not disperse, what then was to be done? Put them to death? No: they were to be taken into custody; and all violence necessary for that purpose might be used, but they were not to be wantonly sabred, trodden down, and shot. As to the military, the Riot act did not notice them even, for, at the time it was passed, it was never contemplated that the military were to interfere on such occasions. Nothing of the kind appears in the act itself. It was a lawyer (Lord Mansfield), whose authority was often quoted for maxims by no means congenial with the British constitution, who first laid it down,
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that as soldiers did not, as such, forfeit their privileges as citizens, they might be legally employed in aid of the civil power. But, as soldiers were now transferred from the pale of the constitution, and placed under an arbitrary jurisdiction, which could enforce obedience, and impose punishment, by means unknown to our established laws, they ought not to be employed in the manner in which lord Mansfield and the hon. and learned gentleman on the other side recommended. He by no means entertained the apprehension of the conduct of British soldiers which the Roman poet's description of the language of a mercenary soldier would induce—
"Pectore si fratris gladium juguloque Parentis
"Condere me jubeas, gravidaque in viscera Patri,
"Conjugis, invita peragam tamen omnia dextra."
He was satisfied that the feeling and principle of his military countrymen were quite of a different description. He hoped that no minister would ever dare to employ them for the purpose of oppressing the people; and, if ever a minister of this country should dare to make the attempt, he was persuaded the soldiers would not allow themselves to be made the instruments of subverting the constitution. Such was his firm impression.—But to return to the Riot act, severe as that law was, and inconsistent as it had always been deemed with the benevolent principles of the British constitution, it was now it seemed regarded as too lenient by the ministers and agents of our government. For the Riot act did not warrant military execution, but merely provided, that if the people did not disperse within an hour after that act was read, they should be taken into custody, not to be sabred, but to be brought to trial. Such, however, was not the view taken of the subject by the magistrates of Manchester, when they let loose the yeomanry upon the meeting of the 16th of August—But it was said that the force employed on that occasion had in view the dispersion of a dangerous—nay, treasonable meeting. Now, if it were the object to prevent this meeting (and prevention would have been much more easy than dispersion), how came it that Mr. Hunt, who was deemed the principal of the meeting, was not taken into custody before the meeting took place? If the head had been arrested, the natural probability was that the body would not have moved. The noble secretary for foreign affairs had made rather a skilful defence upon the occasion;

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but his hon. and learned friends beside him had in the course of their observations, betrayed that the noble lord's main positions were untenable. It was known that Mr. Hunt acted in this instance with much more discretion than the magistrates. He went to the magistrates of Manchester previously to the meeting, and told them that if they had a warrant against him to serve it then, because if it should be done at the meeting, he could not answer for the consequences. His hon. and learned friend (the chief justice of Chester), and the solicitor-general, had, with others, maintained that the meeting at Manchester was quite illegal; if so, then why was not that made known to the magistrates before the meeting, and then Mr. Hunt might have been prevented from attending it? His majesty's ministers had no doubt frequent communication with the Manchester magistrates, and why then was not the opinion of the Crown lawyers made known to those magistrates in due time?—Had this been done, what mischief might not have been prevented? The Solicitor-general had observed, that it would have been very wrong to postpone measures until mischief was actually done, and this observation the hon. and learned gentleman made with a view to justify the sudden and forcible execution of the warrant against Mr. Hunt in the midst of the meeting. But he would ask that hon. and learned gentleman, whether according to the principle of his observation it would not have been better to execute the warrant alluded to before the meeting was convened, than to order its execution when the assemblage of the people were so dense that the yeomanry could not advance without force, and as their defenders had said, without sabring the people. Why, he would again ask, had not ministers instructed the magistrates of Manchester that the whole proceedings were illegal? Why had Mr. Hunt been allowed by the magistrates to go on in those treasonable practices till the very point of time when the warrant could not be served without shedding blood? The discharge of this duty was delayed till the people were wedged close around the hustings, and then it was executed by dashing in among them, sabring them, and trampling them to the ground. Military execution, it seemed, was the method adopted of serving a legal warrant. It was said that the military would not have interfered, if
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the people had not placed themselves so close together as to prevent the officers from reaching the hustings; and all he should say on that was, that such a position was not a very strong indication of their intention to use force. As to the line of troops drawn round the meeting, to prevent the people from dispersing, it could be called nothing but a plan to shed blood. The House had the authority of an hon. baronet on the floor, that the people were not allowed to disperse, the only outlets from the place where the meeting was held being actually blocked up by the soldiery.—According to the hon. baronet's statement, indeed, a body of people endeavouring to find their way by a particular outlet were actually sabred. His hon. and learned friend and the solicitor general had specially rested their opposition to the proposed inquiry on this ground, that any persons aggrieved might obtain redress through an appeal to a court of law, but it held out no great encouragement for such an appeal, to find the meeting at which so many suffered, denounced as illegal, by those through whom alone redress could be obtained. Those who called for parliamentary inquiry considered that many of the parties who had suffered on this occasion were unable to obtain justice at the expense which attended proceedings in the courts of law. It was true the men whom Meagher, the trumpeter, had shot from his window, if they could afford to prosecute him, might get a verdict against him; and the women who bad been sabred by the yeomanry, if they could identify the persons who cut them down, might obtain redress from the laws. But what was all this to the House of Commons? What had this to do with the complaint of the people of England? What had this to do with the breach of the constitution involved in the whole of the transaction alluded to? What had it to do with the conduct of ministers, who, he firmly believed, were at the bottom of this transaction? The attainment of redress by individuals could not acquit the ministers and magistrates, or vindicate the constitution, and therefore the House was in his opinion bound to institute the proposed inquiry. To satisfy the country this inquiry ought to be gone into. The lieutenant of police, lord Sidmouth, who exercised a sort of authority hitherto unknown in this country, whose whole system appeared to be borrowed from France,

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should be called upon to account for his conduct, and by what means could that be done, unless the House of Commons institute an inquiry. The solicitor-general in dilating upon the means through which redress might be had for the sufferers at Manchester by the ordinary course of law, had particularly dwelt upon the inquest, in the conduct of which a London attorney (Mr. Harmer) had acquitted himself in a manner so creditable to his talents and zeal. But how could the conduct or result of that inquest serve to satisfy the injured constitution of the country? Was it possible that any man with a drop of English blood in his veins can deem such proceedings sufficient to satisfy the claims of justice for the outrageous conduct at Manchester? As to the argument derived from a supposed prejudging of the question, he conceived that when he said a murder, or any other criminal act had been committed, he did not prejudge the person accused. All he said in such a case was, that he accused that person who had about him all the circumstances that subjected him to a suspicion of guilt; he only brought the accused person before the proper tribunal to be judged. In the same terms here, he said that blood had been wantonly spilled at Manchester; but he did not, therefore, prejudge the matter. If that House would not listen to the subject, the public would sit in judgment upon them. If they heard only the ex-parte statements of the magistrates, let them not think that even an unanimous vote (which, thank God, it was not in the power of ministers to obtain, would have any effect in satisfying the public. The whole matter formed a great constitutional question; and neither the verdict of the coroner's inquest, nor the verdict of any other jury could adequately answer the object involved in such a question. But with respect to the inquest, he could not help referring to what had been urged by his hon. and learned friend, as well as by a right hon. and learned gentleman, one of the representatives of the sister country, and who spoke with ability on every subject. Those hon. and learned gentlemen had admitted that there would be some ground for the proposed inquiry, if it appeared that justice was delayed or denied. Now he would ask, whether justice had not been delayed in the conduct of that inquest? It had, indeed, been most unaccountably delayed; and therefore, upon the ground stated by those hon.
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and learned gentlemen themselves, he felt it necessary to call for parliamentary inquiry. His hon. and learned friend had observed, that it ill became his quondam reforming friends to press so anxiously for the preference of an investigation by that House.—There might be those who maintained, that little confidence was to be reposed in that House; but he believed there were none who thought that nothing at all for the good of the country, or the cause of justice, was to be expected from it; and, notwithstanding the very exceptionable manner in which that House was constituted, he cannot suppose that any body of British gentlemen, influenced by common sense and common shame, could enter into an investigation of that nature, without coming to a result satisfactory to their countrymen. By engaging in the inquiry, the House could not suppose that it would become fairly liable to the charge of prejudging any question. If, indeed, such a notion of prejudgment were just, no accusation whatever could be presented for any description of crime. But it was mockery to say, that accusation was in any degree tantamount to prejudgment; and the idea was only held out with a view to delude good feeling into the adoption of an exceptionable proposition. Some one must accuse before the House could be called upon to inquire. The accusation was matter of notoriety; and, in answer, various statements were made to the House, upon the whole of which it was their duty to inquire, with a view to satisfy the public mind.—The eyes of the people were now in a peculiar degree fixed upon them; and it behoved them as they valued their character, cautiously to consider the vote they were about to pronounce. The opponents of reform were in the habit of saying, that although the House might perhaps be constituted in a manner not to be justified in theory, its conduct was practically good. Let the House then answer the advocates of reform by practical acts. A right hon. gentleman on the other side, who had too much good sense to attempt the defence of the present extraordinary system of borough representation was in the habit of maintaining, that whatever might be its theoretical defects, it worked well for the country, and he therefore deprecated any change. Now he would call upon that right hon. gentleman to urge the House to show to the country on this important occasion, that notwithstanding its imper-

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fect constitution, it could work well for the country and for public justice. With respect to the verdict of the grand jury at Lancaster upon which so many gentlemen seemed to think that they could ride over all the complaints from Manchester, he must express his decided dissent from the opinions of those gentlemen. But while he expressed that dissent, he hoped not to be understood as in any degree to malign the character or question the motives of that grand jury. The gentlemen who composed that jury might have decided very conscientiously, as no doubt they did, and yet those whose cases were submitted to their consideration might have very strong grounds of complaint. For those complainants might not have made out their case to the satisfaction of the jury, from the want of sufficient evidence. But were such sufferers to be precluded from any opportunity of obtaining redress? He could not for a moment believe that the grand jury acted under the influence of any prejudice, or that the gentlemen of which it was composed could possibly be reconciled to violate their oaths; but the difficulties connected with the construction and character of lord Ellenborough's act were such, that a bill presented by a woman who was sabred had been thrown out, although the injury sustained by the woman was quite obvious. It did appear, that throughout the whole of the proceedings, every impediment had been thrown in the way of a legal investigation. A right hon. and learned gentleman had stated, that he was not aware of any delay of justice having taken place with reference to the proceedings at Manchester. Was it, then, no delay, no deviation from the ordinary course, first to use every means for rendering the coroner's court private, and then to adjourn the proceedings under the inquest for several weeks? Who wished for secrecy? They who had sinister designs. Who courted publicity? They whose objects were fair and legitimate. In this case a direct attempt had been made to conceal evidence, and even a power exerted of committing men simply for taking notes of what was passing. He was at a loss to understand what good reason could be assigned for such unusual and arbitrary measures. Here, then, was an instance of positive extraordinary delay; an absolute refusal, nobody could tell why, to proceed with the subject matter of a judicial inquiry. Whether this delay would be prejudicial
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or not, was not now the question; but it had an appearance of mystery; it created suspicion in the public mind. It only served to render the demands for inquiry louder and more imperative. The court of King's-bench had, however, been applied to, and had directed the subject to be brought before it, and he should therefore dwell no longer upon it at the present moment. It appeared to him, upon a review of all the accounts and arguments which he had heard respecting this melancholy occasion, that on the one side persons charged with violating the laws had not been convicted; and on the other, that an object professedly legal had been effected by military force. An hon. gentleman opposite said no; why then not ascertain the fact by evidence at the bar? He was glad to hear the right hon. and learned gentleman admit that to meet for the purpose of expressing their complaints, and to petition for redress, was one of the great constitutional birthrights of Englishmen. But then, according to the right hon. and learned gentlemen, that liberty was attended with so many restrictions and provisos, that although it was admitted in the abstract, in practice it was impossible. He had heard of the danger of numbers assembling together— the precise amount which came up to the point of danger was not stated, but as far as he could understand the notion, it was when they became too strong to be controlled by the civil power. It the people met in parishes, or in small bodies, then their assemblies were described as contemptible. The House had seen its tables—aye, its floor, covered with petitions, each signed by only 20 individuals. How were those petitions received? Was it not said that they did not proceed from the people, that their signatures were obtained by management, and that no interest was taken in the subject by any great portion of the community? The people at large, it was loudly maintained, did not want any reform, because they petitioned only in small numbers; but they no sooner assembled in multitudes, for the same purpose, than they were charged with treasonable intentions. It was then considered that they might meet in vestries, and that this proud privilege and mighty birth-right would be most conveniently exercised by joining a couple of constables to every party of three persons! The people were accused of a disposition to subvert the constitution. But this

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charge was totally unfounded, for the fact was, that the people did not desire to make any change in the constitution, seeking only to acquire their due influence in that House by improving the system of the representation. He was convinced, indeed, that the people were never more loyal than at the present moment. There might be what was called training, he believed not to any material extent, but this did not alter his opinion of the general feeling of the people. For how many years had the people been petitioning in vain for a reform in parliament! An hon. gentleman had complained that the reformers spoke harshly of a borough interest; but that interest with all the corruptions attending it, was as well understood by them as it was notorious within the House. The noble lord had also censured the irreverent manner in which the composition of that House was sometimes alluded to—that same noble lord who had been detected in bartering the patronage of government for parliamentary support. He did not mention this topic for the purpose of intimating that the noble lord had escaped a punishment which he deserved. He did not wish to see him punished for doing what was done by every other minister of the Crown. But there sat the noble lord "with all his blushing honours thick upon him," whilst sir Manasseh Lopez was condemned to pay a fine of 10,000 l. and to be imprisoned for three years—for doing what? Why, compared to the noble lord, Sir M. Lopez was pure as snow. In such a light, he was all innocence; he had endeavoured to bribe a few electors; the noble lord to corrupt the representative body itself. The only defence of the noble lord against impeachment was, the notorious and acknowledged rottenness of the system. This, in his opinion, was a sufficient defence; and if it were proposed to bring the noble lord to punishment, a question that might arise were he to change sides, such a proposal should not have his support. He was not the man who would cast the first stone, but he had a right to complain that a system of such gross hypocrisy and scandalous injustice continued to be upheld. The rational part of the public would sooner or later be satisfied, and to turn a deaf ear to their remonstrances was not the way to silence them. Englishmen were not to be suppressed; they would not cease from complaining because their complaints were
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unheeded, nor could any thing be gained by rendering them hostile to the government. Was it not doubtful whether the taxes could continue to be paid, if fresh expenses were incurred by the augmentation of our establishments? If new and severe laws were passed, he feared that they might lead to retaliatory acts on the part of the people, which would be made the pretence of still further oppressions; and we should find ourselves at length engaged in the same bloody course which had been run in Ireland, and which terminated in rendering the Irish parliament so disgustful to the country, that it was induced to abdicate its functions and commit political suicide. His earnest hope was, however, that the English people would not be reduced to the same state of suffering, of despair. There was one certain mode of alleviating their grievances. It was remarkable, he might here observe, that it had become a prevailing fashion amongst many, to mix up reform and irreligion, as two things necessarily connected. Some persons appeared to consider them like church and state—inseparable; but, for his own part, he could not imagine how the destruction, of Christianity should be favourable to the cause of reform. The result would, as he apprehended, be entirely the reverse. In point of fact, the same opinion was entertained in the time of Charles 2nd when it was the policy of the court to favour every species of irreligion with a view of extinguishing all zeal for a free government. Christianity was felt to be a religion of liberty: it taught a doctrine abhorred by many—the natural equality of mankind. But it likewise inculcated justice, it recommended charity, and forbad the imputation of evil motives to others without sufficient ground. It was scarcely consistent with its spirit to throw out charges of disaffection and disloyalty against all who were not loyal par excellence, which he understood to mean supporters of his majesty's ministers. His own conviction was, that the people throughout the country were strictly loyal, and firmly attached to the constitution. But then they wanted that constitution; they desired to see King, Lords, and Commons. They were as unwilling that the Commons should be excluded, as that the King should be excluded. There was no nation on the earth that looked with more regard to those above them, when any sympathy was manifested with their con-

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dition, or when either virtue or talent was displayed. This was, indeed, only a further proof of their good sense; and he verily believed that his majesty's ministers were much perplexed to find them so loyal and tranquil as they had been. The Treasury prints, when Mr. Harrison was arrested at Smithfield (an arrest that might have been more properly made after the meeting), upbraided the people with cowardice for not resisting it. The noble lord was at his wit's end because they had not justified his epithets of seditious, treasonable, and so forth. With regard, too, to the doctrines which were objected to them, was it not matter of historical fact, that parliaments were once held annually in this country? This assertion would not, he apprehended, now be denied. Was it not also known, that no less a person than the celebrated Selden had maintained the principle of universal suffrage? He did not say that such measures were in his opinion advisable; but those who applied hard names to them proved nothing but their own ignorance. Although these doctrines were professed, he had little doubt that the bulk of the people, with their known good sense, would be satisfied with any reform that should establish an effectual control over the government, in the Commons' House of Parliament. It was natural that much should be claimed when every thing was refused; but there was a broad line of debateable ground between abstract principles and practical good. When the latter was sincerely aimed at, compromises between opposite interests and opinions necessarily followed. That it would not be difficult to satisfy the country, he was persuaded; and he believed such an effect would be beneficial to all parties, not even excepting the government. The tendency and spirit of the Christian religion were to spread general liberty throughout the civilized world; there was no ground for supposing that the people were insensible to its influence, no ground for those unqualified accusations which almost seemed to describe that House as the only part of the country that was uncontaminated. But even if that were the case, it might require consideration to decide upon the most effectual remedy. Was it possible to refute opinions or convince men of their errors by physical punishments? Actions and not opinions were the proper objects of legislation. The country was
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now threatened by the noble lord with all sorts of new restrictions, and this was supposed to be the true way of raising the character of parliament in public estimation. Parliament had, unfortunately, never assembled of late years without some new infringement on the rights of the subject, though on every such occasion it had likewise added with an unsparing hand to the amount of the public burdens. He could hardly conceive how the minister had screwed himself during the last session, up to the point of enforcing 4,000,000 l. of fresh taxes, in the actual situation of the country. He said 4,000,000 l., because, including the charges of collection, that was the sum taken or attempted to be taken from the people's pockets. A noble lord who never uttered sentiments unworthy of his name and family, had invited his majesty's ministers to propose a renewal of the income tax. He could not join in this invitation, which he doubted not his majesty's ministers would very willingly accept, and exchange their late unproductive taxes for so certain a resource. But it was a complete mistake to suppose that the poorer classes did not feel the effects of a tax on income, and little better than a fallacious jargon to talk of a salt tax or any other tax as alone affecting them. The rich man's pocket was the fund out of which the poor must always derive the means of their subsistence. At present, however, the country had nothing before it, but fresh taxes of some description, and increased military establishments. It became matter of serious and important consideration to those who had the best sort of property, property in land, what ought to be done in justice and policy to satisfy the claims of the public. They saw lord Fitzwilliam dismissed from office, because he had expressed himself publicly in favour of inquiry; and they saw that although he had been no favourer of parliamentary reform, every public meeting had sympathized with his unmerited disgrace. The people knew how to honour and respect private virtue, although associated with political opinions different from their own. Persons in high stations might always exercise material influence over them. It was long in this country before different classes could be placed in hostility against each other. If gentlemen would act with the same independence as lord Fitzwilliam, the government would soon be compelled to adopt mea-

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sures of amelioration. Upon the whole, he certainly entertained as strong objections to the address as those stated by his hon. friend, the member for Shrewsbury. He thought at least that some compunction or regret at what had occurred might have been expressed if it had been only from respect, or mere decency towards the public sentiment. He agreed with his hon. friend in disputing the facts on which the government were proceeding, and in abhorring the remedies which there was reason to apprehend. As to the particular nature of the remedies intended, he would not pretend to have a knowledge of them, but their general character there was too much reason to anticipate. "Quod alia scelera, his remedia, vocantur." Whether they were to go the length of not allowing Englishmen to meet, whether public meetings were to be reduced to that minimum which must destroy their very character as public meetings he did not know, but if such was the course intended to be pursued, he could see nothing but anarchy as likely to result from it. The only course which, in the present condition and feeling of the country, parliament is called upon to adopt, appeared to him to be, to satisfy the public mind upon the subject of the transactions at Manchester, by entering into a comprehensive inquiry into the nature and character of those transactions before they proceeded to the discussion of those financial and other questions which it was understood were about to be submitted to them; and which it was certainly high time to investigate.
Mr. Wynnrose, to reply to several observations and arguments of the hon. baronet who just sat down. It was unjust to say that that House had, for the last quarter of a century, met only to infringe the rights of the people, whereas it was well known, that during that period it had been principally occupied in preserving liberty at home, and vindicating the freedom of Europe. He was sorry to find the hon. baronet was so well disposed to join in those outcries, which were truly characterized in the address then under consideration. The meeting at Manchester, considering the circumstances by which it was preceded and attended, was illegal even by the common law, which said that numbers were force, and force intimidation; and he contended that they were treasonable to the king and the constitution. The hon. baronet had adduced
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no arguments to show that the meeting was not illegal. It was the uniform doctrine in this country, that if a large body assembled in arms, with a view to carry any particular point, that body was guilty of treason.—To support this position, he cited the opinion of justice Foster, as quoted on a former occasion by Mr. Fox, upon whose assertion he was entitled to rank that learned judge among the brightest authorities on constitutional law. It was true that each circumstance of terror, if taken by itself, was not perhaps of a criminal character. But all the circumstances when combined, when viewed as all tending to accomplish the same treasonable object, could not be shown to have any other than a criminal colour. What, in fact, was the effect of that meeting; were not shops shut up? Did not several peaceable and respectable families quit Manchester in consequence of that meeting? Could it then be said, that that meeting produced no intimidation? The constitution of England was called, and very justly so called, a free constitution. Why? because it secured property. The right of the people to meet, was derived from that constitution; but if their meeting tended to endanger that property which the constitution declared should be secure, how could they be said to act under the sanction of British law? In this instance, the effect produced, proved, beyond question, that danger to property was generally felt in Manchester.—The inconvenience and terror which might be caused by such large and frequent assemblies, afforded sufficient proof that they could never have been contemplated by the constitution, and that the right of attending such meetings armed, was a still more glaring and audacious violation of the law of the land. The hon. baronet had asked why the magistrates, if they interfered at all, did not interfere sooner? The answer to that was plain—it was because those banners and circumstances of terror were not till then displayed, which could justify their interference. He would be one of the last men in the country to infringe the liberty of the subject; but if liberty was abused, it must be abridged for the moment. According to the new doctrine attempted to be established, if meetings were held every week, for the professed object of changing the order of succession to the Crown, such meetings would not be suppressed as illegal. If there was

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a prima facie case of blame, he did not deny that it might afford a fit ground of inquiry in that House; but the general principle was, that the House ought not to interfere except where the person or the case was too great to be dealt with out of it. With respect to the question of reform, if any reform were really necessary to the safety of the state, the constitution would supply it. It contained within itself a perpetual source of improvement. True, the remedies which it sanctioned, did not come forth all prepared and formed, like Minerva from the head of Jupiter. It was devised to meet new mischiefs, and to apply new remedies, but not in a precipitate manner. The remedy grew out of the constitution gradually, but full of vigour, and formed for permanence. He was not disposed to make concessions at this moment, as they might open a door to incalculable mischief. If any injury was done, the courts of law were open to redress them; and where they were adequate, as in this case they were, he thought it would be a misapplication of the powers of the House to interfere with their jurisdiction. Objections were taken to the employment of the yeomanry. But when an addition to the military force of the country was called for, the argument was the other way, and it was then held by those who now urged this objection, that the yeomanry were the most constitutional force known in this country. He would conclude by expressing his acquiescence in the original motion.
Sir John Sebrightdeclared that he must vote against the amendment; not because he was averse to investigation, but because he thought it could be most effectually carried on in the courts of judicature, and because no assembly in the world appeared to him less fitted for conducting such an inquiry than the House of Commons, inasmuch as the examination was generally carried on in a desultory manner, and the evidence was not upon oath. He would refrain from giving any opinion on the legality of the conduct of the magistrates; but he would say that he conceived they behaved rashly in arresting Hunt at the time that they did, when they might have apprehended him either before or after the meeting, without creating any disturbance. He would go as far as any man in allowing the full right of the subject to meet and petition; but he thought that there could be no se-
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curity for life or property, if such large masses of people were permitted to assemble from distant parts as on that occasion. To the radicals who composed such assemblies he would do justice—full and ample justice, but he would make no concessions. To satisfy, not them, but the rational and respectable part of the community, he thought the question of parliamentary reform should be entertained; as he was sure, from his own experience in life, that 19 out of 20 of those who reflected on the subject were convinced of the necessity of some reform. He had never been in any society, even of those who generally supported his majesty's ministers, without finding that a great majority was in favour of some change. He did not allude at all to the radicals; they ought to be treated justly, but resisted firmly. The reform that he proposed would not satisfy them, but would satisfy the country, and would draw a line of distinction between their mad adherents and the respectable body of the people. He had mixed with people of all ranks and classes, except radicals, and he found this to be the general conviction.
The Hon. Mr. Lytteltonsaid, that he could not give a silent vote on the occasion, and he owed an explanation the more, as, however habituated he was to respect his right hon. friend, he could not support his amendment. He objected to the amendment, not because he was averse to inquiry, but because an opportunity would afterwards occur for discussing it. He was of opinion, that nothing short of a parliamentary investigation would satisfy the country; but he thought with his hon. friend who had just spoken that the revolutionary faction of the radicals ought to be opposed; and that, therefore, any qualification of the address might tend to weaken that opposition to their designs which was therein pledged. He entirely concurred in the language of the address, although he thought that ministers had exceedingly misconducted themselves, and in nothing more glaringly than in the dismissal of that virtuous and patriotic nobleman, lord Fitzwilliam.
Mr. Canning* began by saying, that, unusual as was the course which had been pursued the preceding night in consenting to the adjournment of a debate on the
* From the original Edition, printed for John Murray, Albemarle-street.

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Address, he could not help congratulating the House on that deviation from the ordinary rules of its proceeding; for, the technical parliamentary difficulty being once gotten over, he felt it to be of the utmost importance that the vote to which they were to come on this occasion, should not have been adopted without the fullest and most patient discussion. They had now before them all the different classes of opinion which prevailed in the House, with respect to the Address and the Amendment; and with respect to the general state of the country,—a state which, to most persons appeared alarming, and to all perplexing and difficult. Those gentlemen who held cheap the perils described in the Address, would act manfully if they either voted against it, or proposed an amendment expressive of their opinion; but he could not comprehend the reasoning or the policy of those who were prepared to vote for the Address, and yet to tack to it such an amendment as that now proposed.
He would ask of those who were for mixing together sentiments so incongruous,—whether the first necessity of the time were not to put down the revolutionary spirit which had spread throughout the country? If that were admitted, he would ask next, whether the decision of the House upon this night would not go forth with tenfold authority, if unaccompanied by the mitigating appendage proposed by the right hon. gentleman (Mr. Tierney)? Would not the original Address, if voted unanimously, without qualification or addition, carry to the minds of those whose designs it pledged the House to crush, more complete conviction of the serious determination of the House to effect that purpose, than if reinforced by all the denunciations conveyed in the first part of the amendment, to be afterwards weakened by the vague and unsatisfactory expressions with which the amendment concluded? It was true, that in the first part of the amendment, the turbulent and disaffected were rebuked in phrases of even more asperity perhaps than any contained in the original Address; but, in the concluding part, a certain sympathy was expressed, if not with the projects which the disaffected had in view, at least with the principles on which those projects were professed to be framed. Now, refinements were not readily understood by the multitude. Many of the disaffected or of the misled
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might conceive, however erroneously, that persons who could in any degree approve or countenance their principles, would be ready, if not to lend their assistance towards the accomplishment of their objects, at least to see the accomplishment of them without regret. They might construe any expression, however guarded, of a common feeling, into encouragement if not into co-operation;— especially when they compared what was passing in that House with what had recently taken place elsewhere. For was it not a fact that the Radicals (as he was obliged to call them, though he hoped by some laborious periphrasis to avoid the term in future), could boast of having been associated in a public meeting with the first names in the land? that the possessors of those names, blessed with weath, distinguished by title, elevated by honours, the boast of the country, the ornament of mankind,—had stood side by side with them on the same stage, trembling for a hearing, and only obtaining that grace by their intercession? Did not the Radical Reformers recollect all this? and did they not recollect further, that these mighty Aristocrats, in entering upon a discussion in which two distinct topics were involved, on one of which they agreed with the Radical Reformers, while they widely differed from them on the other, had consented (oh! shame to rank, property, and aristocracy!) for the sake of a little paltry triumph over their political adversaries, to keep out of sight the topic on which they differed from their new allies, and to put forward exclusively that on which they agreed? They agreed that there ought to be an inquiry into the proceedings at Manchester;—a subject unquestionably of great importance (and regarding which it would be seen in what he should say presently, that he (Mr. C.) felt as deeply and acutely as any man,—but still a question of insulated importance, of comparatively narrow range and limited consequences:—they disagreed upon the wide subject of parliamentary reform. As to the importance of this last subject of difference, what was the sense of those who had moved the proposed Amendment? What were the words of the Amendment, regarding the schemes of the Radical Reformers? —"That the House express their reprobation of the attempts which have been made to persuade the suffering classes of the people to seek relief from their dis-

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tress in schemes injurious to themselves, dangerous to the public quiet, and inconsistent with the security of the constitution" Thus, then, it appeared that those exalted individuals shared the honours of the hustings with men, whom they considered as entertaining projects "dangerous to the public quiet, and inconsistent with the security of the constitution;" and that with such men they combined their votes on another question, throwing entirely out of their view that by which the public quiet and the constitution were, in their opinion, endangered. This conduct was the more extraordinary if compared with the doctrines which had been preached in this debate, regarding the duties of the great towards the lower orders of the people. "Deal kindly and openly with them" (it had been said); "endeavour to convince them of their mistakes; argue with them calmly and temperately; and they will, no doubt, listen with patience, and acknowledge and retract their errors." How had these doctrines been reduced to practice? When was there a more golden, a more glorious, opportunity for acting upon them than that afforded by the Yorkshire meeting? and how had it been employed? Had any attempt been made at that meeting to argue with the Radical Reformers, and to convert them from their heretical tenets? If due advantage had been taken of that happy moment, what a signal service would the aristocracy of the York meeting have rendered to their contemporaries and to posterity! If they had sacrificed much in feeling, much in dignity, by the mortifying condition in which they had placed themselves; all these sacrifices, and more, if more could be, would have been wisely made and well recompensed, had they seized the opportunity of rendering new laws unnecessary, by the all-powerful effect of reason and eloquence, in converting or putting down the misleaders of the people. But they did no such thing. They rebuke, indeed, and lecture the Radical Reformers! No, no. they knew better than to risk such a liberty. They met under a contract (whether written or tacit he would not affirm), that the great question on which they fundamentally differed from the Radical Reformers should not be brought into discussion; and there being but two questions for deliberation,—the one parliamentary reform, and the other the calling of parliament together for the purpose
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of inquiring into the proceedings at Manchester,—the first they consented entirely to slur over; and, with a most whimsical waste of time, proceeded to debate the second, although the newspapers of the day must have apprized them that parliament was already called. Surely many of those who supported the resolutions at York, must now in their consciences believe that the effect of that meeting had been to give encouragement to those very schemes which the Amendment under consideration now rebuked with so wholesome a severity.
Mr. Lytteltonrose to order, and said, that the imputation of a motive, such as that stated by the right hon. gentleman, was disorderly.
The Speakerobserved, that to impute a motive was certainly disorderly; but, in his apprehension, the right hon. gentleman did not put his argument with that intention.
Mr. Canningresumed.—Most certainly, Sir, you have taken the just view of the purport of my observation. I said distinctly, the effect of the York meeting, not the intention. I say further, or rather I repeat, that I equally believe, that the effect, not the intention, of qualifying the Address to the Throne with the proposed Amendment, would be to encourage the hopes of the Radical Reformers, not to damp them; notwithstanding the wholesome rebuke which I have admitted one passage of the Amendment to convey.
The great point of difference, between the Address and the Amendment, was, the notice bestowed by the Amendment upon the late transactions at Manchester. Mr. C. entreated the House, before they suffered themselves to be led away by all the declamation upon this question, to review the course which it had taken before it was brought under the consideration of parliament. Let every hon. member reflect on his own previous feelings on that question, even up to yesterday; and ask himself whether the legality of the meeting of the 16th of August were not the point on which he expected the discussion to turn; and by the decision of which was to be determined—whether or no there were any grounds, either for a parliamentary inquiry, or for any, and what further proceedings on the subject?
And what was now the state of that question of legality? Was it not settled in the mind of every impartial man, in the

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way directly contrary to that which, before the meeting of parliament, had been so confidently presumed? As his hon. and learned friend (Mr. Scarlett) had this night qualified the opinion which he, in common with, he believed, a great majority of the House, understood him to declare in the preceding night's debate, he would not be so discourteous as to dwell on the impression which the first statement of that opinion had produced upon his mind. Undoubtedly, he had understood his hon. and learned friend to subscribe to the opinion that the meeting of the 16th of August was illegal; and he had congratulated himself on the accession of an authority which, if second, was only second, to that of the right hon. and learned gentleman over the way (Mr. Plunkett), who had with such clearness and force argued and established that opinion. But if his hon. and learned friend had not thought fit to give a positive opinion that the meeting was illegal, at least, he had not ventured to state an opinion to the contrary. His hon. and learned friend desired to withhold the expression of any opinion at all; and he (Mr. C.) had no right to disturb the tranquil state of neutrality in which his hon. and learned friend had placed himself. But what was to be thought of that neutrality,— what inference but one could be drawn from it,—when, after such an argument as that of the right hon. and learned gentleman, corroborated by the opinions of his (Mr. C. 's) hon. and learned friends who sat near him (the attorney and solicitor general), and not yet denied by any lawyer who had spoken, his hon. and learned friend was satisfied to be silent, and to leave the question without the benefit of his authority either way? The right hon. and learned gentleman, himself a host, had pledged his authority and his reputation as a lawyer (pledges of which the House and the United Kingdom know, and posterity will acknowledge, the value), that the meeting of the 16th of August was an illegal meeting. The hon. and learned gentlemen who sat near him (of whose talents he would not speak in the language which they deserved, only because sitting where they did, it might be considered as the language of partiality), they too had pledged their reputation as lawyers to the same opinion. On the opposite side, not one learned gentleman had staked his reputation on the opinion that the meeting was legal; not one learned gentleman
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had hinted that he held such an opinion; no not one. If then there were value in authorities, that value, whether taken by weight or by tale, was on the side of the illegality of the meeting; while in the opposite scale would be found only a negative quantity, the unexplained hesitation of his hon. and learned friend (Mr. Scarlett). If there were any lawyer in the House who yet lingered, and would not, with the frankness of his learned friends, stake his reputation on his opinion, Mr. C. could only say that such learned gentlemen (whoever he might be) took as little advantage of the opportunity afforded by the meeting of parliament, for correcting erroneous doctrines, as the Whigs had taken of the meeting at York.
Such then was the state of the Manchester question, as it stood now, after two evenings' discussion, compared with that in which it stood ten, nay two, days ago.—But the necessity of a parliamentary inquiry into that matter had been rested on two grounds: first, on the violation of the constitution, by an illegal dispersion of a legal meeting; and secondly, on the demands of the country. The first ground the House would, perhaps, think pretty well disposed of; at least until some sage of the law should gather courage to dispute the doctrine, yet unquestioned in this debate, that the meeting was not a legal but an illegal meeting. And what if it should turn out upon examination, that the second ground was in fact identical with the first? Let the House take a view of the resolutions of some of the principal meetings which had been holden in different parts of the country; and let it be seen on what grounds they had rested this call for parliamentary inquiry. He would, with permission, mention a few of them briefly to the House.
First came the Westminster meeting, resolving, that "the late meeting at Manchester was a legal meeting," that "the people were lawfully assembled;" next, the common council of London — "a meeting legally assembled;" Halifax, "illegal dispersion of a meeting convened according to law;" Lewes, "the meeting at Manchester, on the 16th of August, was strictly legal and constitutional;" Southwark, St. John's parish, "perfectly legal and constitutional;" Richmond, "legal;" Carlisle, "our countrymen legally assembled at Manchester;'' Cumberland, the right of assembling "in a

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legal manner "appears to have been violated; York, county, "a meeting legally assembled;" Reading, "a perfectly legal and constitutional meeting;'' London, St. Leonard's parish "legally assembled;" London, St. Clement's parish, "peaceably assembled for a legal and constitutional purpose;" Durham, county, "legally assembled;" Durham, city (more cautiously), "a meeting legally, as it seems, assembled;" Devon county club (more cautiously still) "we have not yet learnt by what act the people assembled at Manchester had placed themselves out of the pale of the law;" Sheffield (in the like strain) "as far as appears to us, conducted legally;" Norfolk (with similar reserve) "a meeting not proved to be illegal." There were abundance of other resolutions affirming the same opinion with more or less of confidence; but he had troubled the House with instances enough, to show the general prevalence of the notion, that the meeting at Manchester was a legal meeting.
Now, allowing all due weight to the authority of those resolutions, yet, as they turned out to have been founded in mistake, was it not to be fairly presumed that the meetings which passed them had been taken by surprise; and had, under an entire misconception, come to decisions which they themselves would now admit to be no longer maintainable?
But it was not in matters of law only, that the meetings in the country appeared to have been misled. It was impossible to overlook those flagrant misrepresentations of fact, by which the public mind had been worked up to a fearful state of irritation. It had happened to him (Mr. C.) to take the reports of a part of the daily press on these transactions in the gross; a course of reading which brought exaggerations and contradictions into view, much more clearly than a perusal from day to day. The first thing that had convinced him of the extreme caution with which the testimony of these records was to be received, was an allegation, that the magistrates of Manchester were necessarily actuated by hostile feelings towards the people, from the circumstance of their being generally "master-manufacturers." His connexion with Liverpool had given him acquaintance enough with the general state of things in Lancashire, to make him quite sure that, however true such a circumstance might have been in any other county, it could not be so in the county
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of Lancaster; it being (as he had often heard, and had had some opportunities of knowing) an invariable rule in that county, not to put into the commission of the peace persons connected with the manufacturing establishments. No person, who had ever conversed with a Lancashire man, but might have informed himself of this rule; and surely no honest man would have hazarded such an allegation without inquiry. That care, at least every man was bound to take, before he asserted a fact to the injury of his neighbour; especially when the prejudice excited by the statement was to extend to the remotest verge of the kingdom, and to hold up those who were the objects of it to abhorrence and detestation. The allegation, however, passed current for some days; then, indeed, came an acknowledgment that it was incorrect; accompanied, however, with the observation, that though the master-manufacturers were not in the commission of the peace, the argument built on that assumption was not the less true. How many persons must have read the assertion, who, perhaps to that hour, were not aware of its untruth! How many persons in the country, remained even up to the meeting of parliament under the influence of that alarming but delusive impression! Was it not obvious that such an impression must materially have influenced the resolutions of any meeting where it was received as true? In that proportion, therefore, was a deduction to be made from the authority of all such resolutions. But was this the only misrepresentation? By no means. At the meeting of the city of York came forward an hon. gentleman (the member for that city), for whose general character and conduct he (Mr. C.) entertained the highest respect, and stated, that the sabres of the cavalry were sharpened, with a view to the conflict of the 16th of August. It was unnecessary to say that this information from such a man came with a weight absolutely overwhelming. Afterwards, the hon. gentleman was convinced that he had been led to assert what was not founded on fact; and, like an honourable and upright man as he was, he publicly retracted it. He could do no more. But, in the mean time, the resolutions at York had passed; and who could estimate the share which such an assertion, made when it was made, must have had in producing that temper in the meeting which

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sanctioned those resolutions? Persons who had only read the statement might be subsequently disabused by the correction; and, so far as they were concerned, the mischief might therefore be cured: but could any man calculate the extent, to which such a statement, while it remained uncontradicted, must have acted on the public feeling at many other meetings than that at which it was first promulgated? Another hon. gentleman, the member for Norfolk, had been led into a like error, purely unintentional, no doubt, but calculated like the former to do extensive mischief, respecting a woman said to have been saved by an officer of dragoons from the barbarous rage of the yeomanry cavalry. The hon. gentleman had taken an opportunity, in this debate to disavow the authority on which he told this story. He had done rightly. But what might not have been the effect and operation of the story in the mean time?
Deduct, therefore, the amount of the impression made by these, and abundance of other similar fables; deduct the effect of the persuasion (the assumed, uncontroverted, and unquestioned persuasion), that the Manchester meeting was a legal meeting; and then judge, whether public meetings, proceeding to discussion under such influences, could have decided with equity and temper; whether we should not do those meetings the greatest possible injustice if we were to imagine that they would, under better information, persevere in decisions so unfairly and surreptitiously obtained? "No, Sir, it is not till all the meetings which assembled during the prevalence of these mistakes and delusions, shall have re-resolved all their resolutions, with the full knowledge that the Manchester meeting was illegal, —that the magistrates were not "master manufacturers,"—that the swords of the yeomanry were not sharpened with a view to the 16th of August,—and that the horrible stories, of which that related by the member for Norfolk is a specimen, were not true,—that we can have a pretence for granting a parliamentary inquiry, on the ground that the country demands it.
"Undoubtedly, Sir, the meeting at Manchester, was attended with great and grievous calamities. Much suffering was occasioned by it to all classes of the inhabitants of that place; and the loss of lives which occurred in the dispersion of the assembly must be deplored by every mind that has the smallest tincture of humanity.
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In deploring those occurrences, I yield to no man living. But I know how cautiously I must deal with matters of this kind. I know well the nature of the artifices too successfully practised by those who endeavour to pervert the public judgment by the slander of individual character. Experto credite. The process is of this kind.—An incendiary narrator of what passed at Manchester affirms, perhaps, that "one hundred persons were slain." Suppose, indignant at this extravagant falsehood, I answer, "No, no, not a hundred, the number of sufferers was six only." "Six only!" is then the exclamation, "O barbarian! it is thus that you trifle with the sacrifice of human life!" This, Sir, is the common trick. It consists in first putting forth a monstrous exaggeration of calamity for the express purpose of inviting contradiction; and then holding up to public indignation the man who reduces the exaggeration to the reality, as if he were the unfeeling defender and approver of whatever part of the calamity he does not deny. The trick is at last found out; but it has unhappily too often done its work for the day, before detection. The agents who employ it know their lesson well. The school in which they learned it is that of the French Revolution. It is the old trick of 1794 and 1795; the too successful expedient of Marat and Robespierre. But, deplorable and extensive as the calamities of the 16th of August were, to whom are they to be attributed? Is it not to those, who actuated by selfish motives of ambition—(no, I will not say ambition; I will not squander a word often applied to nobler aspirations on such base designs)—is it not to those who seek mischief for mischief's sake; — who would let loose the whirlwind, though with the conscious incapacity to direct it;—who would lay the fabric of social order in ruin, not so much in the hope of rising upon that ruin, as for the satisfaction of contemplating the havoc and desolation which they had made;—who, outcasts of society, would revenge themselves upon society by scattering and dissolving the very elements of which it is composed;—Is it not to such persons,—to the assemblers of those alarming multitudes, under the preposterous pretence of petition or deliberation, but in fact for the purposes of intimidation and disorder,—that are to be justly attributed all the consequences which follow upon assemblages so wantonly con-

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gregated, and upon passions so wickedly inflamed? To them the widowed mother and orphan child must trace their miseries. On their heads be for ever fixed the responsibility of all the blood that has been shed!"
He came now to the speech of his hon. and learned friend (sir J. Mackintosh). His hon. and learned friend was far too wise and too wary to pledge himself to an opinion in favour of the legality of the meeting of the 16th of August; he knew well moreover that if any excesses had been committed in the dispersion of even an illegal meeting, the tribunals of the law were open for redress; but being desirous at the same time of making out a case to show that the proceedings at Manchester ought to be made the subject of parliamentary inquiry, he had been driven to the most whimsical refinements in support of this proposition. Others had stated the magnitude of the question, as a cogent reason for the intervention of parliament; but his learned friend contended on the contrary, that the subject was of so subtle a nature, that the searching minuteness of parliamentary investigation could alone bear upon it with effect. The powers of the House, like the proboscis of an elephant, were now to be expanded to embrace the largest objects; and again to be contracted, that they might lay hold of the smallest. They were to tear up an oak or to pick up a pin. Others had charged upon the magistrates the most atrocious wickednesses,—falsehood, treachery, wilful breach of law, and deliberate murder;—and had contended, that the bar of the House of Commons was the only tribunal whose jurisdiction was sufficiently grand and awful to comprehend the enormity of such crimes. His hon. and learned friend, on the contrary, suggested that the guilt of the magistrates might possibly be no more than a small error in discretion; and it was therefore that he thought the bar of the House of Commons the fit tribunal, as being the only one whose touch was fine enough to handle an. offence so delicate and evanescent.
Others had contended that the courts of law were incompetent to try the magistrates; because—he knew not exactly why — the reason had never been very distinctly explained; but whatever it might be, the force of it had been within these few days considerably abated by some blundering fellow, who, not being let
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into the secret — not being apprized how great an object it was to keep such matters exclusively for the cognizance of the House of Commons,—had actually moved for an information against the Coventry magistrates, for the dispersion of the meeting at Coventry; which motion the court of King's-bench had entertained. Now, it was quite obvious that what could be done in the case of Coventry, might be equally done in the case of Manchester; so of that argument—the incompetency of the courts of justice—there was happily an end. His hon. and learned friend, however, did not deny the competency of the court of King's-bench; but he doubted whether that court would condemn for any thing but misconduct; and he wanted a trial, where error in discretion (if it could be substantiated) might assume the colour, and be visited with the penalties, of guilt; and therefore was he for a trial in the House of Commons. Nay, his hon. and learned friend, and others who had followed him, went further. They thought that even if there were no guilt at all, real or imaginary, substantial or constructive, still a trial in the House of Commons could do the magistrates no harm. Why should an innocent man fear a trial? What more delightful, what more enviable, than the sensations of virtue under unmerited persecution? His hon. and learned friend had singular notions of happiness. A wise antient had said—
—"Dici beatus,
"Ante obitum, nemo supremaque funera debet."
But his hon. and learned friend had found out, that even in this life a man may be blessed beyond the ordinary lot of humanity. This excess of sublunary enjoyment was to be found, it seems, in a public trial, with a consciousness of innocence. Happy, happy Mr. Hastings! who, for seven long years, continued in uninterrupted fruition of that which is now discovered to be the consummation of human felicity! "These, Sir, are refinements which I confess I do not comprehend. If the magistrates have sinned against the law, the courts of law are open to try them. If they are innocent, I, for my part, will never consent that an innocent man shall be dragged daily before our bar, amidst the taunts of enemies, and under the misconstruction of the public, with the consciousness of his innocence alone to support him.

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It appeared to him (Mr. C.) that even justice ought to be dealt between man and man. In former times and in other countries (certainly never in this happy land), favour and affection had been shown to the higher, in preference to the lower, classes of society. At present, in consequence perhaps of one of those oscillations in the human mind which succeed each other with reference to every subject of human interest, there appeared to be a prevalent disposition to presume in favour of the lower, against the higher, classes. He by no means blamed this disposition. If any inequality were allowed to exist, the preponderance ought certainly to be on the side of the weak and unprotected. But equal justice was after all the wisest and honestest course. Now, what kind of equality would be administered between those who assembled the illegal meeting of the 16th of August, and those who dispersed it, if the amendment proposed by the right hon. gentleman were acceded to by the House? Those who had endeavoured to set the country in a flame, would be allowed to traverse their indictments, and to go to their trial at the period which might best please them;—the magistrates who had exerted themselves to defeat these machinations, would be allowed no choice, no challenge, but would be put on their trial without delay. The former, besides being permitted to go to trial when they liked, would have the further advantage that the witnesses against them would be examined upon oath; while the latter when brought at a moment's warning to the bar of the House of Commons, would be arraigned on evidence not given under that solemn sanction. And this was what his hon. and learned friend opposite, with the bandage over his eyes, and the balance in his hand, was prepared to mete out as the award of impartial justice!
That the House were fully aware of the difference between evidence on oath, and that taken without such sanction, was manifest from the fact, that in all cases in which the immediate right of their own members to their seats in that House was involved, the matter was referred to the consideration of a committee, before whom evidence was given on oath, under all the penalties for false-swearing.
But to put the injustice of the proceeding recommended to them in a still stronger point of view, let the House contemplate the result of a trial of the
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magistrates in the House of Commons, under the alternative either of condemnation or acquittal. Suppose the House by a vote of the majority to find that no blame was imputable to the magistrates of Manchester; would that vote save them from a prosecution in a court of justice? No. The inquiry would merely furnish evidence against them, disclose their case, and send them prejudged to the legal tribunal. If, on the contrary, a majority of the House should find the magistrates guilty of the offence with which they were charged, and address the throne to remove them from the commission; would that save them from a prosecution in a court of justice? No. The decision of the House upon unsworn testimony, having inflicted a disgrace worse than the severest legal punishment, they would then be called to trial again in another court, where the previous decision could not but operate to their prejudice, and where even acquittal could not restore their station or their fame. And this was equal justice! Surely, it was impossible for any man, who duly considered the subject, and who wished to follow the great rule of dealing by others as he would wish others to deal by him, to agree to such an amendment.
There was still another view, however, of the proposed investigation,—its effect on the character of the House of Commons. He did not attribute to the right hon. gentleman who moved the amendment, the design of bringing the House into disgrace: but he must say that, if the amendment had been proposed by any of the—he was at a loss how to denominate them—the white-hatted gentry, he should suspect that they had a double game in view. For, if by such evidence as has been described, the House should be surprised into a decision against the magistrates, then the vengeance of the radical reformers would be fully gratified. If, on the contrary, the magistrates should be discharged of all blame by a vote of the House, there would then be afforded a new ground of clamour against the House of Commons. Either result would be delicious to those gentlemen. In the one event, they would crush the men whose firmness had defeated their machinations, in the other, they would gain a new power for undermining the constitution. But, as the House itself could not possibly have either of those objects in view, he trusted, that they would not hesitate to put an

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end to the alternative by rejecting the amendment.
So great was the inconvenience of involving that House unnecessarily in judicial investigation, that he confessed he could conceive few cases, except those which required the exercise of the power of impeachment, in which the interposition- of the House of Commons was not attended with a risk of interrupting the course of justice, and of throwing discredit on the ordinary administration of the laws. What could be a stronger proof of this tendency than the sort of use which an hon. gentleman had thought himself warranted to make, in the debate of that day, of the short-hand report of an unfinished law proceeding,—the coroner's inquest at Old-ham? What business had the House of Commons with that proceeding,—which was now under revisal by the proper authority, the court of King's-bench?—or what advantage could be derived to the cause of law or liberty by the attempt to cast odium on judicial proceedings? The ill example that was sometimes set in that House, was followed but too closely elsewhere. The coroner's inquest was, to be sure, a tribunal, of secondary dignity; but when before was any magistrate, however inferior in dignity, braved and browbeaten, day after day, upon the bench? When before was the majesty of justice insulted in her own temple, as had been lately practised in courts of still higher— of the highest—authority?—He trusted that there was not in that House, or in the country, a warmer friend of rational liberty than himself; but amongst the first elements of liberty he had always understood to be the separation of administrative and judicial functions; and every attempt to unite them in the same hands must, in his opinion, be attended with danger to the constitution.
But it is not only the courts of law, (which may perhaps, heretofore have been reviled by those on whom it was their duty to inflict the penalties of justice,— though never before so openly and grossly insulted)—it is not the courts of law only that in these days are held up to suspicion and hatred:—but other, the most favourite institutions of British judicial administration; institutions which are peculiar to England, and which excite, beyond all others, the admiration and envy of foreign nations. Even the sacred name of juries has been tainted with insinuation; and the unpaid magistracy of the country are
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attempted to be degraded in the public esteem. As if renouncing the high station which we maintain in Europe, as if anxious to deter those nations which have followed our steps in victory from imitating (as they are eagerly bent on doing) our example in civil life, we have persons among us who are busily employed in defaming those invaluable institutions; which are at once the pride and the safeguard of our civil polity. Depend upon it, Sir, if these attempts should be successful, the evil which they entail will be altogether irreparable. One of the most beautiful of our moral poets has said, of the lower classes of the agricultural part of the community—that,
"Princes and lords may flourish, or may fade; A breath can make them as a breath has made: But a bold peasantry, their country's pride, When once destroy'd, can never be supplied."
So say I of the higher ranks of that same portion of the community—the unpaid magistracy of the country.—I do not dread the inroads attempted to be made on the constitution of parliament, with half the horror that I do the efforts to disparage the character of that magistracy, anew House of Commons might be elected. The monarch might create new peers. New statesmen would be found to conduct the affairs of government, if the present race of public men were swept from the earth. But once "destroy" that which "can never be supplied," the voluntary and gratuitous dispensation of justice: once sour the public mind against that, perhaps the sole remnant of natural authority; once thoroughly disgust and dishearten that thankless self-devotion, that unbought sacrifice of time and trouble, that benevolent homage of power and wealth to the interests of the humble and the poor, which characterize the country magistracy;—let that connecting link between the higher and lower orders of society be once broken,—and by that single blow more will be done to disjoint the state, than could be accomplished by the radical reformers, with all their outrageous declarations, and with all their pikes— when they shall use them."
He would now, with the permission of the House, turn to the main subject, of which the House appeared to have almost lost sight,—the speech from the throne. In that speech, the state of the country was painted in colours such as those who advised the Crown had seldom before been under the sad necessity of employing.

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That the picture was not overcharged, however, he had a right to presume, as no imputation of that nature had been uttered from any quarter. With the exception of the hon. baronet opposite (sir Francis Burdett), no one who had touched on the meeting at Manchester, had spoken of the designs of the movers of that meeting, manifested not only by their own declarations, but by all their preparations, their emblems and their array, as other than most wicked and indefensible. The hon. baronet, indeed, had talked of the flags unfurled on that occasion, as mere matters of parade. But who did not know, that banners, ribbons and other such devices, might be as clear indications of purpose as words? When some years ago, an orange cockade was worn, on particular days, in Ireland (much more generally than he believed and hoped it was at present), would it have been an answer to the complaints against such a practice to say, "What signifies a yellow ribbon?"—Such things had great signification. Who but the hon. baronet could doubt, that the flags of the meeting at Manchester meant defiance? What could the inscription "Equal Representation or Death" intend, but that those displaying it were solicitous for that which was incompatible with the constitution, and that they were ready to purchase it with their blood? Could such a meeting be legal? Was it possible that any one of the contrivers or abettors' of it could seriously imagine it to be so? Could it be deemed so in common sense? The common law, as had been truly said by the right hon. and learned gentleman, (Mr. Plunket), was the perfection of common sense; but what law or what sense could consider as peaceable and legal meetings of forty or fifty thousand persons, convened by no known authority, and marching together in military array, at which doctrines subversive of the constitution were promulgated without disguise, and the determination to carry those doctrines into effect by physical force was audaciously avowed?
He would borrow, on this point, an illustration with which the speech of his hon. and learned friend (sir J. Mackintosh), had furnished him. His hon. and learned friend had told them, that Lancashire had, at different periods, been the seat of different kinds of disaffection; of Jacobitism in the last century, as of Jacobinism at present. Now, he would ask his hon. and learned friend; nay, he
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would appeal to any one of the hon. gentlemen opposite,—to any whig amongst them,—for an answer to this question,— if in the year 1715, or in the year 1745, or in any year between those two periods, fifty or twenty or ten thousand Lancashire Jacobites had assembled by beat of drum, on the 10th of June, with white roses in their hats, and with the motto "Legitimate Monarchy" embroidered on their standards, would that have been a legal assembly? If any unfortunate Tory had, after such an occurrence, stood up in parliament, and protested that those symbols were perfectly innocent of any improper meaning;—that white was no colour—and that the words "Legitimate Monarchy" referred, beyond all question, to the royal family just established by law; —would he have been listened to with credulity and complacency by the Whig powers of that day? Would he not rather have been reviled as a driveller or traitor; and a new Whig law have been passed for the suppression of such innocent assemblages, at least as strong as the Riot act itself? And pray, what was the difference between the two proceedings, that of Manchester in August 1819, and that which he had imagined as taking place in the same county in 1715 or 1745? Why, hat the one would have indicated a design of changing the reigning dynasty; while the other was manifestly directed against the whole frame of the constitution. Any attempt to bring the multitude, and the menaces, and the symbols, and the array of the Manchester meeting within the pale of law, was as fond and as futile as would have been the attempt of a Tory opposition to assign to the Jacobite mob the character of loyalty to the Hanover succession.
The hon. baronet has adjured the House to consider the necessity of conciliation. If by conciliation be meant the expression of sympathy in the distresses of the people, I do most sincerely declare that that sympathy cannot be more deeply felt by any man or set of men in the House or in the country, than by my colleagues and myself. Indeed, can such a declaration be necessary? Even if we had not, like other men, the feelings of human kindness, is it possible that we should be so blind to our own interests, as well as insensible to our duties, as not to feel that the credit as well as the permanency of our administration depends upon the peace and tranquillity of the kingdom, and therewith on the

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prosperity and comforts of the labouring classes of the community? But I apprehend, that what the hon. baronet means by conciliation is concession; and concession in the shape of a parliamentary reform. And this, Sir, brings me to the topic which was introduced into this debate by the right hon. gentleman who moved the amendment, and to which he did me the honour to challenge my particular attention. That challenge has been repeated by the hon. baronet. The House will, therefore, see that it is not in my option to decline adverting to this topic; although I could have been well contented to defer it to a more suitable opportunity.
The hon. baronet warns me to re-consider my opinions on the subject of parliamentary reform. The right hon. gentleman has been pleased to compliment me as the most strenuous opposer of a reform in parliament, and as one main obstacle to the success of that project. He tells me that I am as radical at one end of the question, as those who are termed "radicals," are at the other. The right hon. gentleman will pardon me for observing, as 1 pass, that his metaphor is none of the correctest. I never heard of any plant with a root at both its ends. The root usually tends down wards—radice in Tartara;—and I will not dispute that tendency with those who have pre-occupied the title.
But I have no reserve on the subject of parliamentary reform; and, called upon as I have been, I will without the smallest hesitation state my opinions now; declining however to argue them till the period of more particular discussion shall arrive. I am no bigoted supporter of the present order of things as faultless and perfect, or even as necessarily the best that it may be possible for human wisdom to devise; but what I have always maintained is, that the House of Commons, with all its imperfections on its head, discharges well the functions assigned to it by the constitution, and is to all practical purposes identified, with the people whom it represents. I have always contended, therefore, that any sweeping change— any change not very limited and very well considered,—must be attended with great hazard. To say that some heaven-born radical reformer might not by possibility imagine a scheme of a House of Commons, infinitely more beautiful in theory, is a presumption of which I am not
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guilty. But until I see such a scheme before me in all its scope and in all its detail, I shall feel it my duty to resist any unexplained approaches to reform; because such approaches tend to weaken what exists, without substituting any thing better, or affording any pledge that a preferable substitute can be found.
The course of reasoning, which 1 think myself entitled—which I think it must be allowed, to be most expedient—to pursue on this subject, is as follows:
I claim no other privilege for the existing state of parliament, than that which is allowed to all existing institutions,— that the burthen of proof that a change in them is necessary shall rest with those who propose the change
Reformation (I speak not here of partial remedies applied—as this House is in the habit of applying them from time to time—to particular instances of detected corruption, but of a general systematic reformation) must be of one of two sorts. It may be a restoration, upon the original principles of the institution to be reformed, to the state in which it stood at some former time, and from which it is alleged to have degenerated; or, it may be a reconstruction of the institution on principles altogether new.
My first question to the proposer of such general reformation, therefore is, "Which of these two modes have you in view?" If the answer be, "restoration to what the House of Commons was in former times;" I then request that the period may be specified at which the House of Commons was, according to the reformer, in the perfection to which he wishes to restore it. If, on the other hand, the answer be, that it is intended to re-construct the House on new principles; then, I think, it is not too much to ask that those principles shall be clearly defined, before we are required to take a single practical step towards the abolition of the existing frame of the House of Commons.
Even after all these explanations had been given, I should think myself at liberty to compare the dangers of a change with the advantages of the change specifically proposed.' But, without these preliminary explanations, without knowing exactly what is the nature and extent of the change intended, I should think that to countenance any abstract declaration of the expediency of a change, would be madness.

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I differ from some gentlemen who have spoken in this debate, in my behalf as to the degree in which the desire for parliamentary reform prevails throughout the nation. I very much doubt whether that desire prevails much beyond the class of determined reformers,—except, perhaps, among timid and indolent persons, who, untaught by experience, or fearful of exertion, imagine that concession to an invader is the way to peace. With the turbulent description of reformers, it is agreed on all hands, there can be no dallying or compromise. To attempt to conciliate them would be utterly hopeless. And I repeat, I do not believe the sound part of the community to be at all widely infected by the love of change. To use a figure of Mr. Burke's, I will not mistake the importunate chink of a Few grasshoppers chirping under a fern-bush, for the voice of the lordly oxen that stray in sober tranquillity over the surface of the field.
I must fairly say, however, that if I could once bring myself to admit the premises which the hon. baronet lays down, I should acknowledge his conclusion from them to be more logical than that of those who call themselves moderate reformers. The latter affirm the existence of a wide-spreading corruption as broadly as the hon. baronet. But the hon. baronet advises a new construction of the House; while the moderate reformers profess to be satisfied with some very trifling alteration. Now, if the disease be as great and as malignant as it is described, I could not be satisfied with so partial a remedy. But I do not admit such to be the extent and malignity of the disease. I do not admit, for instance, that the close boroughs, against which so much has been said, and which are the most obvious and striking anomalies in a plan of representation theoretically considered, are by any means a rotten and gangrened part of the constitution, to be cut off without mercy or remorse. I think them not only defensible, but serviceable. This opinion, Sir, I hold at least disinterestedly. I can have no fear that Liverpool should be involved in any plan of disfranchisement. And I protest, I believe, that the administration of which I am a member, would not lose, but would benefit, by the abolition of the close borough representation. No small proportion of those boroughs is in the hands of our opponents. If the boroughs of
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Knaresborough, of Tavistock, of Horsham, of Winchelsea, of Peterborough, were disfranchised, and the right of election were transferred to more populous places —to Birmingham, to Manchester, to Sheffield, to Leeds—I really do not believe that his majesty's ministers would lose numbers in this House; on the contrary, I believe that they would receive more support than at present. But I should regret very much if, by such a measure, the House should be deprived of so many of the great lights* which I see in the opposite quarter of the horizon.
The House, and the right hon. gentleman, will do me the justice to acknowledge, that I have stated my opinions on this question without prejudice, without passion, Without any personal or party bias, I think now, as I always have thought, that the constitution of the House of Commons is practically beneficial, though I do not pretend that it is conformable to any uniform theory. If I am asked for instance, why 658 is a more proper number of members than 657 or 659?—I confess myself at a loss to answer the question. It is the collective character of the House which I regard; and I maintain that in its aggregate capacity, and in its general operation, it faithfully represents not only the general interests of the kingdom, but the particular interests of every assignable portion of it: and that it follows, not precipitately, but deliberately and considerately, the real wishes, opinions, and feelings, of the people.
The gentlemen who oppose the government, contend indeed on all occasions, that they are right, and that ministers are wrong; and that the House of Commons, agreeing with the ministers, are therefore wrong with them, and ought, like them, to be sent about their business. But this is mere assertion; and is, in truth, a very short way of disposing of a very complicated question. Do those gentlemen who are in a minority in this House, find themselves in a majority in the country? They will not say so; they cannot think so. Take, for example, the question of the late war. Have they any doubt that, through the whole course of that war (to
* Mr. Tierney, sir James Mackintosh, Mr. J. P. Grant, Mr. Brougham, Mr. Scarlett, &c., are among the representatives for the boroughs enumerated by Mr. Canning.

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which they now, by the way, attribute all our distresses,) a majority—an immense majority—of the nation were of the same way of thinking with the majorities of the two Houses of Parliament? Do they doubt that, in that glorious war, in which England saved Europe, and with Europe saved herself, her government was enabled to effect these mighty purposes, not only by a confiding parliament, but by a concurring people? To say that such a war was, or could be, carried on in contradiction to the wishes of the country—that it was a war against the people,—is absurd. A war of twenty years! accompanied with privations and sacrifices never before heard of! and all cheerfully borne by a people, reluctant and unconsenting, insensible to the demands of their own security, and deaf to the shouts of triumphant valour!— borne, too, without murmur or remonstrance!—the statement refutes itself. Gentlemen know that it does so. They know that the war was undertaken for the destruction of tyranny, and for the vindication of the liberties of mankind. They know that, the glory acquired to England, and the interest felt in that glory by the people of England, were as great as the majorities in parliament were overwhelming; and they know that those parliamentary majorities were but the express image of the sentiments of the nation.
There is another consideration which induces me to distrust the hon. baronet's assumption of a general popularity for the doctrines of which he is the champion. It is, that this question of parliamentary reform is never eagerly agitated, unless when some poignant, though passing difficulties assail the country. This was notoriously the case at the first promulgation of the doctrines of reform, towards the end of the American war. It was the case in 1793, when the desolating principles of the French revolution and its tremendous military successes disquieted sober minds with an apprehension of ruin to the kingdom. It was the case in 1797, at the period of the mutiny at the Nore; and again in 1798, during the height of the disturbances in Ireland, In 1810 and 1812, the question of reform was indeed brought forward, but with out exciting much interest or receiving any material support either within doors or without; and from the latter period it slept until the year before last, when the hon. baronet burst upon us with the elaborate plan of major Cartwright. To that ad-
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mirable system, and to the peculiar doctrines of that patriarch of reform, I consider the hon. baronet as inviolably pledged. He is the undoubted and sole heir of the venerable major. I hope, that when that system and those doctrines shall descend to him by right of inheritance, he will enjoy them to as full a maturity of age and intellect as his predecessor; and that he will finally hand them down unimpaired to some successor equally gifted with himself, but doomed to be, equally with himself, unsupported and hopeless in the prosecution, of them.
Beside this plan of the hon. baronet, I am not aware of any specific proposition for reform now before the public—except the threatened one, from the other side of the House, for shortening the duration of parliaments. It is now, Sir, about one hundred years since the Whigs made parliaments septennial from triennial. During the first half century after that change they monopolized the administration of the government. So far, all went well. But for nearly the whole of, the last fifty years, the Whigs have been out of office. Are they anxious to try whether they may better their chance by undoing the work of their own hands, and returning to, triennial parliaments?
Now, Sir, as to triennial parliaments, I confess I object to them—anti-reformer as I am:—but if I were a radical reformer, I should object to them infinitely more. On my, own part I object to them for all the reasons so often urged in debate against the repeal of the Septennial act, in the course of the twenty years that followed its enactment; reasons, I admit, of expediency rather than, of principle. But as a reformer, I should reject with indignation an attempt to delude me with a specious appearance of regeneration; calculated to aggravate in effect that very inequality of representation of which the reformers particularly complain. The objects of their strongest antipathy we know are the close boroughs, in defence of which I have ventured to say a few unpopular words: they hold it an abomination, that Tavistock should return by nomination as many members as York or Bristol or Liverpool by free election. But what could so much enhance the advantage of Tavistock over York, or Bristol, or Liverpool, as increasing the frequency of elections? The trouble, the anxiety, the expense—the lawful expense, I mean —of a contested election for a populous

217
place, are no light matter: while the quiet sitter for a close borough may be returned by the dash of a pen, without moving out of his easy chair. This takes place now, once in seven, or, as is the practice, once in about six years; make it to happen once in three years;—you double the disadvantage against the popular representative;—and then have the assurance to call this a reform!
But let not gentlemen deceive themselves with a fond expectation, that dexterous contrivances such as these, or that any palliatives, however specious, can amuse the real reformers. It is not with such sacrifices that you can gorge and satisfy the all-devouring monster of radical reform. No, no, no. The reformers mean, and they demand, a strict personal representation; they mean and they demand a direct express of the people's will.
I can only say, that if government be a matter of will (I thought it had been matter of reason and convention), and if the will of the whole nation be once fully represented—these two premises being assumed—the conclusion that follows from them is to my mind inevitable: it is shortly and plainly this, that the assembly so fully representing the national will, must be, and in sound logic ought to be, the whole government. There is no room, no pretence for any other power in the state. Kings and Lords are useless incumbrances; and such a House of Commons all in all.
Such, I say, is the logical, the necessary, the unavoidable inference from the premises, once admitted, of the hon. baronet and the radical reformers. I content myself for the present with merely stating them, not presuming to find fault with them, nor proceeding to argue them on this occasion. Opportunities will probably occur for that purpose. I should not even have touched upon the subject of parliamentary reform to-night, had it not been for the taunting invitation of the right hon. gentleman, and the solemn admonition of the hon. baronet. But, so called upon, I could not decline stating my opinions, without appearing to shrink from them. I do not shrink from them. I have stated them, I hope, intelligibly; I am sure without any reserve.
Other warnings are addressed, not to me only, but to the House, as to the lessons to be learned from the French revolution. Undoubtedly these two lessens are to be learned from the French reve-
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lution: first, that proper changes ought not be delayed too long; secondly, that precipitate changes are subversive of the peace and order and happiness of nations. But can any man look to the history of the ill-fated Louis 16th, and say, that it was his obstinate adherence to the rights of the throne which he inherited, that imbittered the last years of his reign, and' finally led him to the scaffold? Can any man seriously contemplate the course of events which brought that monarchy to ruin, without trembling at the consequences of a too obsequious subservience to temporary popularity?—without perceiving how easy and how dangerous is the mistake of sacrificing the interests of a whole community to the clam ours of a discontented few? Let not then the les-sons of the French revolution be lost upon us! When out ears ate assailed by clam our for change, let us not be unmindful of the silent apprehensions, the confiding patience of that large portion of the community whom these clam ours distract and appal! Let us not mistake their silence for acquiescence, nor their confidence for carelessness! The feeling of alarm is deep, and general, and just. The persons, whose machinations are the subject of this debate, and the cause of our being called together at this season, are valueless as motes in the sun-beam, compared with the loyal, quiet, unmurmuring millions, who look up to Parliament for protection. Let them not look up to you in vain! Let not the claims, and the welfare of those millions,—of the loyal and the good, of the peaceful and the pious, —be disregarded by the House, in deliberating upon the measures which are necessary for the safety of the country.—
Vos ne populo Romano deese videamini providete! Obsessa fascibus et telis impiœ conjurationis vobis supplex manus tendit patria comtnunis. Vobis se, vobis vitam omnium civium, vobis arcem et capitolium, vobis aras penatium, vobis mums atque vrbis tecta, vobis templa deorum atque delubra commendat."
Mr. Broughamsaid, he was sure the House would, on this occasion, exercise towards him that candour and liberality which he had so often experienced, but of which he then stood so particularly in need. At that late hour of the evening, after the able and entertaining speech which they had just heard—considering the length, he would not say the excessive length of that speech—he felt that

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he could not trespass upon the House for any considerable time; but he could not, consistently with his duty to the country, to his constituents, or to his own feelings, refrain from declaring his opinions on this question. He was fully aware of the truth of the right hon. gentleman's prediction, that the advocates of inquiry would be found in a minority: he was aware that he was, on that occasion, addressing an assembly, the majority of which entertained strong impressions against that side of the question which he conscientiously advocated. He trusted, however, that he would be allowed to follow the arguments used by the right hon. gentleman, and the other gentlemen who opposed the amendment. He fully concurred in the eloquent eulogium pronounced by the right hon. gentleman upon the incalculable, the hardly to be expressed, value of our magistracy, who not only acted gratuitously, with a few exceptions, in Manchester, but were frequently exposed to the discharge of disagreeable functions, and, in some instances, even to the risk of their lives in the public service. For this reason it was that the law had fenced them round with a threefold fence in the discharge of those duties. He therefore lamented, as sincerely as any man could do, that any transaction should take place which could throw a stigma on so respectable a body. He lamented it the more, as it was to the constitutional discharge of the duties of that magistracy that the people were to look up for the preservation of tranquillity. It was their only source of assistance, save the introduction of the military. He should lament deeply the result of the transactions under discussion, if the magistrates implicated were not in this instance separated from the general body. If the proposed inquiry were granted, it would have the effect of separating the wrong-doors, if so they should be proved to be, from that honourable body. If the inquiry were granted, the guilt, the indiscretion, the too great vigour, or the errors of the accused, would be made to appear: if it was refused, the House might rely upon it, it would fall on the whole body. If the impression remained, if it should be believed, that the course of justice was impeded, that undue powers were apt to be exercised, that undue stretches of official power were practised, that military force was applied at the pleasure of men in office, then the
220
catastrophe was consummated, and he must join in deploring, that the confidence of the country in the magistracy must be shaken.
He would now advert to the observations on the Yorkshire meeting. The right hon. gentleman and the noble lord had said that there had been a compromise between the Whigs, with earl Fitzwilliam at their head, and on the other, those whom the right hon. gentleman, (forgetting his promised and original abstinence), called White Hats. This agreement was said to be novel, unconstitutional, curious and inconsistent with the character of earl Fitzwilliam and with the amendment now proposed. They, indeed, were all anxious that a supposed encroachment on the constitution should be specially investigated, and that redress should be given, if that were required. At the meeting there was an agreement in referring the subject to parliament for inquiry and redress. Parliamentary reform, which had no more to do with the object of the meeting than tithes or the poor-rates, and on which they did not agree, was by consent excluded from consideration. The right hon. gentleman was naturally much offended that they had acted so wisely, and followed his own example, who, however, generally sailed much nearer the wind [a laugh.] Hence, all his jokes and gibes; because the points on which they differed had nothing to do with the purpose of the meeting, and those on which they agreed were its sole object, and contained in the requisition. This was the head and front of lord Fitzwilliam's offending. This was the conspiracy of which his lordship and his friends were accused—a conspiracy, he knew not for what—to resist government. The evidence of this charge was the inferences drawn in a newspaper from their speeches. Because Mr. Wooler inferred from lord Milton's speech that he was for reform, and from Mr. Dundas's that he recommended resistance, they all acted unconstitutionally in attending the meeting! He and the right hon. gentleman had been fellow candidates at an election, where the right hon. gentleman had conspired most unconstitutionally with great numbers, according to these principles. He entered into a compromise with notorious traffickers in slaves; with these men he stood, "from early dawn to dewy eve," as near as he (Mr. Brougham) was to his hon. friend. With those respect-

221
able persons, the right hon. gentleman had stood speaking with them, speaking for them, and acting with them, because they agreed as to his election [loud cheers]; but they were as different in their sentiments, at least on the abolition of the slave trade, as it was possible. If he were, therefore, to charge the right hon. gentleman with a conspiracy to revive the slave trade, he would be guilty of as great misrepresentation as Mr. Wooler. The right hon. gentleman, who had not been in the country at the time and had received his information, perhaps, through several gradations, supplied, as was usual, by ingenuity and fancy, his want of information. This accounted for his gross misrepresentation of what passed at the meeting. He alluded particularly to his statement, that the noble member for Yorkshire stood in trembling suspense; he hoped his noble friend was in the House to hear his faithful report of the expression used—"That lord Milton and earl Fitzwilliam stood in trembling suspense for a hearing, to be procured by the rabble radicals brought from Leeds.'' Persons of as acute observation as were in the country, and unconnected with the class alluded to, had described to him the veneration, the quiet and respectful attention, with which the noble lord and his venerable father were listened to, even by the humblest persons present.
Having disposed of this part, he had exhausted a considerable portion of the right hon. gentleman's speech. As to the legality or illegality of the meeting, no opinion was given upon his side of the House, because it depended upon facts to be established in evidence. The right hon. gentleman and the noble lord had brought forward no documents which supported their statements. He lamented that the hon. and learned member for Dublin had forgotten what he had so wisely and eloquently urged respecting Ireland—that coercion, if used at all, should be the last means used, and conciliation should be the first; and that he had made use of his convenient ifs, excited his regret, and would be heard with astonishment and grief in his own country, as well as in this. The right hon. gentleman had forgotten a "fundamental feature," according to the noble lord, namely, that there had been no stones on the field in the morning, and that two cart loads were, after the meeting, carried off the ground. Let this be inquired into,
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and, if proved, it would go far to decide the character of the meeting. The right hon. gentleman had been absent, and had learnt the nature of the transactions from a file of newspapers put at once into his hands. This was unfortunate, for the right hon. member had made his extracts very incorrectly. For instance, the extract from the speech at York was incorrect. It omitted, not from design but very conveniently, the words respecting the legality of the Manchester meeting— "As far as hitherto appeared." The legality was spoken of with similar caution at Cumberland and Westmoreland. All that was said was, that it was prima facie legal, and that inquiry should be made whether it was legal or not. The right hon. gentleman had replied to the hon. baronet (sir F. Burdett) only by old worn-out and stale remarks on parliamentary reform, and had left untouched a speech which must live in their recollection as the most consoling, able, wise, and, for practical effect in preserving the peace and inducing the deluded portion of the people to return to the exercise of good sense, the most useful speech ever heard within those walls. It was more convenient to quit that speech than to answer it, and to bring forward statements which had not been found in any arguments in that House, and which might have perished with the columns in which they appeared, as far as he knew. But he would show the substantial correctness of the facts which had been triumphantly urged as misrepresentations. The hon. member for Norfolk (Mr. Coke) had said, that major Cochrane had interfered to prevent a woman and child from being sabred. Major Cochrane had pointed out some inaccuracy in this. Upon which much sarcasm was thrown out against the statement. But major Cochrane did not deny that a woman and a child had been sabred. This had never been denied and he pledged himself to prove it true if the House would give him leave. It was also true, that major Cochrane had interfered in another part of the field, to prevent the yeomen from attacking the mob who were attempting to escape. Next came the statement of the hon. member for York (Mr. Dundas), who had said, that the sabres had been sharpened with a view to the meeting, and had afterwards with excessive candour, on the safest side to err on, contradicted that observation. The inference drawn from this circumstance

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was, that newspapers were not to be believed, and that public meetings were instruments of deception. But the sabres were, in fact, sharpened.
Mr. Dundashere begged to state, in order to prevent further misrepresentation from going forth to the public, that the swords had not been sharpened for the purpose of the meeting: the swords had been sent to the cutler, but it was in the usual course.
Mr. Brougham.—If his hon. friend had allowed him to proceed, he would have saved him the trouble of making the observations he had made. He meant to say, that the statement in evidence before the coroner's inquest was, that the swords had been sharpened with a view to that particular day [a laugh from the ministerial side]. He hoped the House knew knew him too well to suppose that he would shelter himself under a quibble which was evidently imputed to him. The swords had been sent to be sharpened before the meeting, as appeared in evidence. They had been so sent some few days before the meeting was called, and after the intention of calling it was formed. The magistrates and yeomen were aware of this intention, and in consequence sent the swords to be sharpened. The conclusion was drawn from the knowledge of the intention with which the magistrates were fixed. Another ground of that inference was, that no such usage did in fact prevail; and that with respect to a corps which had existed so short a time, to talk of usage was an abuse of terms. He did not shrink, therefore, from the conclusion, that the swords were sharpened for the purpose. If he was in error, he desired to have his error corrected; but let that correction be the result of inquiry. But if errors ten thousand times more numerous could be detected, it was nothing to the purpose. Some errors and some falsehoods must always appear on questions always discussed, thank God, with so much interest by the people of this country. Granting, for a moment, that the Manchester meeting was illegal, there still remained that important question— were no illegal means used in its dispersion? We knew it was held by an hon. gentleman opposite, that an illegal meeting might be dispersed by means equally illegal. For this, no doubt, he would plead authorities; but was it meant to be contended, that the functions of that House, admitted, as it was, to be the
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grand inquest of the country, were so widely different, so essentially distinct from its other privileges, that they would exist at all times without the one interfering with the other?
In regard to the important interests concerned in the decision of that question, he would ask, supposing it was represented that from many motives and feelings, there was a slowness in bringing these men to account; that one party had not pecuniary means, or having, misapplied them (and indeed the noble lord had in his speech almost supposed the second of these positions, and the fact of that position led him (Mr. Brougham) to assume the first);—the noble lord considering these as the two parties interested in this great and serious question, he would ask, whether there was not a third party who had received and sustained damage By the conduct of these magistrates—the public of this country [Hear, hear!]? As to the clamour which had been raised against extra-judicial proceedings, when that House directed any man to be prosecuted by the attorney-general, was it ever seriously debated whether his crime was one cognizable by law or not? Did they stop to ask such a question in the cases of Mr. Swan, of sir M. Lopez, of Mr. Reeves, or Mr. Stockdale, or of lord Melville? He could not but express his disappointment at the opinions expressed on this subject by several of his hon. friends, for whom he entertained the highest respect, and particularly at the opinion expressed by his hon. and learned friend the member for Montgomeryshire (Mr. Wynn,) a man learned beyond all others in the history of that assembly, whose privileges he (Mr. B.) was endeavouring to support—skilled beyond all men—deeper than all the children of men —in the knowledge of the voluminous. records of parliamentary precedents—a man who was even supposed by most people to know the whole of the journals of the House by heart; who devoted to their study the light of day and the midnight oil; whose accuracy in every thing connected with parliament was so rigid, that many persons imagined he really came down to the House every morning at ten o'clock, the hour at which the House ought to assemble, according to the strict letter of the adjournment [a laugh]—in short, a man whose devotion in this respect could only be equalled by that of a learned ancestor of his, who
¶

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having fainted from excessive toil and fatigue, a smelling bottle was called for, but one who knew much better the remedy adapted to the case of that gentleman, exclaimed, "For God's sake bring him an act of parliament, and let him smell at that" [a laugh]. He could not help thinking in like manner, that in case his hon. and learned friend should ever be attacked in a similar way, the mere smelling of a volume of the journals could not fail instantly to revive him. He was astonished that his hon. and learned friend should contend that the inquiry now called for could not with propriety be entered on by parliament, and was unwarranted by the practice of parliament, when there were so many precedents on the journals proving directly the contrary of this. Here the hon. and learned gentleman alluded to several cases, and dwelt particularly on that of the duke of Buckingham, in which, after most elaborate arguments by the great lawyer of that day, the predecessor of his hon. and learned friend (Mr. Wynn), in antiquarian and constitutional knowledge, it was decided that even common fame might be a ground for a parliamentary impeachment.
Great stress had been laid on the injustice and cruelty of sending any one to trial, with the weight of the opinion of that House operating against him. But if he knew any thing of the people of this country, the opinion of that House would, so far from operating unfavourably against any individual on his trial, be productive of an effect directly the reverse, and would excite in his favour sentiments of pity and commiseration. And, what was the fact? It had happened, fortunately for his argument, that in almost every instance the individuals ordered for prosecution by that House had been acquitted; and in the very last case of the kind, that of Mr. Swan, he was acquitted on all the points on which he was ordered to be prosecuted by the House, though he was convicted on another point. But the inquiry became necessary for another important reason. Admitting, for the sake of argument, that the meeting was illegal—though he begged to be understood as having yet neither heard nor seen any thing to satisfy him that it was illegal—and supposing that the conduct of the magistrates was strictly warranted by law, still the manner in which they exercised the discretionary powers with which they were vested by
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law, might be a fair subject for a parliamentary inquiry. We know that a serious and alarming affray took place, in which several of his majesty's subjects lost their lives, and great numbers were maimed and mutilated. An hon. magistrate (Mr. Wilbraham) had said, that the whole number of persons taken to the infirmary at Manchester, in consequence of injuries received by them on the 16th, amounted only to twenty-six. But with all deference to the hon. gentleman, he had received information from a magistrate who was possessed of a correct knowledge on this subject, and who could not possibly be mistaken, that the number of wounded persons taken to the infirmary amounted to fifty-six. But this formed a very small proportion of the persons injured on that day. It was well known that a great prejudice existed in the north against hospitals (a ridiculous prejudice, no doubt), and that people chose rather to resort to bone-setters and persons of a similar description, when in want of medical assistance. Comparatively few of the persons who suffered on the 16th, were taken to the infirmary. John Lees, for instance, on whom the inquest was held at Oldham, was not taken to the infirmary. He knew, from persons who from motives of charity, and totally uninfluenced by party motives had made it their business to visit the persons who suffered on the 16th, that the number of wounded persons amounted at least to 400. Some of these persons made the number amount to 500 and upwards, and the lowest amount was 400. Now it so happened, that at all the other meetings where a different course had been pursued, no accident whatever had taken place. The meeting at Birmingham, when a Legislatorial Attorney to that House was elected, had an illegal object in view, and was certainly much more calculated to excite alarm than the meeting at Manchester, but even there the people had been allowed to disperse peaceably. At Manchester only, where a different course had been pursued, the most disastrous and deplorable consequences had ensued.
The remedies now proposed to meet the disaffection which existed in the country would, he was convinced, be found altogether inadequate. The most extravagant notions, no doubt prevailed with respect to parliamentary reform; but if they wished to put a stop to the

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spread of these doctrines, instead of enacting laws of severity, and imposing restrictions on the liberty of the subject, they would proceed to remedy those grievances of which the country had to complain, and particularly reform those glaring abuses in the representation of the House, which were so generally lamented. He had always advocated parliamentary reform, and it was only by a wise and temperate reform that they could allay the discontent of the country. He lamented as much as any man the circulation of blasphemous and seditious publications, and he therefore rejoiced at the result of some recent trials, by which it was proved that the laws of the country, when enforced, were sufficient for the repression of blasphemy and sedition. The manner In which the law had been administered on those occasions, reflected eternal honour on the learned judge who presided, and would, in his opinion, be sufficient to bring out the character of the country more pure than before. The law there had been found sufficient to assert its own force; and he considered that if sedition or treason existed, it would be also found strong enough to put them down. If it should not be so, he could only attribute it to the circumstance of its not having been hitherto administered with a steady hand. It was now too late to complain of the licentiousness of the press—too late to complain of the gross and disgusting passages which were sent before the public, and which he lamented as much as any man. He, too, had to complain of the existence of such abuses, but from a different cause; for it seemed as if the abuse and licentiousness of the press had been fostered, in order to give some colourable ground for an attack upon its liberty. What he had to complain of, and did complain of, was, that in the last three years, without an attempt at prosecution, a mass of the grossest and most criminal matter had been launched forth to the public with which ever society had been visited. In some of those writings assassination had been inculcated, forgery defended, and almost every act which could violate allegiance, encouraged. He had within the last two hours read some parts of a newspaper, published in 1817, in which it was said, that the House of Commons was an imposture, the House of Lords an imposture, and the king equally an impos-
228
ture, and that they were only supported in the oppression of the people by the influence of 300,000 bayonets. It was added, that the office of the king was a sinecure, and ought like others to be abolished. The sovereign was then addressed in a coarse and familiar way, and asked, what it was he did for the money which he received from the public. The speech which Oliver Cromwell had addressed to the parliament, when he ordered what he termed "that bauble" (the Speaker's mace) to be removed, was then repeated to him, and he was advised to imitate it. This he had seen in a newspaper published two years and a half ago, and he had not learned that it had been attempted to prosecute it. There was besides this a sort of catechism in which murder and high-treason were treated as innocent and justifiable acts. It was asked "Was high treason a crime?" To which the answer was, "Not always." Another question was, "When is high treason a crime?" and the answer was, "When a subject ascends the throne by the choice of the people, then to put that man to death would be a crime, because there would be a loss of a good man to the people." But (continued Mr. Brougham) the writer of the catechism went on, and said, that when a man receives the throne as an hereditary right, then it would not be a crime even if the man were a good and efficient sovereign. Who then were to blame, if the press was licentious, but they who had not taken any steps to correct it by the proper application of those remedies which the laws prescribed? He thanked the House for their indulgence. His remarks were sincere; and he hoped they would be received as coming from one who would rather be the victim of anarchy than survive the constitution of his country.
The question being put, That the words proposed by Mr. Tierney be added to the said Address, the House divided:

Ayes

150

Noes

381

Majority

231

The main question was then put, and agreed to; and at five o'clock in the morning the House adjourned.

List of the Minority

Abercromby, hon. J.

Anson, hon. G.

Allen, J. H.

Aubrey, sir John

Althorp, Viscount

Benett, John

229

Barham, J. F.

Hurst, Robt.

Baring, sir Thos.

Hutchinson, hon. C.

Baring, Alex.

Kinnaird, hon. D.

Barnett, James

Kennedy, T. F.

Becher, W. W.

Lamb, hon. G.

Bennet, hon. H. G.

Lambton, John G.

Benyon, Benjamin

Latouche, Robt.

Bernal, Ralph

Latouche, John

Birch, Joseph

Lemon, sir W.

Brougham, Henry

Lloyd, sir E.

Browne, Dom.

Longman, Geo.

Burrell, hon. P. D.

Macleod, Rod.

Burdett, sir F.

Maberly, John

Byng, G.

Macdonald, James

Calcraft, John

Maberly, W. L.

Calvert, N.

Mackintosh, sir J.

Calvert, C.

Madocks, W. A.

Campbell, hon. J.

Martin, John

Carter, John

Maule, hon. W.

Cavendish, lord G.

Merest, W.

Cavendish, Henry

Mills, George

Clifford, capt.

Milton, visct.

Clifton, viscount

Monck, sir C.

Coffin, sir Isaac.

Moore, Peter

Colborne, N. R.

Mostyn, sir Thos.

Coke, Thomas

Newman, R. W.

Coke, T. W. jun.

Neville, hon. R.

Concannon, Lucius

O'Callaghan, J.

Coussmaker, W. G.

Ord, W.

Crespigny, sir W. de

Osborne, lord F.

Crompton, S.

Palmer, C. F.

Curwen, J. C.

Pares, Thos.

Chamberlayne, W.

Parnell, sir H.

Davies, J. H.

Parnell, Wm.

Denman, Thos.

Peirse, Henry

Denison, W. J.

Pelham, hon. G. A.

Duncannon, visct.

Pelham, hon. C. A.

Dundas, hon. L.

Philips, George

Dundas, hon. G.

Powlett, hon. W.

Dundas, Thos.

Prittie, hon. F.

Dundas, Charles

Primrose, hon. F.

Ebrington, visct.

Price, Robt.

Ellice, E.

Pringle, J.

Euston, earl of

Ricardo, David

Fazakerley, N.

Ramsden, J. C.

Fellowes, hon. N.

Rancliffe, Lord

Fergusson, sir R. C.

Ridley, sir M. W.

Fitzgerald, lord W.

Robarts, W. T.

Fitzroy, lord C.

Robarts, A.

Foley, Thomas

Rowley, sir W.

Folkestone, visct.

Russell, lord G. W.

Gaskell, Benj.

Russell, lord John

Grant, J. P.

Rumbold, C.

Gordon, Robt.

Rickford, Wm.

Graham, Sandford

Scarlett, James

Graham, J. R. G.

Scudamore, R. P.

Griffiths, John W.

Sefton, earl of

Guise, sir W.

Smith, hon. R.

Gurney, R. H.

Smith, W.

Hamilton, lord A.

Smyth, J. H.

Harvey, D. W.

Spencer, lord R.

Heathcote, sir G.

Stewart, W.

Hill, lord A.

Stanley, lord

Honywood, W. P.

Talbot, R. W.

Howorth, H.

Taylor, M. A.

Hughes, W. L.

Thorp, ald.

Hume, J.

Tierney, rt. hon. G.

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Webster, sir G.

Wilson, Sir Robt.

Waithman, Robt.

Wood, Matthew

Walpole, hon. G.

TELLERS.

Webbe, Ed.

Tavistock, marquis of

Wharton, John

Nugent, lord

Whitbread, W. H.

PAIRED OFF.

Wilkins, Walter

White Luke

Williams, Wm.

PAPERS RELATIVE TO THE INTERNAL STATE OF THE COUNTRY.
The following Papers were presented to both Houses of Parliament, by command of the Prince Regent:

PAPERS RELATIVE TO THE INTERNAL STATE OF THE COUNTRY.
No. 1.—EXTRACT of a Letter from five Magistrates of Lancashire to Lord Sidmouth; dated, New Bailey Court House, Salford, 1st July 1819.
My Lord;—As magistrates of this district we feel ourselves called upon to communicate to your lordship, our impressions upon the present state of affairs within the reach of our observation. We are far from wishing to yield to unnecessary alarm; but when we entertain serious apprehensions, we cannot refrain from making them known to your lordship.—We feel a difficulty in stating to you r lordship, any specific facts upon which legal responsibility will attach to any particular individuals at present; but upon the general view of the subject, we cannot, have a doubt that some alarming insurrection is in contemplation.—Of the deep distresses of the manufacturing classes of this extensive population your lordship is fully apprised, and the disaffected and ill-disposed lose no opportunity of instilling the worst principles into the unhappy sufferers in these times, attributing their calamities not to any event which cannot be controlled, but to the general measures of government and parliament; and when the people are oppressed with hunger, we do not wonder at their giving ear to any doctrines which they are told will redress their grievances.—Although we cannot but applaud the hitherto peaceable demeanour of many of the labouring classes, yet we do not calculate upon their remaining unmoved. Urged on by the harangues of a few desperate demagogues, we anticipate at no distant period, a general rising; and possessing no power to prevent the meetings which are weekly held, we, as magistrates, are at a loss how to stem the influence of the dangerous and seditious doctrines which are continually disseminated. To these meetings and the unbounded liberty of the press, we refer the principal weight of the evil which we apprehend.—We believe, on Monday next, a meeting will be held at Blackburn, and on the following Monday at Manchester, at both of which sir Charles Wolseley is to pre-

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side. As the law now stands we cannot interfere with these meetings, notwithstanding our decided conviction of their mischief and danger. We are most anxious to do every thing in our power to preserve the peace of the country, but upon this most important point we are unarmed We have the honour to be, &c. J. Silvester, R. Wright, W. Marriot, C. W. Ethelston, J. Norris.
No. 2.—EXTRACT of a Letter from Mr. Spooner, a Magistrate of Manchester, to Lord Sid-mouth; dated, Birmingham, July 5th, 1819.
My Lord;—I have the honour to enclose, for your lordship's information, the copy of an advertisement circulated throughout the town of Birmingham, calling for a public meeting on Monday next. Your lordship will not fail to observe the day and the hour fixed for this meeting, both of which are well calculated for the collection of a crowd of persons, many of whom will be fast approaching to a state of intoxication, and therefore more easily inflamed to acts of violence, by the speeches which will no doubt be addressed to them. I am informed that applications have been made to six Charles Wolseley to preside, and to Wooler, Johnson, and others to attend. I have & c. ISAAC SPOONER.
No. 3.—TOWN'S MEETING.
On Monday, July 12th, a meeting of the inhabitants of Birmingham will take place at three o'clock in the afternoon, at the New Hall Hill, for the purpose of considering of the best means of obtaining the representation of the people of Birmingham in parliament, and also the representation of all the unrepresented inhabitants of the empire. Signed on behalf of the Requisitionists, July 3rd, 1819. GEORGE EDMONDS.
No. 4.—RESOLUTIONS at the Quarter Sessions for the County of Chester.
At the General Quarter Sessions of the Peace of our Lord the King, held at Nether Knutsford, in and for the County of Chester, on Tuesday the 13th of July, 1819.—Present, The Earl of Stamford and Warrington, his Majesty's Lieutenant. Sir John Thomas Stanley, Bart.; Sir Henry Mainwaring Mainwaring, Bart.; Trafford Trafford, Edwin Corbett, Thomas William Tatton, John Ford, John Glegg, Wilbraham Egerton, Thomas Bayley Hall, Egerton Leigh, Edward Venables Townsend, Peter Marsland, Nathaniel, Makey Pattison, Ralph Wright, Edward Tomkinson, John Hoskin Harper, Esquires; the Rev. Charles Prescott, John Browne, John H; Mallory, and James Thomas Law, Clerks,—A letter from Lord Sidmouth, his Majesty's Principal Secretary of State for the Home Department, to the Lord Lieutenant, of this country, as to the preserva-
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tion of the public tranquillity, having been laid before this Court. It is Resolved;
That we, the acting magistrates for the county of Chester, will, both in our public and private capacities, do our utmost to further the views of his Majesty's government, in preserving the peace and good order of the coutry.—That it appears that various public meetings have lately been held in this and the neighbouring counties, at which evil-disposed and designing persons, taking advantage of the depression of trade and the consequent distress, have wickedly disseminated inflammatory doctrines; and, under the false pretext of Parliamentary Reform, have vilified the constituted authorities, inciting thereby the ignorant and unwary to insurrection and the commission of crimes, which may endanger their personal liberty and lives.—That we therefore conceive it to be our duty, as it is also our determination, to counteract, to the utmost of our power, all such designs; and we do most earnestly recommend to all the friends of our King and Constitution, as by law established, to rally round the standard of legal authority, and, by the manifestation of their principles, destroy the baneful effects of blasphemous and seditious doctrines, reclaim the deluded, give confidence to the loyal, and maintain inviolate our rights, our liberty and our laws.—And we further recommend, that all well-disposed individuals be invited to declare their willingness to come forward in support of the civil power; and if necessary, to form voluntary associations for the preservation of the public tranquillity.— And we further recommend the magistrates at their several Petty Sessions, in cases of emergency, to appoint such number of the well-disposed inhabitants in their districts to be Special constables, as to them shall seem necessary for the preservation of the peace.
Resolved;—That the magistrates acting for the hundred of Macclesfield, be requested to obtain all the information in their power, as to the proceedings of the disaffected in that district; and that this Court do adjourn to an early day for the purpose of receiving their reports, and adopting such further measures as circumstances may require: That it be recommended to the magistrates in the hundreds of Bucklow and Macclesfield, to act on the present occasion as far as possible in concert with the magistrates of the county of Lancaster: That these Resolutions be inserted in all the public papers published within this county: That these Resolution be signed by the lord lieutenant, on behalf of the meeting.
>(Signed) STAMFORD and WARRINGTON,
Lieutenant.
No.5.—LETTER from Mr. Spooner to Lord Sidmouth; dated Birmingham, July 13, 1819.
My Lord; I have great satisfaction in making known to you, that the meeting held in

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this place yesterday evening, was not attended with any breach of the peace, and that the whole assemblage had quietly dispersed before seven o'clock. It may not, however, be unacceptable to your lordship to be acquainted with some small detail of the proceedings, as reported to me by various persons employed for that purpose. An attempt was first made to collect a crowd, by a miserable procession (as it was called) of major Cartwright, Wooler, and Edmonds, in a street chariot, carrying two flags; they were also accompanied by one Maddocks, whose father was executed at Warwick some years since upon a Bank prosecution, and whose brother is now transported under a similar conviction. Sir Charles Wolseley was not present, having excused himself on account of the death of a near relation. The chair was taken by Edmonds; and the only speakers were Edmonds, Mad-docks, Wooler, major Cartwright, and one Lewis, who had attended sir C. Wolseley at Stockport. The proceedings were confined to certain resolutions expressive of the want of reform in the representation of the people; a remonstrance founded on those resolutions, and addressed (I believe, to the Speaker of the House of Commons; an election of sir Charles Wolseley to be Legislatorial Attorney of the people of Birmingham in parliament, for one year, if so long he executed his trust faithfully; an exhortation to this gentleman to be at his post on the opening of the next session of parliament and instructions to him how to proceed. All these, I presume, will be printed, when your lordship shall be furnished with a copy. The language held out in the speeches was of a very different kind from that which we understood to have been used at the meetings to the northward, which appears sufficiently to prove the knowledge of the speakers, that their audience, on this occasion were not prepared to bear that language, or to support those who might make use of it. The most violent speaker was Lewis; the tenor of all the speeches was, abuse of the body calling itself the House of Commons, and abuse of some individuals amongst his majesty's ministers.—The crowd assembled has been variously estimated, from 10,000 to 25,000 persons; of these, however, a great proportion were women and children. The nature of the ground is such, being two sides of an amphitheatre, rising to a considerable height, that it is almost impossible for a person in the crowd to form any estimate of numbers. Lord Aylesford and myself, who could survey the whole assemblage from the roof of an adjoining house, had formed our own opinion, that the number could not exceed 10,000. This meeting seems to afford good ground of conclusion, that the first open acts of violence to which the populace are to be instigated, will not take place in this immediate neighbourhood.—It is, however (to use the language of this Lewis), "one blow to the existing sys-
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tem;" and I presume the next meeting called here will be to receive the report of what occurs upon sir Charles Wolseley offering to take his seat, if he is wild enough so far to fall into their plans.—After the meeting a small party of the principal performers and their adherents adjourned to a low public-house to pass the evening, but I have not heard what occurred there.—I had the greatest satisfaction in lord Aylesford's attendance here, both in his assistance as a magistrate, and from his being on the spot to issue the necessary orders for the assembling of the yeomanry, had any disturbance occurred. His lordship, as well as myself, thought it prudent to remain in the town during the whole night. I have, &c.
ISAAC SPOONER.
No. 6.—LETTER from the Earl of Derby, Lord Lieutenant of Lancashire, to Lord Sid mouth; dated Knowsley, Friday night, July 16, 1819.
My Lord; I have the honour to inform your lordship, that I have this evening had an interview with Mr. Norris, the residing magistrate, and Mr. Moor, the first constable of Manchester, who has communicated to me the enclosed resolutions of a meeting held in that town, with a view to strengthen the civil power; and these gentlemen have at the same time showed me a letter from your lordship's office, giving them reason to believe that the offer of an armed association, if sanctioned by my recommendation, would meet with the approbation of his majesty's government; I therefore lose no time in laying their proposal before your lordship, and adding my strongest conviction that its immediate adoption will be highly conducive to the preservation of the public peace in the district of Manchester and its neighbourhood, and therefore I request your lordship to lay it before the Prince Regent with my recommendation; and that if his royal highness is pleased to approve thereof, you will give immediate directions to the proper officers that the arms and accoutrements necessary to give effect to this plan, may be furnished to the association, with as little delay as possible. On the strength of your lordship's letter, I have ventured to desire I may be furnished with a list of the persons whom it is wished to recommend as officers, and I shall do myself the honour of forwarding it to your lordship as soon as I receive the same, that in case the plan is approved, the same may be put into execution with that promptitude recommended by your lordship, and which I am persuaded the exigency of the case requires.— I have, &c.
DERBY.
No. 7.—RESOLUTIONS inclosed therein.
Manchester Police Office, July 16, 1819.—At a Meeting of the Committee "to Strengthen the Civil Power," John Bradshaw, esq. in the Chair, the following Resolutions were passed unanimously:
That government having signified their approbation of an armed association, an offer be immediately made by this committee, through the medium of the lord lieutenant of this county of an armed association in aid of the civil power, and for the protection of the towns of Manchester and Salford, and their immediate neighbourhood; and that government be requested for the present to furnish arms and accoutrements for one thousand men.—That this committee do not conceive that any uniform will be necessary for such armed association.—That it is on every account desirable that the least possible sacrifice of time should be required in drilling, as it is considered only necessary that the most simple parts of military discipline should be acquired by such association.—That a deputation, consisting of Mr. Norris, the resident magistrate, and Mr. Moor, the first constable of Manchester, do immediately wait upon the lord lieutenant of the county, to communicate the foregoing resolutions, and to take his opinion thereupon.
(Signed) JOHN BRADSHAW, Chairman.
No. 8.—RESOLUTIONS passed at the Meeting held on Hunslet Moor, near Leeds, 19th July, 1819.
Resolved, 1st. That there is no such thing as servitude in nature; and therefore all statutes and enactments that have tendency to injure one part of society for the benefit of the other, is a gross violation of the immutable law of God.—2nd. That as our legislators have, in innumerable instances, manifested a cruel and criminal indifference to our truly distressed situation, and treated our petitions with contempt, we therefore make this solemn appeal to our oppressed fellow-countrymen, praying them to join us in forming a national union, the object of which is to obtain an overwhelming majority of the male population, to present such a petition as can scarcely fail to have the desired effect, and to adopt such other constitutional measures as may be deemed most expedient to procure for us the redress of our manifold grievances.— 3rd. That we are perfectly satisfied that our excellent constitution, in its original purity, as it was bequeathed to us by our brave ancestors, is fully adequate to all the purposes of good government; we are therefore determined not to rest satisfied with any thing short of the constitution—the whole constitution—and nothing but the constitution.—4th. That as we are perfectly satisfied that annual parliaments and universal suffrage constitute an essential part of our constitution, and are our rightful inheritance—we shall consider our grievances unredressed, and our indisputable rights withheld from us, until we are possessed of such annual parliament and universal suffrage.—5th. That this meeting cannot but view with regret the apathy of our should-be leaders, that is our men of property, in not supporting our mutual rights, convinced
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that alienation of the rich from the poor, must, in the end, be the ruin of both; that whenever oppression or despotism militates, or is the ruin of one, it must, in the end, be the destruction of the other; we therefore intreat them, ere it be too late to stand forward and espouse the constitutional rights of the people, by endeavouring to obtain a radical reform in the system of representation, which can alone save the trading and labouring classes from ruin.—6th. That we believe the distresses we now suffer have originated in boroughmongering system, aided by a depreciated paper currency, which has involved the nation in one hundred thousand millions of debt, and which has increased taxation to such an extent as has nearly destroyed our manufactures and commerce; and we are perfectly satisfied that nothing but a currency convertible into specie, a rigid economy, and an equal representation, can either put an end to our sufferings or save our county from ruin—7th. That the saving bank scheme, which was instituted under a pretence of benefiting the working classes, when nearly three-fourths of them were out of employ, is an insult to common sense and real understanding, and ought to be considered as what it really is,—an engine to work the last shilling out of the pockets of a few old servants and retired tradesmen, to enable the bank and borough mongers to pay the fractional parts of the dividends, and to create a sort of lesser fund holders of those who know no better than to make a deposit of their hard earnings to fill the pockets of those who are draining them of their last shilling.—8th. That, as distress has become so general and extensive, we deem it highly necessary, that deputy meetings should be appointed, and out of these deputy meetings, district meetings, to meet at any place that may be thought proper; that these meetings shall extend throughout the three united kingdoms, and that they do consist of men discreet and wise, and out of these shall be appointed men to form a national meeting, that the whole may be brought to one focus, in order that they may devise the best plan of obtaining a radical reform, upon the principle of annual parliaments, universal suffrage, and election by ballot.—9th. That no redress can be obtained but from ourselves; that we amply possess the means; and if we fail to adopt them with vigour, and resolutely persevere therein, we shall merit every privation we may have to endure, and deserve the detestation of posterity, to whom we shall leave a greater legacy of tyranny and oppression than ever was bequeathed from one generation to another.— 10th. That should the usurpers of our rights, in order to retain their power, proceed to acts of violence against the people, and even succeed in incarcerating individuals, we earnestly intreat our fellow-countrymen not to suffer their exertions to relax, but, on the contrary, persevere in the steady path of duty,

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looking to the end, even the salvation of our country; and our fellow countrymen will endeavour to lighten the fetters, and enliven the dungeons of those men who are now suffering, or may hereafter suffer in the sacred cause of liberty.—11th. That we consider it to be the duty of every well-meaning subject, to stand with all his might against oppression and partial law; in doing which an individual exposes himself to destruction, but if the whole community act as one man, success must be the result.—12th. That every well-wisher to mankind cannot but consider it to be his duty to endeavour, by every means in his power, to work a thorough reformation in the political and moral state of the country; and the surest mean is to lay aside every sordid maxim of avarice, and abandon the restraints of luxury and false ambition, which are at present so fatal to the nation.—13th. That a very small number of men who have guided the councils, and have plundered the people in order to complete their fraud, have hired the offscouring of society to print and publish newspapers, who have nearly succeeded in making thousands who might have been the leaders and friends of the people, believe the present system was for our good, when they were fattening on our property, and reducing all classes of society, till they have at last brought us to a strait from whence there are no issues but through a radical reform.—14th. That the passing of corn laws in opposition to the express will of the people—the Combination act, in order to prevent work people from unitedly attempting to raise their wages in proportion to the advancement of provisions—and the imposing a duty on foreign wool, at a time when the woollen manufacture, and those employed therein, are in the most deplorable condition —appear to this meeting, proof positive, that until the members of the Commons House are really appointed by the people at large, little improvement is to be expected in the circumstances of the people, or diminution of their distress.—15th. That as soon as an eligible person, who will accept the appointment, can be found to represent the unrepresented part of the inhabitants of Leeds, in the House of Commons, another meeting shall be called for the purpose of electing him to that situation.
No. 9.—ADDRESS from the Grand Jury of Lancashire, at the Quarter Sessions at Salford, to the Magistrates; dated New Bailey Court House. Manchester, 20th July. 1819.
To the Worshipful the Chairman and Magistrates assembled at the General Quarter Sessions of the Peace for the Hundred of Sal ford.
The solemn and important duty which we have been called upon to discharge, could not fail to impress most forcibly upon our minds
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a grateful sense of the blessings which every individual of this nation enjoys under the administration of just and equal laws, and under the protection of a constitution so wisely and so excellently framed; and we feel it incumbent upon us thus openly to express our united concern and abhorrence, when we observe that foul and restless spirit of sedition which has so long been maturing its desperate designs, and has so frequently disturbed the public peace, assuming at the present moment a tone of defiance, and pursuing a system of organization which unquestionably indicate an approaching effort to involve this country in all the horrors of a revolution.—We are fully aware of the alarming crisis at which we are arrived, and anxious that the public should be awakened to a sense of the danger to which they are exposed; we nevertheless feel a strong and well-grounded confidence in the zeal and loyalty of the great body of the people, and in the unanimity with which all good and honest men of every party and persuasion will stand forward in repelling every outrage and violence which may be attempted; and that they will co-operate with the civil authorities, in support of our laws and constitution, in the maintenance of public peace, and for the security of their properties and their lives.—We are well assured that the magistrates and the local authorities of this district will adopt every measure of precaution which their wisdom and experience may judge necessary for the public safety; at the same time we cannot refrain from stating it as our decided opinion, that it is expedient to recommend the immediate establishment of armed associations in these towns, and in the surrounding districts, for the purpose of strengthening and supporting the civil power; and we are persuaded that any recommendation from the magistrates on this subject, will be promptly and most eagerly obeyed.—But whilst we thus feel the urgent necessity of providing for the public security against every lawless and treasonable attempt of the abettors of revolution, we are not insensible to the distress which prevails among the labouring classes of society, in consequence of the present serious depression of our commerce. We know that the wants and privations which the families of the industrious labourer now endure, owing to the low rate of wages, are extremely severe; and we feel it our duty to recommend the adoption of every possible means for their relief and support: but we know at the same time that their distresses have no relation at all to the government or constitution of this country: they arise from the state of our trade with foreign countries, arid are purely of a commercial nature; and we know that similar distress, in a far greater degree, is experienced both in America and throughout the whole continent of Europe.— It is evident therefore to the plain reason and understanding of every honest man, that any attempts to disturb the public tranquillity and

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to seize this occasion of carrying into effect revolutionary designs against the state, can only serve to increase and embitter our present misfortunes; to interrupt the regular course of trade; and to retard the return of better and more prosperous times; and we fervently hope that such of our misguided countrymen as may have been seduced from their allegiance will yet seriously pause; and consider, that if they persevere in the wicked course which they are now pursuing, they will inevitably bring upon themselves the just and severe punishment of the offended laws of their country.
(Signed) Thos. Peel, John Touchet, John Hardman, James Kay, Arth. Clegg, Will. Hutchinson, Will. Tetlow, Jas. H. Heron, Wm. Lomas, A. Whitworth, Christr. Parker, Thos. Watkins, T. Worthington, Thos. Helsby, Thomas Entwisle, J. S. Barton, John Tetlow, William Hatton, William Hill, Robt. Kay.
No. 10.—LETTER from Earl Fitzwilliam, Lord Lieutenant of the West Riding of Yorkshire, to Lord Sidmouth; dated Wentworth, 21st July, 1819.
My lord;—A general meeting of the people on Hunslet Moor, near Leeds, having been fixed for Monday the 19th instant, I have deferred writing to your lordship since my arrival in the West Riding, till that event had taken place.—From the reports I have received of what passed on that occasion, I find that nearly the same orators who took a leading part at the preceding meeting at the same place, and also at other meetings in the West Riding, again took the lead at this; their professed object and means the same—parliamentary reform through universal suffrage, election by ballot, and annual parliaments, but not to be sought for by violence,—to these was added on this occasion, the election of a representative to parliament, whenever a proper one could be met with. The resolutions passed were numerous and long, but I have not their particulars as yet, the managers not having yet dressed them up to their own liking for print, which I suppose they will do in the usual way on such occasions, without any very scrupulous attention to what was proposed and passed by the meeting: however, when printed, the sentiments and views of these leaders will be ascertained —for the present I have to report to your lordship (according to the reports made to me) that the tone of these gentlemen was manifestly humble and much lowered, compared to that they assumed at the preceding meeting at the same place; so much so, that even an inclination to petition parliament was expressed—at the close the meeting was dissolved.—I am given to understand, that scarcely more than half the number of the preceding meeting had assembled at this, and that the proportion of women was much
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larger at this than at the former: it passed off without the least disturbance or tumult; and they dispersed in the most peaceable and orderly manner, without insult or affront to any one. I have reason to think that such a termination of this meeting was foreseen by the mayor, founded upon an opinion, that the mass of the population within his jurisdiction is by no means disaffected nor seditiously disposed; that they are suffering most cruel privations through want of employment, the consequence of stagnation of trade; but I am told, that aware of the cause, they bear their hard lot with wonderful patience and resignation: but the very circumstance of want of occupation leads many to make part of the throng on occasion of such meetings, without being parties in the views of the leaders, or participating in their sentiments.—It will be a happy thing if the seditious and dangerous language that undoubtedly has been most directly held by these itinerant orators, can be brought home to them; the conviction of any will be a public good; but bad as the men may be, and indefatigable in propagating their doctrines, their mischievous spirit does not pervade the mass of the population of the West Riding; on the contrary, from all I can collect, I report with confidence to your lordship, that the peace, tranquillity, and good order of the realm will not be disturbed by these people.—I have the honour to be, &c.
WENTWORTH FITZWILLIAM.
No. 11.—LETTER from the same to the same; dated Wentworth, 31st July, 1819.
My lord;—Considering the assizes at York as the best possible opportunity for collecting the general opinion respecting the temper and disposition of the people or the Riding, I went thither; and it is with great satisfaction I report to your lordship, that it appeared the universal sentiment, that however much the population of the manufacturing district might suffer under the present stagnation of trade, there was no disposition to unite imaginary grievances with real distress. They had attended meetings which had been called, not in the view of taking part in the political disquisitions and claims of the itinerant orators, but in the hope and expectation that they would be directed to the bettering their own condition; and indeed it is thought, that as far as the assemblage extended on those occasions, it was in great degree owing to their real grievance, want of employment; they went, having nothing else to do. I am confident I speak the general sentiment of those present at York, in saying, that there is no cause for suspecting any disposition of the people of this Riding, to turbulence or commotion: if there be any discontent in their minds, it has nothing to do with constitutional considerations, but arises out of the improvements in the art of manufacture, which diminishes the calls for their exertions and industry, and has become to

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them a real afflicting grievance.—I add like wise, as the prevalent and I believe universal opinion of the gentlemen I met at York, that no step that could in any way convey a suspicion or jealousy of the people's views and wishes, should he adopted; but that on the contrary we should prove to them by our own demeanor, our opinion of their good disposition, and bur confidence of their good conduct.—I have the honour to be, &c.
WESTWOTTH FITZWILLIAM.
No. 12.—EXTRACT of a Letter from Mr. Lloyd, Clerk to the Magistrates at Stockport, to Mr. Hobhouse, Under Secretary of State; dated Stockport, July 24, 1819.—One o'clock, A. M.
Sir;—Birch brought in Harrison at eight o'clock, and was followed to his own house (where he lodged him) by a mob. I took the Justice there to have him committed, and we were insulted.—The bail were directed to wait upon me. Whilst I was examining them, as to their sufficiency, three men came up to Birch and questioned him as to Harrison, and that instant one of the three fired a pistol at Birch, who was not two yards from the person who fired. The bullet lodged in his breast, and cannot be found.—I have, &c.
J. LLOYD.
No. 13.—EXTRACT of a Letter from Mr. Norris, a Magistrate of Lancashire, to Lord Sidmouth, dated Manchester, August 5, 1819.
My lord;—Herewith I transmit your lordship two hand-bills published here, by which you will find that the meeting for Monday is put off. This I believe will be a great disappointment to the neighbouring towns, which have provided numbers of flags and caps of liberty for the ensuing occasion. The drilling parties increase very extensively, and unless some mode be devised of putting this system down, it promises to become a most formidable engine of rebellion. I expect the operation of the Watch and Ward act will have great effect in this instance.—I have, &c.
J. NORRIS.
No. 14.—Hand Bill enclosed therein.
PUBLIC MEETING.—We, the undersigned inhabitant householders of Manchester, having given notice of a public meeting, intended to have been held here "on Monday the 9th of August, 1819, on the area near St. Peter's church," which notice was published in the Manchester Observer of Saturday last, 31st July, do hereby respectfully inform the public, that after a mature consideration of all circumstances, we deem it prudent to acquaint the public, that such Meeting will NOT at that time take place,and respectfully recommend to our fellow townsmen and neighbours to relinquish their intentions of attending that meeting, for the specific purpose expressed in the advertisement.—Our guardians of the
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public peace having, in massy placards and large letters declared the said meeting to be illegal, and commanded the people to "ABSTAIN FROM ATTENDING THE SAID MEETING AT THEIR PERIL," although these guardian angels did not deign to inform the public wherein such illegality consisted: yet in compliance with their mandate, and to give them no just ground of opposition or offence, it has been deemed advisable not to hold such meeting; but to request the boroughreeve and constables to convene another; which requisition now lies. Out will only lie this day, for signatures at the Observer office, and at No. 49, Great Ancot's-street.
(Signed) Wm. Ogden,26, Wood-street; James Bradshaw, 32, Newton-street; Wm. Drinkwater, 29, Loom-street; Thomas Bond, 7, John-street; James Lang, Spinning-street; Joseph Rhodes, 46, Henry-street; Edward Roberts, 2, Ancot's street; Timothy Booth, 1, Little Pitt-street; Thomas Plant, 18, Oakstreet; James Weir, 11, Gun-street; Nath. Massey, 2, School-street.
No. 15.—Another Hand Bill inclosed therein.
The following is a Copy of the Requisition now remaining for Signatures at the Observer Office, and 49, Great Ancot's-street.
To the Boroughreeve and Constables of Manchester.—We, whose names are hereunto subscribed, request that you will convene a meeting at as early a day as possible, to consider the propriety of adopting the most legal and effectual means of obtaining a reform in the Commons House of Parliament. Wednesday, August 4, 1819.
To the Requisitionists, who signed the notice for the public meeting on Monday next.
Fellow Citizens;—On my return from Liverpool, with the result of the important mission which you did me the honour to confide into my hands, and in the faithful discharge of my duly towards you, and the rest of my fellow citizens, I deem it necessary thus publicly to inform you, that after taking counsel's opinion upon the legality of your public notice, I am instructed by Mr. Ranecock, to say, "that the intention of choosing representatives, contrary to the existing law, tends greatly to render the proposed meeting seditious: under those circumstances, it would be deemed justifiable in the magistrates to prevent such meeting."—In recommending you to withdraw your notice, and relinquish your intention of meeting your neighbours, on the important subjects intended to have been discussed on Monday next, I deem it necessary to state to you and to the public, that in the opinion of the most enlightened friends to liberty, resident in Liverpool, your requisition is perfectly legal and constitutional; they are, nevertheless, induced to recommend this pause in your proceedings, merely in consideration of the cruel threats of violence

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issued in a paper* from the bench, of magistrates, since the publication of your notice, and of the evident preparations now making to carry those threats into execution. I am acquainted with your necessities—I know the honesty of your intentions,—and the lawful means you are desirous of pursuing; but in a question of absolute right, you are not prepared to defend yourselves; I therefore do not deem it adviseable, under the present circumstances, to subject the persons of yourselves or your friends, to the illegal and unconstitutional violence which your oppressors and their contemptible tools have prepared; for the occasion.—The formidable preparations which your tyrants have made to meet you, their unarmed and suffering victims, is the highest compliment in their power to bestow upon you; it is more even than you could hope to gain by the meeting, you therefore may relinquish the objectionable parts of your requisition without regret, or even the shadow of a defeat.—Col. Williams, a county magistrate, had the honest boldness, on Monday last, at the Liverpool quarter sessions, to advocate your cause, and the cause of the Lancashire reformers, before his brother magistrates; he confounded the whole bench; not one man being disposed to reply to the constitutional arguments of this faithful and sincere friend of his country.—I beg leave to conclude, with reminding you, and all the friends of liberty and justice, that our cause grows and gathers strength with the plunderings of our enemies; whilst their rapacity must not only destroy the means of their own existence, but must, ere long, turn them to the destruction of each other. I am, &c. J. T. SAXTON.
Manchester Observer-office, August 4, 1819.
No. 16.—LETTER from Mr. Ravald, clerk to the magistrates of Bolton, to Mr. Hobhouse: dated Bolton le Moors, August 10, 1819.
Sir; by colonel Fletcher's directions I send herewith copies of the informations taken against George Greenhalgh and others. And have the honour to be, &c. JOHN RAVALD.
No. 17—FOUR Informations inclosed therein.
Lancashire to wit.
The information of S. N., S. E., D. N., and D. R., all of Bury, in the said county, taken before me, one of his majesty's justices of the peace for the said county, the 7th day of August, 1819:
Who all upon their oath say, that in various parts of the neighbourhood of Bury aforesaid, there are nightly assemblies of great numbers of men who meet together to learn and prac-
*The fact is, the publication issued from the bench peremptorily commands all persons to attend the meeting, when a contrary meaning was intended to have been conveyed.
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tise military training, which these informants verily believe to be intended to qualify them for hostile purposes against the government of the country, and against the peace of our lord the king, his crown and dignity, and to the disturbance of them these informants, who Hereby assert their fears for their own, personal safety; and therefore they, these informants, pray that these men so training in large bodies, to the terror of his majesty's subjects; may be apprehended and committed to find sureties for the peace.

S. N.

S.E.

Sworn before me,

D. N.

Ra. Fletcher.

D. R.

Lancashire to wit.
The information of James Haslam of Great Bolton, in the said county book-keeper, taken upon, oath before us, two of his majesty's justices of the peace in and for the said county, the 9th day of August, 1819:
Who saith, that on Saturday evening last, about half-past seven o'clock, informant, with Mr. William Webster, were in the valley between Mr. Whitehead's and Cockey Moor, and informant saw many persons drilling on the Moor in a military manner—there might be about 150 or 200 persons: informant watched them from about a quarter of an hour to half an hour; that amongst the persons drilling was John Hargreaves, one of the persons now in custody. Hargreaves was one who gave the word of command. They were in open column when informant first saw them, and then wheeled into line. Hargreaves was in front, and appeared to give the word of command to one division: that about midnight, or a little afterwards, informant and several others apprehended Hargreaves. Informant challenged him with having been drilling persons on Cockey Moor: Hargreaves at first denied it, but on informant telling him that he (Hargreaves) had wheeled them into line, Hargreaves acknowledged that he had done so; and he then said, if they would but be merciful to him he would do so no more.
JAMES HASLAM.

Sworn before

Ra. Fletcher.

James Watkins.

The information of Arthur Taylor, of Great Bolton, warper, taken the same day:
Who saith, that he went by direction of the magistrates, to Cockey Moor on Saturday evening, to observe the persons that were suspected to be drilling or training and exercising there: that it was about a quarter past eight in the evening, when informant got to the Moor; there were about one hundred persons drilling. The prisoner George Greenhalgh was giving the word of command to about thirty-six men; they were in open column, told off in three or four divisions when informant got to them. They had been marching in files when informant first saw

245
them. George Greenhalgh ordered them to form the line; they then advanced in line, and they did many other manœuvres, George Greenhalgh giving the word of command. Informant was close to them. There were two other divisions on the moor, exercising under the command of other persons: these two other divisions had each about the same number of men as that under George Greenhalgh: that informant, with several others, apprehended George Greenhalgh that night: that informant, on Greenhalgh being apprehended, asked him if he had been in the army, he said, "Yes, a little, he had been in the Bury volunteers." Informant asked him, what they were drilling for, and he replied, only to go to the meeting at Manchester on Monday, so that they might march to the band.
ARTHUR TAYLOR.

Sworn before

Ra. Fletcher.

Jas. Watkins.

The information of Samuel Fletcher of Little Lever, collier, taken the same day:
Who saith, that on Saturday last information was on Cockey Moor, about seven o'clock in the evening, and informant observed many persons on the moor; there might be about two hundred; they were drilling in a military way, in different squads, and obeying the words of command given by different drillmasters; that informant saw them drilling for about two hours; that about one or two o'clock in the morning, George Greenhalgh, one of the persons now in custody, was in the room at Starling, with several other persons also taken into custody; there were many persons in the room, and in the course of conversation, George Greenhalgh said, that the meaning of their drilling was, that they might come to that perfection, so that they might join their friends and neighbours in Bury and the neighbourhood, and form themselves into a body at Bury, and march in order with music to the Manchester meeting; he also said, that the meeting would have been on Monday next (this day), but it was considered to be illegal, and of course it was postponed until the Monday following, and now a requisition to the Boroughreeve and constables of Manchester was signed by more than two thousand inhabitants. Informant asked him, "what the meaning of such a meeting could be?" George Greenhalgh said, the meaning of such a meeting was, that the country should be properly represented. Informant said, he thought the country was represented; and George Greenhalgh replied, "No, there was Manchester, Bolton, Bury, and many other towns, that were not represented at all, and it was meant that they should be."
SAM. FLETCHER

Sworn before

Ra. Fletcher.

Jas. Watkins.

No. 18.—FOUR Examinations, also inclosed therein.
The Examination of George Greenhalgh of Walshaw-lane, in Tottington, Weaver, taken the same day;
Saith, I was drilling men on Cockey Moor on Saturday evening last; there was nobody that I know of, besides myself drilling them; there were two squads in the lane. I did not see Edward Rothwell drilling in particular, but I believe he was there, and might be drilling; there were about twenty-five in the squad I was drilling; I have heard they have drilled at Woolford. Charles Hill, I believe, was not on the Moor on Saturday, but he was with me there on Monday evening last. It was wished that all the parish of Bury, who had imbibed the spirit of reform, should muster, to go altogether to Manchester meeting. The reason that set me upon drilling, was the rumours of the country, and from reading the Observer, paper. I exhorted my neighbours on Cockey Moor to a peaceable conduct, and hoped none of them were for revolution and plunder; if they were, I hoped they would be mistaken. The first night we met was on Monday last: there were upwards of one hundred; it was accidental, how many men there were in a section. On Monday night Charles Hill and John Holt were drill-masters; I was in the ranks. We have met three times, on Monday Thursday and Saturday last.
GEORGE GREENHALGH

Taken before

Ra. Fletcher.

Jas. Watkins.

The Examination of John Hargreaves, of Tottington, Weaver, taken the same day;
Saith, That I was on Cockey Moor on Saturday evening last, nor was ever at any meeting but one, and that was on Monday last, and then I gave the word of command to a small party. I was in the military service thirty-six years ago; I was at the siege of Gibraltar. On Monday last when I took the command of a small party, there were other parties on the Moor, but I do not know any one that commanded besides me; they were in divisions, and the divisions were at some distance from each other. I have heard that the parties that were drilling were to meet at Bury this day, to go to the meeting at Manchester.
The X Mark of
JOHN HARGREAVES.

Taken before

Ra. Fletcher.

Jas. Watkins.

The Examination of Charles Hill, of Woolfold, in Tottington, Weaver, taken the same day;
Saith, I was on Cockey Moor on Monday night last, with other persons; they wanted me to drill them. I had been in the second regiment of Lancashire militia, and was dis-

247
charged at the first peace with Buonaparté. I did drill the persons on the Moor for a short time on Monday night last; I was coaxed to do it. I cannot tell how many persons there were on the Moor that night; there might be a hundred; they were in different squads: the squads I drilled might consist of twenty or thirty. George Greenhalgh, John Hargreaves, and John Holt, were drilling other squads that evening. I was not there on Thursday nor Saturday. Adam Ridings, a neighbour of mine who has been a soldier, went with me to the Moor. I do not know who it was that coaxed me to drill them; there were several who desired me to step out: it was near dark, and I do not know their names. I did hear that we were to go to Bury this morning and join others, and proceed to Manchester to the meeting for parliamentary reform. I heard there was a requisition for choosing a representative, or something in that manner. We were all to have gone this morning to Manchester: we were ordered to go, and many would have gone; but on Friday I heard that the meeting was done away with. I did not go to any drilling after I saw the paper from the magistrates, forbidding the meeting at Manchester.
CHARLES HILL.

Sworn before

Ra. Fletcher.

Jas. Watkins.

The Examination of John Holt, of Elton, Weaver, taken the same day;
Saith, I was with other persons drilling on Cockey Moor, on Monday night last; there were different squads on the Moor, and I joined them: I was desired to get into the front, and give them the step. I have been in the militia. I cannot tell who I saw there; I did not see Edward Rothwell, there might be about three hundred in the whole; from two to three hundred; lads and all, about three hundred. I gave no word of command, the fugleman gives no word; I only gave the step. There were more than twenty or thirty, there might be forty in the squad to which I gave the step. I did not give the word, but I gave them the time. I was not there on Thursday, nor on Saturday. I think I saw George Greenhalgh on the Monday evening on the Moor drilling; Charles Hill was there. The man that drilled them I know by sight, but do not recollect his name; he lives in Tottington, or Woolfold, on that side of the country.
The X Mark of
JOHN HOLT.

Taken before

Ra. Fletcher.

Jas. Watkins.

No. 19.—EXTRACT of a Letter from Mr. Crossley, a Magistrate of Lancashire, to Lord Sidmouth; dated Rochdale, 10th August, 1819.
My Lord;—With the concurrence of my
248
brother magistrates, I beg leave to hand to your lordship copies of informations taken relative to meetings of reformers which have been held in this neighbourhood for several weeks past. These informations speak as to the proceedings of such assemblies, consequently I need not repeat them here. They certainly appear to us unlawful meetings, calculated to increase the number and power of the disaffected, and therefore ought to be suppressed. I have, &c.
JNO. CROSSLEY.
No. 20.— Two Examinations inclosed therein.
The Examination of A. B. a special constable, taken upon oath at Rochdale, in the County of Lancaster, the 10th day of August, 1819, before me, John Crossley, Esq. one of his Majesty's Justices of the Peace in and for the said County;
Who says, That about one o'clock in the morning of Sunday last, a large assembly of persons, to the number of two hundred or upwards, met at the Guide Post, which is near the parish church of Rochdale; that they had a fifer with them who played upon that instrument; that the persons so assembled remained about an hour, and then marched away towards Milkstone, which is in the, direction of Tandle Hill in Thornham; there was a person who commanded and ordered the persons to fall in four deep, and so to march, that none of the parties were known to the examinant. A. B.
Sworn before me,
John Crossley.
The Examination of B. C. taken upon oath at Rochdale, in the county of Lancaster the 9th day of August, 1819, before us, John Beswick and John Crossley, Esquires, two of his Majesty's Justices of the Peace in and for the said county;
Who says, That yesterday morning I left my residence at High Crompton, between the hours of four and five, and proceeded to a place in Thornham, called Tandle Hill; that, on my arrival at this place, a large concourse of persons had assembled, to the number of two or three thousand; that of this number, there were upwards of seven hundred who were drilling in companies, by marching both in slow, quick, and double quick time, and in every other respect went through the usual evolutions of a regiment; that each company might contain from fifty to sixty men, and were commanded by a person in the character of a captain; that when they were ordered to fire, it was immediately followed by a clap of hands throughout the line; that, out of the number who were met, I knew a few persons who reside in Crompton, and its neighbourhood; but, of the men who were acting as drill-serjeants, or officers

249
of companies, I know nothing; yet, from my knowledge of military discipline, I am satisfied they were persons capable of organizing a regiment: that, whilst I was on the ground, I heard persons say, that they (meaning the parties in drill) were fit to contend with any regular troops, only that they wanted arms; and, in the evening of yesterday, a man told me who had been at Tandle Hill, and who said he had been drilled that day, that a similar meeting would take place next Sunday, but that would be the last; that the persons remained on the ground until about seven o'clock, having been there upwards of three hours, and the whole of this time was devoted to drilling.

Sworn before

John Beswicke.

B. C.

John Crosseley.

No. 21.—EXTRACT of a Letter from Mr. Fletcher, a Magistrate of Lancashire, to Lord Sidmouth; dated Bolton-le-Moors, 10th August, 1819.
My Lord;—The increasing spirit of disaffection had, about ten days ago, extended itself, in military training, to a place between Bury and Bolton, about two miles from the former, and four miles from the latter town.—The number of persons in training at said place was reported to have been about three hundred, on Monday the 2nd instant, and likely to be further increased, unless some check could be interposed. Four principal inhabitants of Bury waited on the magistrates, to state their utter inability to resist the torrent of disaffection without military aid; and that persons proper to serve as special constables were so intimidated, that without the presence of some military, they doubted their ability to induce them to come forward to be sworn on the day appointed for that purpose; viz. Friday next.—Under such circumstances, it appeared to a brother magistrate and myself, expedient to apprehend any persons that might meet again at the said place for training purposes; and having taken an information, on oath, from the before-mentioned gentlemen of Bury, and made arrangements with some officers of our Bolton local militia, (who were to go previously on a reconnoitring party) we with a troop of the sixth carbineers, commanded by captain Ferguson, went to the spot on Saturday about ten P. M. but found the training just broken up, having, as it is supposed, heard of our intentions.—
Our reconnoitering party having, however, observed the training for the space of an hour, and learnt the names of some of the drill instructors, we caused four persons to be apprehended and conveyed to Bolton, who were yesterday examined, and all confessed their having attended at some of the training meetings, and expressed great contrition for having so done. They were all four admitted to bail, to answer, in fifty pounds each prisoner, and two sureties each in twenty-
250
five pounds, any indictment that may be preferred against them at the next Salford sessions; and in the mean time, not to attend any such training assemblies, but to keep the peace, &c. Copies of the informations, examinations, &c. will be forwarded by Mr. Ravald to Mr. Hobhouse. [See p. 243.]—It appears from what one of the prisoners confessed, that he had imbibed his, reforming notions from the Manchester Observer; which, it seems, he was in the habit of reading for the information of his neighbours. From this corrupt source has flowed into this county a considerable portion of that disaffection that prevails. By the apprehension of these men, I trust, will be stopped any further spread of the training system to the westward, within our magisterial division.— From Bury to the south-eastward, the military preparations continue without any diminution. The detail pf their proceedings proves the alarming progress in the daring boldness of such multitudes of men arrogating to themselves what belongs to royalty alone, the power of training men in military tactics, for no other purpose that can be reasonably imagined, than hostility to the state. At Leigh (about eight miles south-westward of this town) the advertised meeting will be held to-morrow. The magistrates of Bolton and Warrington divisions are to meet at Hulton Park this day, to consult on the proper measures. The female reformers are to act a conspicuous part, by addressing the assemblage from the hustings, and furnishing a cap of liberty. Hunt and his party are said to be invited. The effect of such meetings, so demoralizing and so terrifying to his majesty's loyal subjects (who, if they step forward, as in duty bound, in the defence of the peace and order of society, are immediately put under a sort of interdict, by these reformers, and deprived of their usual share of business, and even exposed to personal dangers) that I am inclined to think, under whatever, pretext they may be called, they ought to be suppressed.
RA. FLETCHER.
No. 22.—EXTRACT of a Letter from a person present at the Leigh Meeting; dated Manchester, August 11th, 1819.
Sir;—The requisition for the Leigh meeting was signed by twenty-five persons, specifically for the object of discussing and adopting some constitutional and practical remedy in reforming parliament, and averting the present distress. The meeting was fixed for one o'clock in the afternoon. During the morning a great concourse of the lower order of people were waiting for the arrival of Mr. Hunt, whose presence was anxiously expected, in consequence of which, the meeting was delayed until past two o'clock. Mr. Hunt, and none of his partizans forthcoming, it was deemed necessary to commence the proceedings of the day. Two carts were

251
lashed together in the market-place (a fine open space of ground) when Mr. Battersby (an itinerant preacher), Mr. Thomas Cle-worth, and a Mr. Bamber (one of the society of friends) with several others, ascended the platform. As soon as Mr. Bamber was chosen for their chairman, a parade of the female reformers took place, headed by a committee of twelve young women. The members of the female committee were honoured with places in the carts. They were dressed in white, with black sashes, and what was more novel, these women planted a standard with an inscription, "No Corn Laws, Annual Parliaments, and Universal Suffrage;" as well as another standard, surmounted with the cap of liberty on the platform. Both the flag, and the cap were presents from the Ladies' Union!! After the business was opened by, Mr. Battersby, and seven resolutions, as well as the ladies' address, had been read, Mr. Turner, at the head of the police, made their appearance, and took Mr. Thomas Cleworth into custody upon a warrant of the magistrates. About 300 people were now concentrated; the officers took their man without opposition, and this vigilant step threw dismay in the ranks of the reformers, many of, whom I saw dispersing in all directions.
No. 23.—EXTRACT of a Letter from Mr. Norris, to Lord Sidmouth; dated Manchester, August 12th, 18l9.
My Lord;—Herewith I have the honour to transmit your lordship certain depositions, as well respecting the situation in which certain parts of this town have been during the last week, as, respecting the practice of drilling, which has so extensively taken place in this and the surrounding neighbourhood. Many more are in existence and may be added to the number, but I apprehend those which I now send will be sufficient to assure your lordship of this alarming practice. They affect to say, that it is for the purpose of appearing at Manchester in better order, &c. on Monday next; but military discipline was not requisite for this purpose, and a more alarming object is so palpable, that it is impossible not to feel a moral conviction that insurrection and rebellion is their ulterior object.
J. NORRIS.
No. 24.—SEVEN Examinations inclosed therein.
Lancashire, to wit.
The examination of C. D. taken on oath at Salford, this 5th day of August, 1819; who saith, That last night about nine o'clock he was returning home from Failsworth, it was dark, but at the distance of two fields from the road along which he was going, he heard the marching of a body of men, and several times heard the words of command, "march," and "halt." He remained listening about a quarter of an hour, and got upon the hedge side, but it was too dark to see the body of men; from the
252
sound he heard he has no doubt there were a considerable number of men, but he cannot state any number as to the particulars. Examinant durst not go to the stop.
Sworn before me, C. D.
W. Marriott.
D. E. says, That last night about a quarter before nine o'clock he was in Failsworth, and saw between four and five hundred men marching in a field in Failsworth, belonging to Robert Bury; he heard the words of command, march and halt, wheel to right and left, and other words given; the men had no arms; they dispersed about ten o'clock, and were ordered to meet again this night. D. E.
Sworn before me,. 5th August.
1819, J. Norris.
The information and examination of E. F. taken upon oath the 31st day of July, 1819, before me, one of his majesty's justices of the peace for the county of Lancaster, who saith, That on the, 19th day of July, 1819, coming from Dry Clough in the township of Oldham, towards the town of Oldham, he met with three men who had all pikes in their hands, the length of which, when the dagger was drawn out, was about two yards long; which said, three men were going to join a party of about forty in a field at a little distance, who had likewise some pikes with them, but cannot say how many, and assembled at the sound of a bugle. On the same day he saw at least one hundred persons near Hey Side assembled together with some pikes amongst them.
Sworn before me, E. F.
J. Holme.
F. G. maketh oath and saith, That on Thursday night, the 5th of August, he went to a field in the township of Failsworth, belonging to Robert Bury, where he saw about ninety persons, divided into four divisions and a small division which they called the awkward squad; that there was a man to give the word of command; that deponent heard them commanded to march to the right and left, to wheel, fire, &c. that the men had no fire-arms, but when the word "fire" was given, they clapped their hands all together; and after they had done exercising, they formed a circle round their commander, who told them, that the intended meeting was put off, on account of their paper being illegal, but that would give them more time to drill: he then said they must have a colour, and that they must subscribe; that the man then took off his hat, and gathered round from some a penny, and from others a halfpenny each; that there were a quantity of women in the field, and the leader of the men called to them to come into the ring, and said they must subscribe also, and that he wanted twelve young ladies to carry their colours, for he was certain if there was a regiment of soldiers drawn up to oppose them they could not find in their hearts to hurt them: that their leader proposed, that as Bury, the owner of the field, had given them
‡

253
leave to drill in it three weeks, he should have the honour of their marching out of it; that the persons assembled did not offer to molest deponent, but damned him for being backward in falling in.
G. H. and H. I. having respectively read over the affidavit of F. G. severally make oath that the same is true.

(Signed)

F. G.

Sworn at Manchester, aforesaid, the 7th of August, 1819, before me, J. Norris.

G.H.

H.I.

I. K. says, That on Sunday morning last, about five o'clock, in company with * * * he went to Thornham or Tandle Hills, near Middleton, and there saw two or three thousand men, and a number of them exercising in military order;—they had no arms; but he heard distinctly the words of command, "quick march," and "double quick march." Deponent particularly noticed one company of about one hundred, march in wings under their leader, and advance also in wings; that the right wing advanced first, and the words of command, "fire, front rank kneeling," and when the word of command "fire," was given, they clapped their hands; the leader then advanced the left wing in the same order as the right, and ordered them to fire; this was repeated, several times. Deponent and Mr.* * * being informed they were to assemble at Slattocks in Thornham, near Middleton aforesaid, they repaired thither, and deponent and Mr. * * * placed themselves by the roadside, in order to ascertain their numbers, when they passed deponent and Mr. * * * marching in military order four deep, when they counted seven hundred men. I. K.
Sworn before me at Salford, this
10th day of August, 1819.
J. Norris.
K. L. L. M. and M. N. severally make oath and say. That having been frequently informed that a great many of the disaffected inhabitants Bury and the neighbourhood, made it a practice to meet or assemble in large bodies to learn military exercise, and that such persons met four or five evenings in a week for that purpose; these deponents went in company together on Monday the second of August instant, towards the place where they understood such persons generally met; that they had not proceeded more than two or three hundred yards out of the town of Bury, on the Rochdale turnpike road, before they met about two hundred persons, so near as these deponents could calculate, between the hours of nine and ten o'clock in the evening, marching in regular military order, four deep, into the town of Bury.

(Signed)

K. L.

Sworn at Bury aforesaid, the 9th day of August, 1819, before me, Samuel Woodcock.—A Master Extraordinary in Chancery.

M. N.

L. M.

D. E. maketh oath and saith, That addition to his deposition made on the 5th instant, that on the night in question, viz. the 4th of August, this deponent, in endeavouring to approach the field where the men were training, and when he was within a field from them, and looking over the hedge, a man came up to deponent and said, "hall;" that deponent was walking away, and the man again said, "halt;" when deponent said, "if I halt it will be with a different commander than you," and continued to walk away; that the man followed deponent towards a wood in the neighbourhood; when near it, the man said, "if I catch you, or any other man in the wood, or near it, watching me and others, will be as bad as taking your life from you." —This deponent also says, that on the same night he heard a person in the field where the men were assembled, call,—"Failsworth, Woodhouse, Newton and Droylsden, (being townships in the neighbourhood) if any of you can afford to give a halfpenny or a penny a piece you must come forward to-morrow night at half past seven o'clock," and said, "we will have colours same as the rest," meaning, as this deponent believes, that they would have colours because other parties at drill in different parts had already obtained them; that deponent then heard a discussion about them as to whether they should be blue or otherwise, when one of the persons observed, "damn them we will not be true blue any longer, we have been true blue long enough."—This deponent further saith, that about half past nine o'clock on Thursday the 5th instant, he went to a field in the neighbourhood of Failsworth belonging to Robert Bury, and observed from the hedge a party of men at drill, and heard the word of command given several times; and that in an adjoining field deponent heard the words of command given to another party also at drill. D. E.
Sworn at Manchester, in the county of Lancaster, the 7th day of August, 1819, before me, J. Norris.
No. 25.—LETTER from the Earl of Stamford, Lord Lieutenant of Cheshire, to Lord Sidmouth; dated Dunham Massey, August 12, 1819.
My Lord; I have the honour to inclose your lordship a copy of a resolution made at the adjourned general quarter sessions for the county of Chester, held at Nether Knutsford, on Monday the 9th of August, 1819. I have, &c. STAMFORD and WARRINGTON, Lieutenant.
No. 26.—RESOLUTIONS enclosed therein.
At an adjournment of the general quarter sessions for the county of Chester, held at Nether Knutsford, on Monday the 9th of August, 1819: Present, sir John Thomas Stanley, bart. chairman; The earl of Stamford and Warrington, his majesty's lieutenant; Peter Brooke, Edwin Cor-

255
bett, Davies Davenport, Wilbraham Egerton, John Ford, John Clegg, Egerton Leigh, Thomas Parker, Edward Stracey, Edward Venables Townshend, Trafford Trafford, Thomas William Tatton, Randle Wilbraham, esqrs.; John Brown, James Thomas Law, John Holdsworth Mallory, clerks.
Resolved, That it is the opinion of this court, that meetings are held in this and the neighbouring countries for the purpose of training to arms and seditious purposes; and also, that there are schools, consisting, of some thousands of young persons, in which principles of a most dangerous tendency to the community at large are industriously disseminated— which facts can be verified on oath.—And it is the decided opinion of this court, that these meetings and schools ought to be suppressed; and if the existing laws are not sufficient for that purpose, that other laws should be immediately framed for their prevention.
Ordered, That a copy of the foregoing resolution be sent to his majesty's secretary of state for the home department, through the lord lieutenant of this county.
HENRY POTTS, Clerk of the Peace.
No. 27.—EXTRACT of a Letter from Mr. Lloyd to Mr. Hobhouse; dated Stockport, 14th August, 1819.
Sir; the lower orders are in a dreadful state, not by distress, for there is work for most that may be willing, except the weavers, who are badly off, and yet perhaps not the worst of the reforming crew; I mean they are quite bold arid insulting, and reckon on a speedy and radical change to give them complete power over us. A man has come to me from the neighbourhood of Oldham, and states, that the person he worked for had judged prudent to discontinue till things are settled. The tenants of a gentleman near this town refuse to pay their rents till they know the issue of the Monday's meeting. Your, &c.
J. LLOYD.
No. 28.—EXTRACT of a Letter from Mr. Norris to Lord Sidmouth; dated Manchester, August 14th, 1819.
My Lord;—Inclosed I send your lordship two depositions which have been taken before the magistrates this morning, and by which your lordship will find, that the fact of considerable drilling is carrying on in the neighbouring country; we shall have many more depositions to the same effect to-morrow, I fully expect. J. NORRIS.
No. 29.—Three Examinations inclosed therein.
The Information and Examination of N. O. taken on oath this 14th day of August, 1819, before the undersigned, two of his Majesty's Justices of the Peace in the said County;
Who saith, That he has been at Bury in the said county, since Monday last; that he
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has seen persons drilling in marching and facing, but not with arms, every night since Monday last, till last night; that one of the party whom this examinant had seen drilling, told this examinant that they were about five hundred persons on the books who drilled, and more had joined, but whose names were not yet put down. The said persons drilled on the high road at Heap Bridge. He heard some persons who had been drilling, say, they were ready for a fight on Monday next if the soldiers were to stop them; that the soldiers who were there, meaning at Bury, would not be a breakfast for them; that a drill-master of the name of Johnson was fetched from near Oldham; that somewhere about three o'clock yesterday, this examinant was in the King's-head public-house, and two soldiers of the 31st regiment were there, that many men were in the house, some of whom asked the soldiers to drink, and particularly one than, whom this examinant should know again, asked the soldiers to drink, who had got up to leave the house; but the soldiers refused, saying, they should be late at parade; that the said man then shut the door after the soldiers who had gone out, and said, damn them, I'd as soon give them a drop of their blood to drink as that, meaning a gill of ale which he held in his hand. This examinant heard some of the persons; who had drilled talking of the four men who were taken at Cockey Moor, and say, that none of their men should be taken by Nadin's men, for they would keep a picket out every night. That the common toasts with the lower class in the public-houses, are, "the Cap of Liberty," and, "May the Wings of Liberty never lose a Feather."

Taken before us

R. Fletcher

N. O.

Traffd. Trafford.

Be it remembered, That on the 14th day of August, in the year of our Lord, 1819, came before me, James Norris, esq. one of his majesty's justices of the peace for the county of Lancaster, O. P. of Manchester, in the said county of Lancaster, gentleman, and made oath, that on Sunday morning, the eighth day of August instant, he went as an inside passenger by the coach to Rochdale, in the said county; that when the said coach arrived at a place called the Slattocks, and which is about two miles beyond Middleton, and about three from Rochdale, it stopt, and he the said O. P. saw upon a bank, close to the road, about thirty men and several women; that having heard much conversation about the people in that neighbourhood having drilled in large bodies, and more particularly on the Sunday morning, it struck this deponent, that the said men might have been so employed that morning, the more particularly as it was then only a little past seven o'clock; and that he communicated his suspicions to the gentleman who sat opposite to this deponent, and whom this deponent, afterwards understood to be a Mr.

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and who stated to this deponent that it was very probable they had been so employed; that very shortly this deponent heard the word march, and immediately afterwards several companies of unarmed men, and amounting, in the whole, from two to four hundred, marched along the turnpike road, on which the coach then was, towards Middleton, and this deponent's impression then was, and now is, that the men so marching had come some way on the said turnpike road, and had been drilling; and that the men standing on the bank were collected from curiosity, and an expectation, or knowledge, that the said men would march that way; that this deponent thinks the said men who so marched were divided into six companies or divisions; that each company or division marched four a-breast, except at the heads of companies, where there was a fifth person with a small stick or cane in his hand, who appeared to be the leader or captain, and gave orders; that the men marched with great exactness and precision, and appeared to this deponent, who was some years a member of a volunteer corps, to have been regularly drilled, and acquired a good state of discipline; that the men in one company having got out of step in a trifling degree, one of the leaders of it fell out of the rank, and cried out left, right, and restored the company immediately into a good state of marching; that whilst the men were so marching past the coach, one of the leaders looking into the coach, from which they were not distant more than two yards, and apparently addressing the passengers in the coach, used this expression,. "We will damn'd soon make these borough-mongering vagrants tremble;" that this expression was used when about half the men had marched past the coach, and when this deponent had recovered from the surprise into which the march of the men past the coach had thrown this deponent, and which surprise at the outset had prevented this deponent from counting the numbers of the men who so marched; that the last company came past the coach in double quick time, and were ordered by their leader to mark time, in consequence of the quickness of their march getting them too near the company before them; that shortly before the said last company so came past the coach in double quick time, this deponent heard a bugle not far off, and which he has no doubt belonged to the party, though this deponent did not see it; that in the course of the same forenoon this deponent returned from Rochdale by the mail, which stopped at the said place called the Slattocks, and this deponent inquired from the persons about, who the people were he had seen in the morning; that the said people from whom he inquired were unwilling to say any thing; but at length reluctantly said they supposed they were a part of the men who had been drilling near the Tandle hills, and that they were the Oldham division. O.P.
Sworn before me, J. Norris.
Jonathan Andrew, of Manchester, maketh oath, and saith, That on Thursday evening the 12th instant, betwixt the hours of eight and nine o'clock, he saw exercising on the new road to Rochdale, from 20 to 25 men armed with staves, from 4 to 5 feet long, and apparently about 3 to 3½ inches round, similar to a brush stail, but chiefly of green wood. He heard the words of command given (by a person separated from the rest) march, halt, &c. JONATHAN ANDREW.
Sworn before me, this
13th of August, 1319,
W. R. Hay.
No. 30.—LETTER from the Earl of Derby to Lord Sidrmouth; dated Knowsley, August 15, 1819.
My Lord;—I conceive it to be my duty to inform your lordship, that in consequence of a representation made to me by the select committee of magistrates assembled at Manchester (and perfectly agreeing with them in the expediency of the measure), I issued a precept for a special meeting of magistrates, to consider of the propriety of a general or partial execution of the Watch and Ward act, and I have now the honour to inclose to your lordship a letter from the clerk of the peace, by which you will perceive how far the same has been carried into execution. I trust this, and the other measures adopted by the magistracy, will put a stop to the danger to be apprehended from the evil designs or such as wish to disturb the peace of the country; but I am sorry to add, there is still too much cause to believe, that in some parts of this county, there are assemblies of men, who meet in considerable numbers, with the object of training and exercising themselves for illegal and seditious purposes. Of all this, however, your lordship is I am sure already informed with more accuracy, and in greater detail, than I am able to give you. It is with great regret that I am obliged to add, that the raising the armed association (notwithstanding the zealous endeavours of the boroughreeve and committee at Manchester, who made the offer to government) proceeds so slow, that I have not yet been able to obtain a list of gentlemen to be submitted to the prince regent as officers for the same. I am, however, informed by the boroughreeve, that the list of field officers and captains for one battalion has been completed, but they consider it premature to send it to me, as the number of men already enrolled is far below the number which should constitute one battalion. I think it right to apprise your lordship of this circumstance, but without the most distant idea of imputing blame, or want of zeal, to any person concerned in the transaction. The arms, &c. for nearly the whole corps have been forwarded to my order from Chester Castle some time since, and, with the concurrence of major general Byng, I have directed them to be lodged at the cavalry

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barracks, under the military custody of the officer commanding there, until the corps becomes sufficiently effective to have them transferred to their hands. I have, &c.
DERBY.
No. 31.—LETTER from the Clerk of the Peace inclosed therein; dated Preston, l3th August, 1819.
My Lord;—I have the honour to inform your lordship, that I attended yesterday at Manchester to put in execution the Watch and Ward act, when the whole of Salford Hundred, and the Warrington Division of West Derby Hundred, were placed under the provisions of the act. I have, &c. E. GORST.
No. 32.—LETTER from Mr. Norris to Lord Sidmouth; dated Manchester, August 15th, 1819. 11 o'clock, P.M.
My Lord;—The magistrates, the military, and civil authorities of Manchester, have been occupied nearly the whole of this day in concerting the necessary arrangements for the preservation of the peace to-morrow, and for the safety of the town in case riot should ensue. We have been much occupied in taking depositions from various parts of the country; and although the magistrates, as at present advised, do not think of preventing the meeting, yet all the accounts tend to show that the worst possible spirit pervades the country; and that considerable numbers have been drilling to-day at distances of four, six, and ten miles from Manchester; and that considerable numbers are expected to attend the meeting. I hope the peace may be preserved, but under all circumstances it is scarcely possible to expect it; and in short, in this respect we are in a state of painful uncertainty. I have, &c. J. NORRIS.
No. 33.—PRINTED Hand-bill issued by the Boroughreeves and Constables of Manchester.
The boroughreeves and constables of Manchester and Salford most earnestly recommend the peaceable and well-disposed inhabitants of those towns, as much as possible, to remain in their own houses during the whole of this day. Monday, August 16th instant; and to keep their children and servants within doors.—Edward Clayton, boroughreeve of Manchester; John Moore, jun; Jonathan Andrew, constables; John Greenwood, boroughreeve of Salford; James Cooke, Josiah Collier, constables.
No. 34.—LETTER from Mr. Hay, a Magistrate of Lancashire, to lord Sidmouth; dated Manchester, 16th August, 1819; quarter past nine.
My Lord;—Mr. Norris being very much fatigued by the harassing duty of this day, it becomes mine now to inform your, lordship of the proceedings which have been had in con-
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sequence of the proposal put forward for a meeting. The special committee have been in constant attendance for the last three days, and contented themselves till they saw what the complexion of the meeting might be, or what circumstances might arise, with coming to this determination only, which they adopted in concurrence with some of the most intelligent gentlemen of the town, not to stop the numerous columns which were from various roads expected to pour in, but to allow them to reach the place of their destination.—The assistance of the military was of course required, and arrangements in consequence made with them, of such description as might be applicable to various circumstances.— About eleven o'clock the magistrates, who were very numerous, repaired to a house, whence they might see the whole of the proceedings of the meeting. A body of special constables took their ground, about two hundred in number, close to the hustings; from them there was a line of communication to the house where we were. Mr. Trafford Trafford was so good as to take the situation of attending colonel L'Estrange, the commanding officer.—From eleven till one o'clock, the various columns arrived, attended by flags, each by two or three flags; and there were four, if not more, caps of liberty. The ensigns were of the same description as those displayed on similar occasions, with this addition, that one had a bloody pike represented on it; another, "Equal Representation or Death." There was no appearance of arms or pikes, but great plenty of sticks and staves; and every column marched in regular files of three or four deep, attended' with conductors, music, &c The most powerful accession was in the last instance, when Hunt and his party came in. But, long before this, the magistrates had felt a decided conviction that the whole bore the appearance of insurrection; that the array was such as to terrify all the king's subjects, and was such as no legitimate purpose could justify. In addition to their own sense of the meeting, they had very numerous depositions from the inhabitants, as to their fears for the public safety; and at length a man deposed as to the parties who were approaching, attended by the heaviest column.
On a barouche-box was a woman in white, who, I believe was a Mrs. Gant, from Stockport, and who it is believed, had a cap of liberty. In the barouche were Hunt, Johnson, Knight, and Moorhouse, of Stockport: as soon as these four parties were ascertained, a warrant issued to apprehend them. The troops were mustered, and Nadin, preceding the Manchester Yeomanry Cavalry, executed it. While the cavalry was forming, a most marked defiance of them was acted by the reforming part of the mob; however, they so far executed their purpose, as to apprehend Hunt and Johnson on the hustings: Knight and Moorhouse in the moment escaped. They also took on the hustings, Saxton, and Sykes,
†

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who is the writer to the Manchester Observer, and which Saxton had before been addressing the mob. The parties thus apprehended, were brought to the house where the magistrates were. In the mean time the Riot act was read, and the mob was completely dispersed, but not without very serious and lamentable effects. Hunt, &c. were brought down to the New Bailey; two magistrates and myself, having promised them protection, preceded them; we were attended by special constables and some cavalry. The parties were lodged in the New Bailey; and since that have been added to them Knight and Moorhouse. On inquiry, it appeared that many had suffered from various instances; one of the Manchester yeomanry, Mr. Holme, was, after the parties were taken, struck by a brick-bat; he lost his power over his horse, and is supposed to have fractured his skull by a fall from his horse. I am afraid that he is since dead; if not, there are no hopes of his recovery. A special constable of the name of Ashworth has been killed—cause unknown; and four women appear to have lost their lives by being pressed by the crowd; these, I believe, are the fatal effects of the meeting. A variety of instances of sabre wounds occurred, but I hope none mortal; several pistols were fired by the mob, but as to their effect, save in one instance deposed to before colonel Fletcher, we have no account. We cannot but deeply regret all this serious attendant on this transaction; but we have the satisfaction of witnessing the very grateful and cheering countenances of the whole town; infact, they consider themselves as saved by our exertions. All the shops were shut, and, for the most part, continued so all the evening. The capture of Hunt took place before two o'clock, and I forgot to mention, that all their colours, drums, &c. were taken or destroyed: since that I have been to the Infirmary, and found myself justified in making the report I have; but Mr. Norris now tells me, that one or two more than I have mentioned, may have lost their lives. The parties apprehended, will have their cases proceeded on to-morrow; but it appears that there may arise difficulties as to the nature of some of their crimes, on which it may be necessary to consult government. The whole committee of magistrates will assemble to-morrow as usual. During the afternoon, and part of the evening, parts of the town have been in a very disturbed state, and numerous applications made for military. These have been supplied, but in some cases have, in the Irish part of the town, been obliged to fire, I trust without any bad effect as to life, in any instance. At present every thing seems quiet; the reports agree with that, and I hope that we shall have a quiet night. I have omitted to mention, that the active part of the meeting may be said to have come in wholly from the country; and that it did not consist of less than 20,000 men, &c. The flag on which was "Equal Re-
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presentation or Death," was a black one; and in addition, on the same side, had "No boroughmongering —Unite, and be Free;" at the bottom, "Saddleworth, Lees, and Morley Union;" on the reverse, "No Corn Laws; — Taxation, without Representation, is unjust and tyrannical." On the Middleton Hag was, "Let us die like men, and not be sold like slaves;" reverse, "Liberty is the birthright of man."—I close my letter at a quarter before eleven; every thing remains quiet—many of the troops have returned to the barracks, with the consent of the magistrates. I have to apologize to your lordship for the haste in. which this is written, but I trust that the haste will naturally be accounted for. I have the honour to be, &c.
W. R. HAY.
No. 35—LETTER from Major-General Sir John Byng to Lord Sidmouth, dated, Head Quarters. Pontefract, August 17th, 1819, nine, A. M.
My Lord; I have the honour to forward the accompanying copy of an official report which I have just received from lieutenant colonel L'Estrange, in command of the troops in Manchester and its immediate neighbourhood, which I consider of sufficient consequence to send by express, as it will be one day sooner before your lordship.—I most sincerely regret that the employment of military in aid of the civil power should have been necessary; but I trust it will appear to your lordship, that the utmost forbearance, consistent with their duty, has been evinced by lieutenant colonel L'Estrange, with the troops under his command: and I hope it will meet your approval, his having employed the corps of Cheshire and Manchester yeomanry cavalry, who, at the request to the magistrates had assembled with the greatest alacrity in full numbers, and had placed themselves at the lieutenant colonel's disposal.—By the latest account, I understand the town of Manchester has become more quiet. I shall await here a further report, and shall hold in readiness to move, at the shortest notice, all the disposable force under my orders. I have, &c.
JOHN BYNG, Major General.
No. 36.—REPORT from Lieutenant Colonel l'Estrange, inclosed in the foregoing. Dated Manchester, August 16, 1819, eight o'clock, P. M.
Sir,—The magistrates assembled here in consequence of the disturbed state of the district, directed me to have the troops in readiness to assist the civil power in case of necessity, at the time of the meeting proposed for this day. In concurrence with their wishes, and after consultation with them, the military were prepared and arrangements made, such as then seemed calculated to meet any occasion, in which the aid of the troops might be required to assist the civil power. The magistrates were in attendance

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near St. Peter's Church; and Mr. Trafford, a justice of the peace for the counties of Chester and Lancaster, was appointed to remain with the cavalry. Early in the afternoon, the civil power finding it necessary that the troops should act in aid of them, it was deemed expedient that the cavalry should advance; and a warrant was executed, preceded by the civil authority, under which two persons Hunt and Johnson, named therein, were arrested; as were also two other persons named Saxton and Sykes, who were active, as I am told, on the hustings. This service was performed with the assistance of the cavalry. The infantry was in readiness, but I determined not to bring them in contact with the people, unless compelled to do so by urgent necessity; not a shot therefore has been fired by any of the military, though several have been fired by the populace against the troops. I have, however, great regret in stating, that some of the unfortunate people who attended this meeting have suffered from sabre wounds, and many from the pressure of the crowd. One of the Manchester yeomanry, if not dead, lies without hope of recovery; it is understood he was struck with a stone. One of the special constables has been killed. The Manchester yeomanry under major Trafford, and the Cheshire yeomanry under lieutenant colonel Townsend, who had come on a very short notice from the county magistrates (many of them from a great distance), were most active and efficient in discharge of their duty.—The committee, now sitting, consider it necessary to keep all the troops ready, though every means will be adopted to prevent the necessity of their acting. I have, &c.
GEORGE I'ESTRANGE,
Lieut. Col. 31st regiment.
Major-General SIR JOHN BYNG, K. C. B.
No. 37.—EXTRACT of a letter from Mr. Norris to Lord Sidmouth; dated Manchester, August 17, 1819.
My Lord;—Mr. Hay and Mr. Hardman having left town this evening, on a mission to your lordship and to government, it is unnecessary for me to give you any information up to the period when they left, as they are fully informed. Since their departure the town has continued to assume a gloomy aspect as the night has approached, and at this hour (a quarter from ten), all the civil and military authorities are in action throughout the town. Great numbers assembled this evening, from 8 to 9, about the New Cross, but did not do any act of violence though evidently of the description disposed to do so. Soldiers are placed there, and bodies of special constables, with orders in the first instance for the constables to act, and afterwards, in case of need, the military to disperse the mob. The Riot act was not read this evening when I first went up (about six o'clock) though some stones had before been
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thrown at one or two houses, and a few at the military; yet I found matters peaceable and quiet, and the offending parties straggling about, and at considerable distances, and I hoped they would disperse. They did not, however, disperse; but the numbers considerably increased at the distances, and I found it necessary to communicate instantly with colonel I'Estrange, &c. The military have in consequence been strengthened in that quarter, and at present every thing, I believe, remains quiet, although it can alone be attributed to the full exertion or appearance of the military strength. I am, &c.
J. NORRIS.
No. 38.—EXAMINATION of James Murrey of No. 2, Withy Grove Manchester, confectioner, who, on his oath, saith,
That on Sunday last, the 15th instant, he was at White Moss, near Middleton, about five miles from Manchester, between three and four o'clock in the morning and saw there assembled between 14 and 1500 men, the greatest number of whom were formed in two bodies, in the form of solid squares; the remainder were in small parties of between twenty and thirty each; there were about thirty such parties, each under the direction of a person acting as a drill Serjeant, and and were going through military movements; that examinant went amongst them and immediately one of the drill Serjeants asked him to fall in. He said, he thought he should soon, or gave some such answer; he then began to move away; upon which, some persons who were drilling, cried out "spies." This examinant, and William Shawcross, and Thomas Rymer and his son (all of whom had accompanied this examinant from Manchester) continued to retire; the body of men then cried out, "mill them," "murder them" Near one hundred men then pursued this examinant and his companions; they overtook them near a lane end, at the edge of the Moss, and began to pelt them with clods of earth—they at last came up to the examinant and his companions, and beat them very severely—Examinant begged they would not murder him; but the general cry was, "damn him kill him—murder him."—Examinant said, "you treat me very differently to what nations treat each other's prisoners when they are at war. Suppose that I am an enemy, you ought to treat me as a prisoner:" they said, "How will you treat us if you take us prisoners when we come to Manchester?" —Examinant knew at the time that a meeting was appointed for the next day (Monday) at Manchester.—The men kept beating examinant all the time; at last, they debated among themselves whether they would kill examinant or forgive him, and they determined to forgive him, provided he would go down upon his knees and beg pardon to them, and swear never to be a king's man again, or to mention the name of a king. Ex-

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aminant complied to save his life, they standing over him with sticks, as he apprehended to murder him, provided he had objected. They afterwards went away. Examinant was not previously acquainted with any of the persons assembled that he saw, but is certain that he should know again two of those who beat him. The greatest part of the number assembled had stout sticks, from three to four feet long. In consequence of the ill treatment received by examinant, as above, he was confined to his bed for three days. JAMES MURREY.
Sworn at Manchester before me, this 21st of August, 1819.
Ra. Fletcher.
No. 39.—LETTER from Sir J. T. Stanley to Lord Sidmouth; dated Grand Jury Room, Chester Castle, Sept. 3, 1819.
My Lord,—I have been directed by the grand jury of the county of Chester, as their foreman, to forward the inclosed to your lordship as a private communication; and I have taken the liberty of inclosing, at the same time a copy of resolutions entered into by the grand jury, expressive of their determination to support the government, and enforce the laws, for the preservation of the peace of the county. I have &c.
JOHN THOMAS STANLEY.
No. 40.—COMMUNICATION of the Grand Jury of Cheshire, inclosed therein.
(Private.) Chester, September 3, 1819.
We, the grand jury of the county palatine of Chester, assembled at the assizes holden for the said county, on the first day of September 1819, feel it our bounden duty to represent to your lordship, that from the information we have just received, we have strong reason to consider, that in the Stock-port division of the hundred of Macclesfield in this county, and in certain parts of the Prestbury division of the said hundred, the lives and property of his majesty's loyal subjects are in great peril; and that in an adjoining county, by the active measures of terror and intimidation employed, the danger has, within the last fourteen days, assumed a more formidable character; and we beg leave to add, that we understand his majesty's justices of the peace labour under great difficulty from want of power to disperse meetings for drilling, and for acquiring military discipline.
JOHN THOMAS STANLEY, Foreman.
No. 41.—RESOLUTIONS also inclosed.
County Palatine of Chester,
We, the grand jury of the county palatine of Chester, at the assizes holden at Chester on the first day of September 1819, feel it incumbent at this time to declare our indignation at the machinations of artful and itinerant demagogues, who disseminate papers of the most dangerous and seditious tendency; and at public meetings, with freedom in their
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mouths and fraud and plunder in their hearts, employ the most inflammatory language; insidiously inculcate, under the specious veil of reform, hatred and contempt of our constitution, and instigate the ignorant and unwary even to exert physical force (that is, violence and open arms) for the enforcement of their visionary claims; at once useless to themselves, destructive of the rights and property of their fellow subjects, and involving the country in one general ruin. Nor can we refrain from declaring our disgust and horror at the odious and blasphemous publications poured forth throughout the country, in which the Holy Scriptures are held up to derision, reviled and scoffed at and audaciously denounced to the people as false, with the malignant intention of eradicating from their minds all moral checks, and all the hopes and comforts to be derived from religion. But with the most serious and peculiar anxiety and detestation, we contemplate the unremitting exertions to poison the minds of the rising generation with the same horrid and detestable doctrines.—we, therefore, strongly impressed with, the excellence of our constitution, protecting alt ranks and degrees of society, are firmly resolved, by every means in our power, to enforce the due execution of the laws against the seditions and disaffected; and against all, who either by acts or otherwise, endanger the public peace and safety of the realm.
(Signed): John Thomas Stanley, Foreman.— Belgrave, H. M. Mainwaring, D. Davenport, Wilbraham Egerton, Charles Cholmondeley, Thomas C. Clutton, Ralph Leycester, jun., D. Ashley, George Wilbraham, E. D. Davenport, Clement Swetenham, H. C. Cotton, E. Stracey, Thomas Marshal, Thomas Cholmondeley, Robert Hibbert, John Isherwood, Robert Taylor, H. W. Worthington, Thomas Barker.
No. 42.—LETTER from Lord Stanley to Lord Sidmouth; dated Knowsley, September 7th, 1819.
My Lord; I have been directed by the grand jury assembled at the present assizes for this County, to sign, as their foreman, their statement of the unhappily disturbed situation in which (upon examination, which they have thought it their duty to make) they have found the county, or rather a large district of it, to be placed. In compliance therefore with their directions, I have now the honour to lay before your lordship the accompanying statement, a copy of which I have also been directed to lay before the lord-lieutenant of the county, and I remain, &c.
STANLEY.
No. 43,—STATEMENT inclosed therein.
The grand jury of the county of Lancaster have thought it their duty to inquire into the present slate of the disturbed districts of that

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county, and they have examined persons who appeared to them the most competent to give accurate information on the subject.—From the result of that inquiry it appears, that the most inflammatory publications have for some time been industriously circulated at a price which puts them very generally into the hands of the poorest classes of society. The training and military drilling of large bodies of men, under regular leaders, have for some time been carried on to a great extent, and the times chosen for the purpose are principally during the night, or at such hours as seem best calculated to elude public observation. Marching, and other military movements, are practised with great precision, and the words of command are promptly and implicitly obeyed. It has not come to the knowledge of the grand jury, that arms have been used on these occasions, and, though there is no doubt that weapons of offence have been manufactured, yet to what amount does not appear.—One of the most powerful engines to which the disaffected have resorted, is a system of intimidation, which prevails to a most serious and alarming degree. Not only have threats to persons and property been made use of, and put into execution, but even combinations have been formed to discountenance and to ruin those publicans and shopkeepers who have come forward in support of the civil power. To such an extent does this prevail, that individuals who are well-disposed, are deterred from declaring the sentiments which they really entertain, or from giving information which may lead to the detection of offenders.—Whatever may be the real object of those who have obtained an influence over the minds of the misguided, there is reason to believe, from the declarations which have been openly and avowedly made, that the object of the lower classes of these people in general, is no other than to reverse the orders of society which have so long been established, and to wrest by force from the present possessors, and to divide among themselves, the landed property of the country. —The magistrates who act in the disturbed districts, and who are few in number, and harassed by continued and unremitting attention to their duties, state themselves to be unable to preserve the public peace, under any circumstances of peculiar agitation.—Resort has recently been had to the Watch and Ward act, but in many parts of the abovementioned districts the measure is, for obvious reasons, incapable of being carried into effect, and in others has proved wholly inefficacious. Indeed, in one populous district, no warrant for ordinary offences, or other legal process, can be executed: the payment of taxes has ceased; and the landlords are threatened with the discontinuance of their rents.—The grand jury think it their duty to submit these facts and observations to the lord-lieutenant of the county, and to his majesty's principal secretary of state for the home department, and at
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the same time to express their firm determination to support the government of the country, and to maintain unimpaired the constitution as at present established in church and state.—Signed by direction of the grand jury,
STANLEY, Foreman.
Grand Jury Room, Lancaster, Sept. 6, 1819.
No. 44.—LETTER from the Constables of Manchester to Lord Sidmouth; dated Manchester Police-office, September 16, 1819.
My Lord;—We have avoided troubling your lordship with frequent communications, knowing that our highly esteemed friend Mr. Norris was in constant correspondence with the home department. We deem it however a duty to state some of the difficulties with which we have to contend, and which, as they are rapidly increasing, will press heavily on the gentlemen who are shortly to succeed us in office. Before Mr. Hunt made his appearance here, his followers had given us much trouble; they have now acquired so powerful an ascendancy in the neighbourhood, that he is able at any time to agitate this town most seriously; and by a very short notice to move an overwhelming population in any direction, and for almost any purpose. Your lordship has, we believe, already been made acquainted with the decease of Campbell, one of our supernumeraries, who was literally stoned to death, publicly, in the forenoon of the 17th ult. merely because he was connected with this office. Another special constable now lies in the infirmary dangerously wounded under similar circumstances. More than a week before the meeting of the 16th ult. two of our beadles, who were protecting a man whilst posting the Prince Regent's Proclamation, were shamefully abused, as well as the man, and held prisoners, at the New Cross, by a mob of more than 500 persons. The borough reeve and ourselves, with our deputy and four assistants, having proceeded to the spot, were also violently attacked and beaten away with stones, previously taken up from the pavement for the purpose. For some time previously to the 16th ult. well dressed persons were sure to be insulted if they showed themselves in the neighbourhood of New Cross, Newton-lane, An coats, &c. &c.; and were it not for the certainty that the military could soon be at hand, no decent person would now venture near those places.—Since Mr. Hunt's arrival here, the respectable householders have been kept in almost constant alarm, and the noise and uproar which uniformly attends his movements have produced the most dangerous consequences to many families. Amongst persons unconnected with business, a general disposition prevails to leave the neighbourhood; and of those who are able to retire from trade, a considerable proportion seems determined to do so. The difficulty in collecting rents from those of the lower orders who are able to pay, increases

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daily, and serious depression in the value of property is consequently taking place. We have also much reason to fear, that numbers, whom we had looked upon as neutral with respect to Mr. Hunt, are becoming partizans; and we ought not to disguise the fact, that a degree of intimidation very generally prevails, which deprives us of the usually efficient support and cordial assistance of some of our principal inhabitants. The special constables, as a body, were all that we could wish, and have given us abundant proof of their loyalty and spirit; but of those who are shopkeepers or publicans, many have so much lost their custom, that they must either cease acting, or be ruined. The sacrifice of wealth and comforts which the magistrates have willingly made, can only be duly appreciated by ourselves; and we are bound to declare our belief, that nothing but the purest patriotism could have influenced or supported them.— An anxious desire to serve the public faithfully, has completely exhausted our worthy colleague, the boroughreeve, and his life is still in danger; and, indeed, we are ourselves so much worn out, that we should shortly become unequal to our duty, were it not for the prospect of our year being soon ended. If we are asked, what has occasioned this state of society here? we must reply, the licentiousness of the press chiefly, aided by the inflammatory speeches of itinerant demagogues, and the establishment of schools for instructing adults, as well as children, to revile and despise the civil and religious institutions of the country. Whatever constitutional health or strength our successors in office may fortunately possess, or however zealous they may be in the discharge of their duty, we are firmly persuaded, my lord, things cannot long go on in this way, and we hope this conviction will be our apology for writing so much at length on this occasion. We have the honour to be, &c.

JOHN MOORE, jun.

Constables.

JONATHAN ANDREW

To the Right Hon. Lord Viscount Sidmouth.
No. 45.—LETTER from Mr. Jones, Postmaster of Macclesfield to Lord Sidmouth; dated Macclesfield, Cheshire, August 18,1819.
My Lord;—I beg leave to acquaint your lordship, that a mob of the reformers assembled last night about half past eight o'clock P. M. in the market-place in this town: the mayor read the Riot act about half past eight P. M.; about nine the mob proceeded to a very outrageous attack on the shop and printing-shop of Mr. Jonathan Wilson, printer of the Macclesfield Courier, and demolished the door and windows; they also attacked the house of Mr. Thomas Grimsditch, solicitor, an officer in the Cheshire yeomanry cavalry in the Macclesfield troop; they broke all his front windows; they attacked my house and demolished my front windows, &c. They took advantage of the absence of our cavalry on duty at Manchester, and part of the 31st regi-
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ment of foot, which were here till last night. Twelve at night an express came from Mancherter ordering them to Stockport, so that we were left quite defenceless, we turned out and restored peace at last; and this morning, at five A. M. the party of the 31st regiment arrived here from Slockport, and at ten A. M. our troops of cavalry arrived from Manchester. The mayor, accompanied by the rest of the magistrates of this borough read the Riot act. and declared the town in a state of rebellion, and delivered it up to the charge of the military, from the circumstance of their having last night attacked the Post-office: and I humbly submit, that for the better and future security of the town, and persons and property, a troop of horse stationed here for a while would remove and disperse all danger. The whole most humbly submitted by your lordship's, &c. TIM JONES.
No. 46.—LETTER from the Lord Provost of Glasgow to Lord Sidmouth; dated Glasgow, 22nd August, 1819.
My Lord;— It affords me great satisfaction and pleasure that I have it in my power to inform your lordship, that the meeting of yesterday ended without any breach of the peace, or even disturbance. We had every preparation made by having the special constabulary, to the number of about four hundred, assembled, as well as all the police and other civil officers, and also the military drawn up in the barrack-yard to act in case the civil power should prove inefficient. Although all this was done without publicity or bustle, still it was not unknown to the crowd; indeed in the speeches I understood that peace and good order were strongly inculcated by the argument of the preparations made to oppose contrary conduct. To the presence of the military do we therefore owe our present state. The object of the meeting on Thursday being of a nature more likely to draw an assemblage of the poorer classes than the common one of parliamentary reform, and greater pains having been taken to bring them from every quarter, we contemplate that it will be much more numerously attended. God grant that it may end as peaceably! My lord, I have &c.
HENRY MONTEITH.
No. 47.—LETTER from Earl Fitzwilliam to Lord Sidmouth, dated Leamington, 26th August, 1819.
My Lord;—I have this morning received a letter dated 20th inst from Mr. Haigh, Mr. Haigh Allen, and Mr. Horsfall, three magistrates acting at Huddersfield and in its neighbourhood a copy of which I send for your lordship's information. No doubt it would have been more satisfactory had no meeting whatever taken place; but it is a subject of satisfaction that, taking place, it passed off peaceably, and that the assembled dispersed quietly, without the interference of any constituted authority, and no less so, that though a second meeting was announced, for the

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following evening, it did not take place. I trust however, that your lordship will approve the active vigilance of these magistrates and the precautionary measures which they have adopted, by swearing in a number of special constables, and by calling out the Hudders-field troop of yeomanry on permanent duty, and I am confident your lordship may rely on their discretion, that the constituted authorities will not be unnecessarily committed in doubtful cases, but their powers used only when manifest necessity shall justify their exercise. I have the honour to be, &c.
WENTWORTH FITZWILLIAM.
No. 48.—LETTER from Three Magistrates inclosed therein, dated Hudilersfield, August 20th, 1819.
My Lord;—We think it our duty to inform your lordship, that last evening, about seven, o'clock, a large multitude of people were suddenly assembled within half a mile of the town, to the number (as near as we can ascertain) of three thousand. A person from Manchester related to them what had taken place there, and concluded by telling them, that now was the time to be revenged. Another person then said, that all who were willing to support the cause of radical reform by force, by physical force, should signify the same in the usual way; which was answered by a tremendous shout from the multitude; he then informed them that a meeting would be held the following night at seven o'clock at Fixby Park (about a mile and a half from Hudders-field). With arms?—was asked by the multitude. He said, we will not say with arms; but all persons are requested to provide themselves with such things as may in any way whatever be useful to them. We find that there have been several evening meetings suddenly called in different parts of the neighbourhood, since Tuesday, and we have every reason to believe that the meeting to-night is to be a concentrated meeting, as we are informed that a meeting in the neighbourhood of Halifax has been adjourned to meet at Fixby to-night. In consequence of these appearances we have thought it our duly to order our troop of yeomanry cavalry to assemble this evening, upon permanent duty for three days; we have also sworn in a number of special constables, which we trust will meet with your lordship's approbation. We have the honour to be, &c.
(Signed) J. HAIGH
B. HAIGH ALLEN
JOHN HORSFALL.
Saturday morning.—The night has passed over quietly. Numbers were seen returning to their homes late at night, most probably deterred from meeting by the precautions taken, and by a report circulated among the people, that the man who addressed them from Manchester was a spy.

(Signed)

J. H.

B. H. L.

J. H.

To the Right Hon. Earl Fitzwilliam, &c. &c.
No. 49.—LETTER from Earl Fitzwilliam to Lord Sidmouth; dated Leamington, 28th August, 1819.
My Lord;—I have the honour to transmit to your lordship a copy of a letter, dated the 25th instant, which I received this morning from the mayor of Leeds; likewise a copy of a requisition for convening a public meeting on the 30th inst. signed by certain householders of Wakefield and left at the office of the clerk of the peace; which also I received this morning.—I shall return immediately to Wentworth. I have the honour to be, &c.
WENTWORTH FITZWILLIAM.
No. 50—LETTER from the Mayor of Leeds inclosed; therein dated Leeds, August 25th, 1819.
My Lord;—I duly received your lordship's letter of the 19th,announcing your intention, if no unpleasant accounts were received from Manchester to set out the following day for Leamington. I deem it necessary to acquaint your lordship, that I think I perceive a considerable change working among our reformers. On Thursday last, in the evening, a body of people to the amount of several thousands, met upon Hunslet Moor, to discuss the events at Manchester, simply upon a notice given by posting up a few written papers in two or three conspicuous situations in the town. Last evening another meeting took place by the appointment of the former; when, not-with standing a heavy fall of rain, it is calculated full 3,000 persons were present; with the additional excitements of drums and bands of music, to which they marched from the adjoining townships. They dispersed quietly. I fear these circumstances, added to the frequent meeting, announce growing confidence in themselves, and a determination on the part of their leaders to push matters to an extremity. They hold more violent language in their speeches, and dwell in exaggerated terms on the proceedings at Manchester; and Sherwin's Register of the 20th inst, of which I have found it difficult to obtain a copy, the whole being sold off, is a most diabolical production: he throws off all restraint, calls on the people to arm, states the impossibility of avoiding are revolution or of subduing the people; and treats the idea of accommodation as ridiculous; surely it is time to attack the authors of such dangerous productions. I write this evening, desiring sir John Byng to order another troop of dragoons to Leeds. We have only one of thirty-two horses, which I think is too small a force to meet present appearances with. I have the honour to be, &c.
G. BANKS.
No. 51—REQUISITION also inclosed.
We, the undersigned inhabitant householders of the town of Wakefield, do convene a public meeting to be held on Monday, 30th August, 1819, to take into consideration our unparalleled distress (which we consider to

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have arisen from enormous taxation without representation) and the most effectual and constitutional methods for the removal and prevention of the same occurring in future;
Richard Brown, plumber and glazier, Westgate; Joseph Lowe, cloth worker. Westgate; Samuel Moore, cloth worker, Westgate; John Robinson, cordwainer, Kirkgate; Joseph Lock-wood, cordwainer, Nelson-street; George Musgreave, waterman, Kirkgate. Joseph Inson waterman Kirkgate; Benjamin Howell, jun. waterman, Kirkgate. The Chair to be taken precisely at four o'clock in the afternoon. Wakefield, August 23rd, 1819.
No. 52.—LETTER from Earl Fitzwilliam to Lord Sidmouth; Wentworth, August, 31st, 1819.
My Lord;—I have the honour of transmitting, for your lordship's consideration, copies of three letters, all of which I have received this morning; 1st from colonel Horton, a magistrate of the West Riding, resident near Halifax, dated the 27th instant; 2nd, from the mayor of Leeds, dated the 27th instant; 3rd, from Mr. Foljambe, deputy clerk of the Peace, dated Monday evening 9 o'clock. I have, &c. WENTWORTH FITZWILLIAM.
No. 53.—LETTER from Colonel Horton inclosed therein; Halifax, August 27th, 1819.
My Lord; Attending a general meeting of magistrates yesterday, at Wakefield, to consider the additions to the House of Correction, I thought it necessary to give my opinion of the state of this part of the Hiding; and I beg to communicate the same to your lordship. I have great reason to believe, that the lower orders in this part of the country are very much irritated by the laudable conduct of the civil and military authorities at Manchester, and warmly espouse the cause of the Revolutionists; for such they are. Speaking entirely of the actual labouring class, I have not a doubt that a very great majority have the above feeling, and would act upon it if they dared, at this moment. Various assemblages have been held in this parish and Huddersfield, since the occurrences at Manchester. The object being (as there is great reason to believe) to determine as to the propriety of marching to Manchester to avenge themselves which has not been thought prudent at present. These assemblies were called privately, and it is very difficult to obtain correct information: but though I do not apprehend any immediate danger, I am well convinced there is reason to fear that some violent attempt will be made by the disaffected, if very great precautionary measures are not adopted. It is quite certain the object is absolute revolution; the attempt at which will cause much mischief. This parish has always been much quieter than Huddersfield; but
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the disposition lately evinced, has induced colonel Deardon and myself to swear in about three hundred special constables, and to call a meeting of the principal inhabitants. I intend to attempt to raise a troop of yeomanry cavalry here, and I have hopes of offering one to your lordship. In the mean time I have stated to lord Sidmouth, that it is necessary to society that one troop of regulars should be placed here. I wish to add, that it was the opinion of all the magistrates at Wakefield, amongst whom were sir Francis Wood, Mr. Wortley, and Mr. Lowe (with whom I coincide), that it is not by any means necessary your lordship should hasten your return from Leamington at this moment. I have, &c.
THOMAS HORTON.
Earl Fitzwilliam, &c. &c. &c.
No. 54.—LETTER from the Mayor of Leeds, also inclosed; dated Leeds, 27th August, 1819.
My Lord;—I beg your lordship's reference to my letter of the 25tb instant. The meeting of magistrates which I mentioned it was my intention to convene for this day, has taken place. I stated at this meeting, that in consequence of the new symptoms which are showing themselves in the proceedings of the reformers, I had been induced to request sir John Byng would send us another troop of cavalry, which he has consented to do. I also read to them the copy of the letter I had sent to your lordship, and of one I had sent to lord Sidmouth, in which I had given the same details as to your lordship, and inclosed to him the mischievous number of Sherwin's Register, alluded to in my last. That I deemed it my duty to make this communication to my lord Sidmouth, I think I omitted to mention to your lordship, which you will have the goodness to attribute to the hurry under which was obliged to write my letters on Wednesday evening. I am happy to say, the opinions I have formed, and the measures I have adopted met the full approbation of my brother magistrates, as I hope they will of your lordship. I feel perfectly confident, with the military force which I shall have to-morrow at my disposal; and I sincerely hope the strong attitude we have taken in this respect, without hitherto interfering with the proceedings of the reformers, will have due weight with them, and deter them from going to the dangerous lengths they have in Lancashire; and which, I am quite satisfied, is the object of their leaders. I am most anxious to avoid any contact with them, until they commit themselves by some breach of the peace, when I might be warranted in a decisive interference. —I have a strong objection, which I think it right to name to your lordship, to make use of the yeomanry, except as an auxiliary force, and in case only of emergency. I perceive a strong hatred exists against this force, which is carefully cherished by all the reformers, and if unfortunately we should require their ser-

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vices, the probability is, that in discharging their duty they would lay the foundation of perpetual heart-burnings and animosity.—I have not yet heard of any day being fixed for another meeting here; there will be one at Wakefield on Monday next. If any thing farther occurs worth communicating to your lordship, I shall take the liberty to write to you. I have, &c.
Earl Fitzwilliam, &c. &c. GEORGE BANKS.
No. 55.—LETTER from the Clerk of the Peace of the West Riding of Yorkshire, also inclosed.
My Lord;—I am just retwned from the meeting, with sir Francis, Wood, Mr. Scott, and Mr. John Maude, amounting to about 2,000; a great part were spectators. Mr. Willan in the chair. The speakers were Messrs. Mitchell, Mason, Jackson and another; all of whom, sir Francis desires me to inform your lordship, talked a great deal of nonsense, but not treason; and the resolutions passed were similar to those at Manchester and other places. Supposing your lordship would be anxious to hear the result, I send this by a special messenger. All went off peaceably. Nothing was required by the act passed 31st of March 1817, as it expired on the 24th of July 1818; but I thought it proper to send to your lordship a copy of the notice left at this office by these deluded people, who, providentially, are not aware of that circumstance. I have, &c. JOHN FOLJAMBE.
Monday evening, 9 o'clock.
No. 56.—EXTRACT of a Letter from the Lord Advocate of Scotland to Lord Sidmouth; dated Edinburgh, September 15,1819.
My Lord;—The proceedings of the reformers at Manchester have been imitated at Paisley. Though allowed, without molestation, to meet arid to talk sedition, they afterwards proceeded to violence, and continued their operations during the following day, although it was Sunday. Riots have also taken place in Glasgow. I have thought it right to communicate to your lordship the whole information on the subject, of which I am possessed, and this you will find inclosed. On the perusal of these documents, I think your lordship will agree with me in opinion, that the magistrates have acted with great prudence and moderation, and it now only remains for them to act with vigour, if these proceedings are continued —ln haste. I have, &c. W. RAE.
No. 57.—LETTER; from the Sheriff Depute of Renfrewshire, inclosed therein; dated Paisley, Tuesday 14th, Sept. 11 o'clock.
My Lord;—on my return here yesterday, I found the town in great ferment. In the course of Sunday evening the windows of a number of houses in all quarters of the town had been broken, particularly those of the clergy. The same thing was renewed on
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Monday, but with more sytem and deliberation. The plan chiefly adopted was, to disperse on the appearance of constables, and to lurk in closes till an opportunity was found of sallying forth and throwing stones. As the cavalry could not pursue the rioters down the closes, we sent for infantry from Glasgow to guard the principal stations, and the cavalry dispersed any crowds which collected at the ends of streets; but with instructions only to strike with the flat of the sabre. Military posts were stationed during the night at the chief outlets of streets, and preserved tranquillity. The charges of the cavalry were executed with great moderation; and not till after printed notices that the Riot act had been read were fixed on poles, and carried through the crowd. It is satisfactory that no person has been killed; nor, as far as I have heard, any one severely hurt. But if the scenes of yesterday be renewed to-day, I fear the moderation which has hitherto been observed, cannot be continued.—Proposals were made to the magistrates, by the ringleaders of the mob offering to restore tranquillity, provided they gave up the flags, and liberated the prisoners, which I mention as indicative of the spirit by which the rioters are actuated.
Paisley, 5 o'clock.
Every thing is quiet up to this hour, at least apparently so; but the streets are still more crowded than usual. I have been engaged chiefly this forenoon in taking the declarations of those we have apprehended. Our prisoners are very numerous, and our gaol here was nearly full before the riots. The Greenock gaol has received five but will not hold more: and I beg leave to request, that the proper authority be immediately obtained by your lordship authorizing the transmission of prisoners to Glasgow gaol, under the present emergency, and requiring the magistrates of Glasgow to receive and detain them. I am my lord, &c. JOHN DUNLOP.
No. 58.—EXTRACT of a Letter from Mr. Reddie, also inclosed; dated Glasgow, 14th Sept. 1819.
My dear Lord; For a very brief account of the proceedings here last night, I refer your lordship to our proclamation of this day, of which I send a copy by this night's post. The assemblage took place rather unexpectedly. After lamps and windows had been broken, we read the Riot act; and then authorized the dragoons to clear the streets with their sabres, having previously been assailed with vollies of stones, from a house at present rebuilding in an adjoining street. The soldiers, as usual, behaved with great moderation. About a hundred prisoners were made; but we discharged upwards of fifty of them before two o'clock A.M.; and I fear we shall only be able to procure evidence against a few of those we have still in custody, amounting to about thirty. This check has not been sufficient. They are rather elated, it seems, than

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otherwise, by the success of their diversion in favour of Paisley; and, if we may rely upon the accounts we have received from different quarters, we shall have the same scene again to-night, for which we have made the necessary preparations. I am, &c. JAMES REDDIE.
The Lord Advocate of Scotland.
No. 59.—LETTER from Earl Fitzwilliam to Lord Sidmouth; dated Wentworth, 25th September, 1819.
My Lord;—I must apologise to your lordship for an apparent tardiness in forwarding the report made to me by the mayor of Leeds, respecting the occurrences of Monday last, within his jurisdiction; but when it reached this place I was absent. I have now the honour of transmitting a copy of his letter. I am confident your lordship will learn with the greatest satisfaction, that it passed off without the slightest interruption of the public peace notwithstanding the occasion had drawn together, in Leeds, such an immense assemblage of people, as had never before been seen in Leeds, who marched in solemn procession to Hunslet Moor; the inflammatory speeches of the orators had hot attraction to retain them together; they dropped off by degrees, and at the conclusion of the business, not more than had been usually seen at ordinary meetings continued to attend. I am no less confident that your lordship will applaud the judicious conduct pursued on the occasion by the mayor, and likewise the precautionary arrangements which he had made, in case of necessity. I have, &c. WENTWORTH FITZWILLIAM.
No. 60.—LETTER from the Mayor of Leeds, inclosed therein; dated Leeds, 20th Sept. 1819.
My Lord;—It may be satisfactory to your lordship, to receive from me some account, though short and imperfect, of this day's meeting on Hunslet Moor. About eleven o'clock there was an evident movement in the streets, and numerous arrivals, in small parties of people from the country: these continued increasing very much till about one o'clock, when the large detachments from the adjoining townships, and also a very numerous one from Dewsbury, headed by Willan, having arrived, the procession moved on to Hunslet Moor, where it arrived about three o'clock, accompanied by a band of music, and a great variety of flags with various mottos; the particulars of which I am not yet acquainted with. A man, of the name of Chapman, took the chair; some violent speeches were delivered: a number of resolutions past, such I understand as we have witnessed in Lancashire, and a collection made on the spot, Under the pretence of applying the produce to enable Hunt to sustain the prosecutions in process against him. The crowd which first appeared on Hunslet Moor must have infinitely surpassed any thing of the kind which, was ever before known in this glace, but be-
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ing composed of the vile and curious, as well as the mischievous, the former not finding attractions for them, they began, together with the women and children, early to retire; and before the business of the meeting was dispatched, the numbers were reduced as low as at the last meeting, not exceeding 4 or 5,000; although I cannot doubt there must have been at one period, perhaps about four o'clock, little short of 20,000 souls present— the whole affair has terminated peaceably.— The only measures of precaution I adopted, with the approbation of my brother magistrates, were these;—I ordered the regular constables of the town, under their chief, to assemble at the Court House; as also the watch and patrole, under their captain, at five o'clock, where I attended with the recorder and a few other magistrates, until a little after eight, by which time the whole affair was over, and all the parties appeared to have quietly dispersed.—With regard to the military, I desired the commandant of the squadron of dragoons to give strict orders to all his men to keep close in their quarters, holding themselves and their horses m perfect readiness in a moment's notice; and as my object was, to avoid display, I did not give out any orders till the assemblage had quitted the town.—After leaving the Court House, I had an engagement with the committee at the workhouse, which has detained me so late, that I fear my letter will scarcely be in time for the post. I have, &c. GEORGE BANKS.
To Earl Fitzwilliam, &c. &c. &c.
No. 61.—EXTRACT of a Letter from Colonel Horton to Mr. Hobhouse; dated Halifax, October 5, 1819.
Sir;—I am glad to say there was no farther disturbance here yesterday after the meeting had dispersed, except that three or four of the alehouses were full of persons drinking late in the evening: whereas they had been ordered to close them at eight o'clock; and the constables had great difficulty in clearing them, which could only be done by force; the people showing the worst possible spirit.—The heavy rain fell most fortunately, as it drove home those who came from the country; otherwise I have little doubt the constables would have been overpowered. Every report I receive justifies me in declaring, that more than fifty thousand persons were assembled; and that most of them had something on which they relied more than their; sticks, same of which were actually shouldered, being rather clubs than sticks. There could not be more than a few thousands on the moor from the town itself; crowds came in every direction; and this place seems to have been well selected, being destitute of defence. I have, &c. THOMAS HORTON.
No. 62.—LETTER from six magistrates of the county of Durham to lord Sidmouth; dated Gateshead, 13th of October, 1819.
My Lord;—We have the honour to acquaint

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your lordship, that we have addressed a letter this morning to the lord lieutenant of the county, respecting the present state of Chester Ward, in the county of Durham, of which we desire to forward a copy to you.—We have the honour to be, &c.
Adam Askew, chairman; H. G. Liddell, Robert Shaw, G. T. Leaton, Cha. Thorp, J. Collinson.
No. 63.—COPY of the Letter sent to the Lord Lieutenant.
My Lord;—We, the magistrates of Chester Ward, assembled at a general meeting, feel it to be our duty to represent to your lordship, that from the proceedings upon the river Tyne, and the general state of the ward, we are unable to answer for the preservation of the public peace, or the security of the inhabitants, without an increase of the military force. We should be glad to have the yeomanry force of the ward put into activity; and trust that your lordship will adopt such measures as you may think requisite upon the present emergency.
(Signed) Adam Askew, chairman; H. G. Liddell, Rob. Shaw, Tho. Baker, Geo. Tho. Leaton, J. Collinson, Cha. Thorp.
No. 64.—LETTER from the Earl of Darlington to Lord Sidmouth; dated Raby Castle, October 15, 1819.
My Lord;—I beg leave to inform your lordship, that in consequence of an urgent requisition from the magistrates in the North district of this county, and from the mayor of Newcastle, who has staled to me that he had been attacked in the execution of his duty, I have judged it expedient to order out the South Tyne yeomanry cavalry, and to place them under the authority of the magistrates, who must be responsible if they order the military to act, and I have urged them strongly not to do so unless the civil power is overcome or incompetent.—I cannot help observing, that the refractory keelmen and the radical reformers are, I trust, perfectly separate, although very inflammatory language and seditious writings are diffused amongst the former, who formed, I suppose, a part of that large assemblage of people who met on Newcastle Moor, on Monday, but who appear to have quietly dispersed—I have, &c.
DARLINGTON, Lord-Lieutenant.
No. 65.—LETTER from Mr. Marsh, a Magistrate of Lancashire, to Lord Sidmouth; dated Westleigh, October 17, 1819.
My Lord;—Conceiving it my duty, I have the honour to inclose to your lordship several copies of informations on oath, accompanied by a petition, signed by most of the respectable inhabitants of the town of Leigh, in which I perfectly, coincide; and have good reason to believe, that without the protection of the military, neither their persons not their
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property will be safe much longer. The acerbation of temper amongst the weavers, or, as they style themselves, the reformers, produced by severe privations from the lowness of wages, and infuriated by seditious publications and cheap pamphlets, industriously circulated amongst them, has prepared them for the perpetration of the most atrocious crimes; and they openly declare their intention, by a simultaneous movement in the night, to seize property wherever they can find it, and destroy the possessors thereof; and it is added, that the period is not far distant. I beg leave to state, that a single troop of horse would, in my humble opinion, be adequate to the purpose, provided it was stationary for a few months: as it would enable us to put the Watch and Ward act in force, which, in the present state of things, I do not deem practicable.—I have, &c.
R. MARSH.
No. 66.—Four Informations inclosed therein.
County Palatine of Lancaster, to wit.
The information of P. Q. taken upon oath before me, Richard Marsh, esq. one of his majesty's justices of the peace in and for the said county, the 14th of October, 1819:
Who saith, That about a fortnight ago he received orders from several persons to make, about twenty pikes, but this informant did not make them, nor does he know the persons who ordered them. That this informant believes he could have had orders for one hundred pikes, if he had chosen to accept the order.
(Signed by) P. Q.
The information of Q. R. taken upon oath before me, Richard Marsh, esq. one of his majesty's justices of the peace in and for the said county, the 14th of October, 1819:
Who saith, That of late about one hundred persons have mentioned distantly to this informant, as to his willingness to make pikes, but he hath uniformly refused; that about forty persons have applied directly, and in person, to this informant to make pikes for them, but that he hath refused every application; but this informant cannot take upon him to swear to his knowledge of the persons so applying, except * * * *
(Signed by) Q. R.
The information of R. S. taken upon oath before me, Richard Marsh, esq. one of his majesty's justices of the peace in and. for the said county; the 17th of October 1819.
Who saith, that some persons, about a week age, called at this informant's house, who are of the class called reformers; that as they were speaking seditiously, this informant pretended to fall asleep, when he heard the said persons say that it was the intention to nise

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in the night upon the 1st day of November, next, and that it was to be done all through the country, and they would divide the property amongst them. That two other persons have said in this informant's house, that the blacksmith at Pickley Green in Westleigh, in the said county, was busy making pikes, and had hired a man to file them. That this informant did not know the said persons, but from their language he understood that the pikes were to be used to kill the gentlemen, and to take their property.
(Signedby) R. S.
The information of S. T., taken upon oath, before me, Richard Marsh, esq. one of his majesty's justices of the peace in and for the said county, the 14th of October, 1819:
Who saith, That he has made Various iron instruments, similar to the one he now produces, by order of different persons, but does not know their use; he has made about sixteen or eighteen, and has orders for twenty more for the Bedford side, to be ready by Saturday the 16th instant: believes he could have orders for one thousand if he could make them; they are made by order, with points and keyholes, to fasten into a staff, and the pattern and material is usually brought by the person ordering them. He has made one for
, and one for
,but does not know the names of any others. He was not aware that they were unlawful weapons, but has lately been told that they are. That this informant has no objection for any person to stand in his shop to see him make them, or to see who calls for them.
Signed with the mark of S. T.
No. 67.—LETTER from the Mayor of Newcastle-upon-Tyne to Lord Sidmouth; dated Newcastle, October 17,1819.
My Lord;—I have the honour to acknowledge the receipt of your lordship's favour of the 15th; it is impossible to contemplate the meeting of the 11th without awe, more especially it my information is correct, that 700 of them were prepared with arms (concealed) to resist the civil power. These men came from a village about three miles from this town, and there is strong reason to suspect that arms are manufactured there: they are chiefly forge men. I have given all the information that I have received to the magistrates for the county of Durham, it being within their jurisdiction.—I have desired the town clerk to write the particulars of the riot at Shields, by last post, being so entirely engaged in the discharge of my official duties, that I had not a moment to do so myself—I am truly sorry to learn that he had not written.—The keelmen having on Tuesday morning last stopped the waggons and proceeded to other acts of insubordination, it was deter-
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mined, that the magistrates for Northumberland and Durham, accompanied by dragoons, should go down on the north and south sides of the river, and that I should go on the river. Four boats from his majesty's ships met me about three miles from Shields. We effected all we wished; the ships loaded at the spouts, and I protected four keels to Shields: they moored to the ships; the owners said they only required some constables left to protect them, and dismissed his majesty's boats; and having discharged my duty, I went on shore, leaving the steam packet and constables to protect the crews of the keels. There did not appear the least reason to suspect riot, or an attack upon the packet. I had not been twenty minutes on shore, where I had ordered some refreshment for myself, when I received a message from the packet to send them immediate assistance, as their lives were in imminent danger. I sent to captain Montague requesting his boats, and made an immediate attempt to get to the packet; I found it absolutely impossible, without sacrificing my life to no purpose. Between three and four hundred of the mob were upon the quay, showering stones into the packet. In the course of a few minutes I was informed his majesty's boats were arrived; I made another attempt to get on board—it was impossible. At this time I marked one man, who appeared a leader; he threw stones, and as he, retreated to seek more stones, and was stooping for that purpose, I seized him, and with the aid of another gentleman, took him prisoner; he is a shoemaker, has seven men employed under him, and was one of the radicals who marched from Shields on the 11th. Within a few minutes I heard the report of two muskets, and went out to know the cause, and was informed that they were fired from the shore; this was not the case, they were fired by marines, in the air; very soon two or three more were fired, and I heard a cry of murder; one man was killed. The mob immediately turned their fury to me, saying, I had ordered the firing. The room in which I was, was attacked with stones and brick bats; in a minute the glass sashes were demolished; the house, a very large one, belonging to the duke of Northumberland, was surrounded; the windows demolished. I had at the beginning sent for two magistrates at Shields; they could not come, and at this critical moment, when the mob broke open the door, and were rushing in to take me, the high constable, Mr. Joshua Donkin, arrived, and assuring them that it was impossible that I could give the order, they became more quiet. I had previously gone to the door to make the same assurance, but was assaulted with a volley of stones, two of which took effect. They then demanded the prisoner: as he was well known he was released; and hopes were entertained that they were satisfied. In three or four minutes the attack was renewed in

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front of the house; Mr. Donkin and myself went out at the back door, at the moment the mob rushed into the front; we were not recognized, and got off: they searched every room, even chests for me. The inquest is sitting: there is no doubt of a verdict of justifiable homicide. I am happy to say I have reason to believe the business between the keelmen and owners will be settled to-morrow; but, this will not render us secure, the reformers are now in a state of almost rebellion. I applied to lord Darlington,—the yeomanry are all under arms; four companies of the 40th marched here at four o'clock on Friday morning, and more come to-morrow. Post is going.—I am, my lord, &c.
A. REED, Mayor.
No 68.—EXTRACT of a Letter from Mr. Norris to Lord Sidmouth; dated Manchester, October 21, 1819.
My lord; From every quarter the universal information and opinion is, that the people are in a great measure armed, and are continually, and as quickly as possible, and as extensively arming. It is strongly surmised that pikes have been, and are sent from Birmingham in boxes, and I have put this matter in a train of investigation. I fear, also, my lord, it is but too true that many hundreds of small priced pistols have been sold in this town, within a very short period, and that the lower classes are purchasing them in great numbers. I have &c.
J. NORRIS.
No.69—SEVEN Examinations transmitted by the rev. Dr. Whitaker, a magistrate of Lancashire.
Lancashire to wit.
The examination of T. U. taken to upon oath before me, the rev. Thomas Dunham Whitaker, clerk, doctor of laws, one of his majesty's justices of the peace in and for the said county, this eleventh of October, 1819:
This afternoon about four o'clock, I went into the smithy of Ralph Miller, in Mellor, in the said county, to inquire after my son-in law, who has run away from his master, who is a blacksmith. I found Ralph Miller and a young man at work at the forge; there were in the smithy about five or six other men, who appeared to be weavers; they were sitting, and seemed to be watching the smith's work. I inquired from Ralph Miller, whether he had seen any person answering the description of my son-in-law, whom I described? he said, he had not; one of the weavers said to me, he (meaning my son-in-law) is making pikes like these; at the same time this person took up an unfinished pike from the ground under the bellows, and showed it to me (I had before stated that my son-in-law's master was a blacksmith). Ralph Miller turned his head towards the man who had taken up the pikes, and smiled. I then inquired of Ralph Miller, if he could
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make me heels to my shoes? he said he could not, he was too busy. One of the weavers said, he (Ralph Miller) was too busy making pikes; another of the weavers asked me, if there were any pikes in our neighbourhood? I said I had not seen any, but I had heard that there were a good many coming to the Bolton meeting next Wednesday from Haslingden; one of the weavers answered, we know that. One of the weavers then asked me, if they would come with their pikes? I said, I had heard so; another of the weavers said, "and we will too." One of the weavers then took up another pike, which was nearly finished; I inquired the price of it; one of the weavers said it was a shilling; a young man, dressed like a weaver, who was using the large hammer for the young smith, said it was fourteen pence. I asked the young man who was dressed like a wearer, to sell it to me; but he said, I could not have one then, as they had none finished. I was in the smithy about an hour and a half, during which I had a good deal of conversation with the weavers and the two smiths, in the course of which one of the weavers said, there was no way for them but rising altogether. One of the weavers asked me if I thought there would be any thing to do at Bolton at the reform meeting next Wednesday? I said I could not tell, but that people were afraid there would be. Another of the weavers said, there would be bloody work: another said, they would not be, as they were at Manchester, unarmed; that they had a right to go to the meeting armed. The old man, Ralph Miller, was present during the whole of this conversation; he appeared to be rather deaf, and was busy at work during the greater part of the time, but he must have heard the whole, or a part of the conversation.
T. U.
Examinations of witnesses taken upon oath before me, the rev. T. D. Whitaker, &c. this, 12th of October, 1819.
U. V. in the county of Lancaster, deposes as follows: this forenoon, about half-past ten o'clock, in consequence of a request from * * *, one of the constables of Blackburn, I went into Mellor, which is about four miles from Blackburn, in company with V. X. to purchase a pike from Ralph Miller of Mellor aforesaid, blacksmith. In passing Ralph Miller's smithy, we saw a number of persons standing there, and, not knowing how they were disposed, we went forward to a public-house in Mellor, known by the sign of the Millstone, and called for two glasses of ale. I then sent V. X. to the smithy, to request Ralph Miller to come down to me, and to tell him that a person wanted to speak with him In about a quarter of an hour or twenty minutes, V. X. and Miller came into the public-house together, and sat down in the room in which I was; no other person was in the room. I told Miller that I did not like

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to call at the smithy, as we saw some men about; Miller said, you need not have minded that, for they are come about pikes. After Miller had been seated a few minutes, V. X. informed me, that he had mentioned the business to Miller. I then produced to Miller a small pistol, and asked him, if he could put me a screw in which was wanting? Miller took the pistol into his hand, and examined it, and asked me, what a pair of pistols such as that might cost? I told him, perhaps a guinea. I then asked him if he had any of the other articles? (by which I meant the pikes). He said he had some, but they were not ground up yet. I then asked him, how soon he could settle us up two? he said, he thought in about two hours; I then asked him the length of them? Miller then took up a tobacco-pipe, and showed me the length, which appeared to be about fourteen inches. I then asked him the form which they were in? he said, they were straight, and very sharp at the point, and well steeled at the small end, and made with a shank to fit into the staff, and that in that shank there was a hole to put a nail through to make it fast, I then asked him, if there were not pikes made with a hook? he said, he had made one, and the hook screwed in near the lower end, and the hook was flat and sharp, but they were not well liked, as the cavalry horses now had chains in the bridles, to prevent them from being cut, and the pike he had made in the form which he was describing, he had disposed of to a person in Blackburn, who put out pieces in Mellor for some manufacturer in Preston, and he believed that he had sent it to London, it was such a handsome one; that he had given him two shillings and ten-pence for it. I then asked Miller what purpose they were to be appropriated to; he said, they were to charge against the cavalry. He said, he had made some hundreds of pikes, and a great many bad gone into Harwood, principally to Harwood and Rishton, and all that he had by him made at present were eight, and he thought he should make no more, as he was afraid of being apprehended by the justices orders, but he did not see where they could have any hold of him; I answered, I did not know whether they had or not, but I desired him to take another glass of ale, and get these ground up for us, as we would wish to be off. In consequence of that Miller went away; I waited near two hours at the public-house, during which I sent V. X. twice to get Miller to make haste with the pikes. At the end of the two hours I went up to the smithy: I saw two lads turning a grindstone at the back of the smithy, and two men holding on two pikes, to polish or sharpen them. V. X. brought one of the pikes into the smithy, and gave it to me into my hand. I asked him if it was finished; the old man said, no, not yet; I gave it to him into his hand; he just rubbed up the edges with a file, and said it wanted whetting
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upon a stone: I told him never to mind that, we could do that when we wanted to use it. V. X. then went out and fetched the other pike, which he delivered to Miller, who rubbed up the edge of the pike with a file, and then went out of the smithy for a sheet of paper which he wrapped round each pike separately, and delivered one to me and the' other to V. X. I paid him fourteen pence a-piece for them, and two-pence for two hoops. I inquired of Ralph Miller, if it was likely that many persons would go out of that neighbourhood to the Bolton meeting? he said he thought a great many would go off that side. We then came away. The pikes now produced are those which I so purchased from Miller.
U. V.
Taken before me, T. D. Whitaker.
V. X. being sworn at the same time, deposeth as follows: I came from Burnley this morning, with T. U. and went with him into Mellor. We called at the Millstone. T. U. sent me up to Ralph Miller's to get him to come down to the public-house. I met Ralph Miller between the smithy and his own house; I asked him to come down; he said, what is your business? I told him that another gentleman at the public-house wanted to speak to him about some pikes; I told him there was a meeting at Bolton, and we meant to go. Ralph Miller then took me into his smithy, and showed me some pikes; I do not know how many there were; they were under the bellows in the smithy, covered with ashes. I told Miller that the gentleman at the public-house had a pistol which he wanted settling; Miller then went with me to the public-house. He sat about ten minutes in company with T. U. and myself. T. U. produced a pistol to Miller, and asked him if he could put him a screw in it? Miller looked at it a considerable bit, and asked T. U. what would be the value of a pair? to which T. U. said about a guinea. Then T. U. asked Miller if he had any pikes? Miller said, he had some by him, but they were not finished; T. U. asked him, how soon he could finish two? Miller answered, perhaps in two hours. Miller said, he had made a pike with a hook for a man who put out goods, and it had been sent to London, for any thing he knew, but that the other pikes were more liked, because the cavalry now had chains to their bridles. T. U. asked Miller what was meant to be done with these pikes? Miller answered, that they were to charge the cavalry with. There was other conversation between Miller and T. U. Miller went away to finish two pikes for us. When he had been gone away a few minutes, T. U. sent me up to the smithy to ask if the pikes were ready. As soon as I went into the smithy, the old man, Ralph Miller, ordered a young man, who appeared to be a smith, to take two pikes, arid grind them directly; the young man took two pikes from under the

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bellows. I and another man went with the young smith to the grindstone behind the smithy; the young blacksmith and another man held each one pike upon the stone, and two men turned the stone; one of the bystanders asked me who my companion was? I said I did not know. They asked me, if he was a speaker? I told them, I did not know. They then asked me, where we were going to? I said, I did not know whether Bolton or not. They told me, that a person who had been speaking in Yorkshire was missing, and they wished to know if this was he. They then wished me to go to a white-house, where money was gathered for the support of speakers; they showed me the house, which was about three hundred yards off, and told me they paid one penny a week there; I told them I durst not take any money, without acquainting my master. I then went down to T. U. to ask him if I must take any money? he said I must not, and I went back and told them so. I then went went into Miller's smithy, and remained there till T. U. came up. T. U. went into the smithy, and I followed him. I then fetched a pike from the young smith, and took it into the smithy, and gave it to T. U. who asked Ralph Miller if it was finished? Miller said it was not, and he took it and filed it, and said it wanted whetting. T. U. said it would do, he could whet it up when he wanted it. I then went and fetched the other; Ralph Miller filed it up. T. U. asked him the price, which Ralph Miller said was fourteen-pence a piece, and two-pence for the hoops; we paid him that price for them. The old man wrapped up the pikes in paper, and gave one to me, and another to T. U. and we then came away. The two pikes now produced are those which we so received from Ralph Miller.
V. X.
Lancashire to wit
Examination of witnesses taken upon oath before me, the Rev. T. D. Whitaker, this 13th of October, 1819, against James Morris, and John Knowles.
X. Y. deposeth as follows: yesterday about eight o'clock in the morning, I went with Y. Z. to the house of the prisoner, James Morris, in Haslingden Grain. We got there about eleven o'clock in the forenoon; we found Morris at work in his smithy; he was mending some tools. I asked him if he had any winding machines by him? he said he had none finished off. I then asked him if he could have one ready by next Saturday week? he said yes. James Morris then asked the prisoner if he was for Bolton? he answered, yes, they could not do without him. Morris, the prisoner, then pulled out a pike head from under a quantity of turf in the smithy, and said, there is the winding-machine you want, I suppose? 1 said yes, that is the tool itself. He then pulled out two other pike-heads from the same place, and asked if those
‡
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articles would do, and if we would grind them down ourselves? We then asked him the price of two of the pikes? he answered, three shillings, he could take no less. We purchased two pikes for three shillings. The prisoner Morris then looked at me, and said to Y. Z. that man has plenty of money; I answered, yes, I have a note. The prisoner then said, get shut of it as soon as you can, for it will be of no use to-morrow after Bolton meeting. He then asked me if I should be there? In the course of the conversation with the prisoner, he said, it is no use to go to Bolton meeting, without they took those tools with them to defend themselves; and referred to the Manchester meeting, which he called Peterloo. The pikes now produced are those which we purchased as is above stated.
Y. Z. and I then proceeded to John Knowles, of Rawtenstall. About three or four o'clock in the afternoon we called at the Wheatsheaf, which is a door or two from Knowles's smithy. In passing the smithy on the way to the Wheatsheaf, 1 saw Knowles at work upon the steady, hammering a pike. I sent the landlady for Knowles; he came in a few minutes. We gave him something to drink. Y. Z. asked him if he had any pikes? he said he had four, but they were not quite finished off. Knowles then went out of the house, and in about five minutes came back with a short man: the short man (whose name I do not know) brought with him several pikes, covered up in a wrapper. Knowles then sat down, and drank Hunt and Liberty, and Revenge to Peterloo Meeting. Another man came into the room, and produced a pike from under his coat, and said to me, this pike I have just got made for my son. Y. Z. took up the last-mentioned pike, and asked the price? Knowles said it was three shillings and sixpence. I asked Knowles if he had made it himself? he said he had, he had made many a score. He then asked me where I came from? I said, from Accrington. Knowles said there were many had gone into that quarter. We then bought two pikes, one of which cost two shillings and four pence, and the other two shillings. I then inquired of the landlord what the shot was? he said nine-pence. I said, I had but seven-pence halfpenny: Knowles said, I will give you three half-pence, reformers are not within three half-pence one to another. I then asked Knowles if we could go no way private; Knowles showed me the way to the back door; we came that way, and brought the pikes with us: they are the pikes now produced.
X. Y.
Y. Z. deposeth as follows: I have heard the preceding examination of X. Y. read, and the same is true in every particular. The pikes now produced are those which were purchased from the two prisoners as is above stated.
Y. Z.
U. V. deposes as follows: this morning at

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two o'clock I set out from Blackburn, in company with * * *, a detachment of cavalry and others, for the purpose of apprehending James Morris of Haslingden Grain, and John Knowles of Rawtenstall. We reached the prisoner Morris's house at a little past three o'clock in the morning; we got admittance into the house and apprehended the prisoner, and then proceeded to search the house. * * * and I and some of the soldiers went up stairs; I found in a room up stairs, a pike head concealed under a lathe among the turnings; * * * then took a candle, and found two pistol stocks concealed upon a shelf near the roof; one of the stocks had a barrel let into it; in another room * * * and I found a box which was locked; we called out for a key; one of Morris's sons, a lad about 15 or 16 years of age, said the key was lost; I then attempted to break open the box; the lad then said to us, will you break it open? I told him we would if he did not produce the key; the lad then produced a key from his breeches pocket and delivered it to * * *; * * * opened the box, and in it we found about four pounds weight of leaden balls in an unfinished state. I afterwards found two poles, each about five feet long, put up a chimney in the same room, which appeared to have been intended for pike shafts: we then reached the smithy and outbuildings, and found in the smithy, close to the anvil, a piece of iron, beaten, which appears to have been intended for a pike head. We then sent the prisoner off to Blackburn, under the care of * * *, and * * *, to whom we delivered the articles found as above stated. The articles now produced are those which were found.
* * * and I and a party of soldiers then proceeded to Rawtenstall, to the house of the prisoner John Knowles, it was about five o'clock when we reached his house; Knowles was in bed; * * * called to him to get up; Knowles inquired who wanted him? * * * answered it was an old friend; Knowles called out, what are you for Bolton? * * * said yes; Knowles then came down stairs, partly dressed, and opened the door and was immediately apprehended: * * * accompanied him up stairs whilst Knowles dressed himself. I proceeded to search Knowles's smithy, and in a cupboard in the wall 1 found the socket of a pike head and a small pistol; I found upon a bench near the cupboard, a small box, containing the papers now produced, and which I have marked. One of the papers contains the letters "Hunt and Liberty," written in roman letters with a pen; another, the pattern of a pike; another is entitled at the top, "Rawtenstall Section, No. 1," and it is ruled in square columns, and contains several numbers: and another purports to be an epitaph on the constitution. We brought Knowles off, and I kept the articles which were found, as above stated, and they are those which are now produced. In our journey back to Black-
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burn I rode with the prisoner in a chaise; I had some conversation with him: I asked him if he had sold any pikes within this week or fortnight; he said he had not; but he said he had made several, and would make for any body who came to order them; he was only working for wages, and work was scarce; I then showed him the pike which I had found upon his premises, and asked him if he had made any of that pattern; he put one finger up the socket and said he had made that pike, but on examining it a second time he said he had not made it; it was a very clumsy, rough thing, it had been sent to him as a pattern; it began to rain, and I observed that I thought it would prevent many people from going to the Bolton meeting; he said he thought not, for they did not much mind being wet.
U. V.
* * * deposes as follows; I have heard the preceding examinations of U. V. relative to the two prisoners, read: so much of it as relates to me is true: during the time when I was with the prisoner Knowles up stairs, and while he was dressing, one of the soldiers said to Knowles, you are a clever fellow, you understand making pikes very well: Knowles answered, he could make a pike as well as any man in England.
* * *
Taken before me, T. D. Whitaker.
No. 70.—LETTER from the Duke of Hamilton to Lord Sidmouth; dated Hamilton-Palace, November 6, 1819.
My lord; I have to acknowledge your lordship's two letters of the 1st and 2d of November, upon the subject of the yeomanry cavalry, and will endeavour to give every effect to the same; your lordship holding always in view, what I before said of the great difficulty attending it. To the natural difficulty attached to the situation of the farmer, &c. &c. in this country, there appears now a novel one, proceeding from the alarm excited by those who compose the various and numerous meetings in this district of country. In regard to the general state of affairs, your lordship has other sources of information, perhaps better than mine; but were I to venture to offer an opinion of my own, I should say that the state of men's minds is such, at this moment, that the most trifling irritation would lead to disturbance; and should any violence commence, there are no means nor should I be able to counteract it. As the meeting of parliament will occasion my absence from the country, ere long, I must repeat to your lordship, that this neighbourhood continues in a slate of extreme distress—generally in want of employment, and under a considerable degree of agitation; all of which appear more likely to increase than diminish. If therefore your lordship should have any particular communication to make to me, or any directions to give connected with the public service in this country,

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I am anxious to receive the same, before my approaching departure, which will probably take place in about eight or ten days. I have, &c.
HAMILTON & BRANDON.
No. 71.—LETTER from the same to the same; dated Hamilton Palace, Nov. 7, 1819.
My Lord; I yesterday communicated to the lord advocate, to be laid before sir Thomas Bradford, a letter that I had just received from a very respectable magistrate. He states that in his neighbourhood, the farmers, &c. &c. who were required to act as constables or volunteers, altho' well-disposed so to do, did not dare to come forward, on account of the menaces of their neighbours. I have again this day received a report, of which I have the honour to inclose a copy. Your lordship will see, that the alarm which prevails in their district precludes those gentlemen likewise from being able to procure signatures from the very persons who they are persuaded are disposed to sign. This part of the country is unfortunately surrounded by idle Irishmen, weavers and colliers, who create a general uneasiness; and if any means are to be carried into effect to separate the good from the bad, or to maintain order and public justice, it is requisite that the civil power, and the peaceable part of the population, should know how and where to find support and protection. I must recommend to your lordship's serious consideration the above important statement. I have, &c.
HAMILTON & BRANDON.
No. 72.—LETTER from a Deputation of the Parishes of Monkland inclosed therein; Parish of Old Monkland, 7th Nov. 1819.
My Lord Duke;—We the subscribers, the deputation from the committee of Old and New Monkland, for obtaining subscriptions to a declaration of loyalty, as well as for volunteer cavalry and infantry, beg leave to lay before your grace, as lord-lieutenant of the county of Lanark, the following statement with regard to these two parishes with which we are connected: that it is impossible to obtain a subscription to the declaration of loyalty with effect, or to obtain signatures for forming either volunteer corps of infantry or cavalry in the present disturbed state of the district, however anxious the loyal and well-disposed part of his majesty's subjects therein are, because of the apprehension they entertain from the ill-disposed and turbulent people with which they are surrounded: we, the subscribers, therefore, wish to represent the absolute necessity of having a rallying point, which we consider alone can be effective, by having a military force stationed at Airdrie, as the only proper place of rendezvous for that purpose: we therefore hope your grace will take the earliest opportunity of representing
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our statement to the secretary of state. We have, &c.
(Signed) DAVID BUCHANAN, Dep. Lt.
CHARLES PIE, Major-Gen.
JAMES TENNENT.
No. 73.—LETTER from the Earl of Glasgow, Lord Lieutenant of Renfrewshire; dated Hawkhead, November 9th, 1819.
My Lord;—On my arrival in this county I found that the tone of feeling and proceedings of the vast population of this neighbourhood were of a description calculated to excite the utmost alarm in the well-affected, and that the public mind was considerably agitated by the insidious and too successful promulgation of seditious principles, as well as by the late more open audacious attempts to interrupt the public tranquillity.—In this populous manufacturing district, revolutionary principles have made alarming progress. For a considerable period the utmost pains have been taken to spread a spirit of disaffection in this country by an unexampled spirit of proselytism, to perpetuate the evil by instilling the most pernicious principles into the minds of youth, and to obliterate all religious feeling in this once religious district. —The statutes for repressing seditious clubs and societies have induced the disaffected to conduct all their proceedings by committees, which are appointed at smaller meetings to manage the preparations for the larger; and a system of rapid communication of political intelligence and orders is organized, in which, what are called "Unions," hold a conspicuous place. These "Unions," which are daily becoming more numerous, consist of classes or subdivisions of Reformers, who hire an apartment convenient for their local residence, where they procure newspapers and pamphlets of a seditious tendency. Notwithstanding the distresses of the times there are few operative manufacturers who do not find the means of reading such publications.—The assumed right of mustering from various quarters to the point of meeting, with banners, bearing seditious symbols and inscriptions, or with inscriptions, which, though unexceptionable in the abstract, are made to serve the same purpose, has swelled the ranks of the disaffected, in consequence of the temptations which are thus afforded to idle curiosity; and the impunity with which this is done has added to the effect which the speeches delivered on such occasions have on the minds of hearers already discontented, and pre-disposed to listen with eagerness and credulity to the prospects of innovation so confidently held out to them. —Three of these meetings have been held within the last three months in the county of Renfrew. The second of these held on the 11th of September, was followed by disturbances which continued for three days before they were effectually suppressed. At the last meeting, held on the 1st of November, at a village some miles distant from Paisley, numerous flags were carried in procession, bear-

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ing inscriptions calculated to convey alarm into the minds of the well affected, and inpire those of different dispositions with confidence in an impending revolution.—There were also at this last meeting, two important features which had not been witnessed in those by which it was preceded—the junction of bands of females as part of the exhibition, and the display of arms. The ostensible arms were chiefly bludgeons, but it is well known that many were prepared both with pistols and other weapons. Both in proceeding to the place of meeting, and in returning from it, there was a striking exhibition of movements executed in the streets of the town by several thousand persons, with military precision, silence and order. The pretence alleged for arming was self-defence, and this precautionary measure was said to have reference to the late events at Manchester, and to the exertions of the special constables and military in quelling the riots which commenced at Paisley on the 1lth of September. —While these public meetings, thus held with a display of banners and arms, serve to inspire the disaffected with confidence in their numbers, they overawe and intimidate many who would otherwise have disclaimed seditious principles, and have gladly arrayed themselves in aid of the civil authority.—Even the special constables who have been enrolled, and provided with batons for the preservation of public tranquillity, feel reluctant to act with that vigour which is necessary.—There is not, at present, in this county, any corps of yeomanry cavalry, nor armed association of any description whatever, to counteract these menacing preparations, nor any suitable accommodation for the reception of regular troops, so that they can be kept united when called on by the civil magistrate, or saved from that contamination of principle, which is also an avowed object among the reformers. —On the whole I think it my duty explicitly to state to your lordship, that while the reformers of this district call out "Order" at their meetings, and can systematically preserve it too when it suits their policy or humour, their public harangues are of the most audacious and revolutionary description: the expectation of a subversion of the government is so deeply rooted in their minds, that whenever a leader shall arise, or a favourable moment occur, I fear a considerable portion of the population could not be depended on.—I have been induced to enter more fully into the situation of this county, as I believe the above will not be found an inaccurate representation of the management and proceedings of the reformers in some other disturbed districts of the west of Scotland. I have, &c.
GLASGOW.
No. 74.—EXTRACT of a Letter from Colonel Horton to Mr. Hobhouse; dated Halifax, November 9, 1819.
Sir;—It was expected that great numbers of
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persons would from here attend the meeting at Huddersfield yesterday, but it was thought sufficient to close the alehouses at eight o'clock, It docs not seem to me, however, that a most outrageous breach of the peace was effected last night here. In truth, all we can expect is, that on the next occasion, absolute plunder and destruction of property, and perhaps of life, will be the consequence. This is the natural and obvious march of the spirit that pervades this part of the country. I inclose for lord Sidmouth's information, copies of the examinations I have taken. It is my intention to apprehend the parties, and if the complaint be proved, to commit them, or hold them to bail to answer at the next assizes. THOMAS HORTON.
No. 75.—Two Examinations inclosed therein.
West Riding of Yorkshire,
John Brierly, Deputy Constables of Halifax, came before me this 9th of November 1819; and on oath saith,
That near eight o'clock last evening, he met many hundreds of persons near to Barum Top in Halifax, coming, as he believes from the meeting at Huddersfield; that they marched in ranks about eight or ten abreast, with music, and six or seven flags, and lighted candles; many of them had sticks, some large ones on their shoulders; that at Barum Top they shouted, and fired many pistols in the air; as they went on, he thought they became more riotous, repeating their fire quicker, and he thought it his duty, though quite alone, to attempt to preserve the peace or the town: that with this view he went to the man who had the great drum, and rapping on it with his constable's staff, charged him to cease playing or beating, saying, the town must not be disturbed in that way: that the drummer did cease to beat, as also the band in general, in a great degree; marching down the street, the firing went on again, also the music. Near the White Lion-inn, deponent received on his right leg a very severe kick, which nearly took his legs from under him; he is certain that Joseph Baines, of Halifax, is the man who so assaulted him, and ran away directly, threading backwards and forwards through the ranks, and that he must have known deponent; Baines was close to him, and deponent following him, till he was perfectly certain who it was; deponent then went down the street with the crowd, the band playing all the way, and pistols being fired, and loud shouting made: deponent says, the street down which the crowd marched, is the most public one in the town, and they must have marched about half a mile through it, reckoning from Barum Top to the Talbot; that seeing the crowd halt at the front door of the Talbot, he ran round to the back door, and went in to get the front door fastened: that a few of the mob had already entered the house.
That in going down the street he saw Joseph Wood, the son of James Wood, of Halifax, mason, and John Ingham, jun. of Halifax, plasterer, marching in the ranks of the mob; that he cannot say who it was that fired any of the pistols; that he left the mob at the Talbot door shouting and firing pistols, and went himself to have the alehouses near it shut up.
JOHN BRIERLY.
Sworn before me, Thomas Horton.
West Riding of Yorkshire.
Mr. David Mallinson, of Halifax, clerk, came before me this 9th day of November, 1819; and on his oath says,
That near eight o'clock last evening, he saw a large crowd of persons go down the main street of Halifax with lighted candles, a band of music and flags, shouting very much and firing pistols; that he followed them to the front of the Talbot-inn, where the crowd halted, the door being fast; that they marched in regular order: that he observed Joseph Roberts, of Halifax, nail-maker, on the Talbot steps, speaking to the crowd, beginning by calling them brothers or countrymen, or some such term; that he does not know exactly what he said, but thinks the object of his speech was, to call on the crowd to thank the band for their attendance, also saying something about radical reform; that he saw Roberts that morning going towards Huddersfield with a stick in his hand, not a yard long, like a cudgel, but does not know whether he had it at night.
D. MALLINSON.
Sworn before me, Thomas Horton.
No. 76—EXTRACT of a Letter from Mr. Norris to Lord Sidmouth; dated Manchester, Nov. 10, 1819.
My lord; — The state of this town and neighbourhood remains much the same as when I last wrote to your lordship. On Sunday last between six and eight o'clock, a pistol loaded with ball was fired into the lodgings or sitting room of a Mr. Mutrie, who gave evidence before the coroner on the inquest of John Lees, as to the attack of the mob on the Manchester yeomanry. On Monday night, about eleven o'clock, a pistol, loaded with slugs, was fired into one of the bed-rooms of Mr. Thomas Hardman's house, in Quay-street; but fortunately, without injury; and two or three other instances of the firing of pistols, with malicious intent, have also occurred. I mean ultimately to collect the instances, on oath, for your lordship's information. I much fear they will increase before the meeting of parliament, and most likely in a degree to call on the legislature to interfere. Meetings still continue to be held, though not in this immediate neighbourhood; one was held at Wigan, about twenty miles distant, and another at Huddersfield, distant
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twenty-six miles, on Monday last, both large meetings. I have, &c.
J. NORRIS.
No. 77.—EXTRACT of a Letter from Dr. Whitaker to Lord Sidmouth; dated Blackburn, Nov. 10, 1819.
My Lord;—I have thought it expedient to transmit to your lordship, drawings of different pikes, which have been seized in this neighbourhood, for the purpose of removing the incredulity which even yet seems to prevail in some minds as to their existence. I must now request your lordship's attention to another subject of immediate and urgent importance. It is the general opinion, that the spirit of the reformers, as they entitle themselves, is on the decline; an opinion grounded solely on their present quiet and silence. I have strong reasons for thinking very differently. For, in the first place, pikes continue to be made and circulated daily, in different parts of the country, and with perfect impunity, as, in consequence of former seizures, the makers will sell to none but known friends, and will enter into no conversation with strangers (excepting in a single instance) on the subject. I have, &c.
T. D. WHITAKER.
No. 78.—EXTRACT of a Letter from the Earl of Balcarres to Lord Sidmouth; dated Haigh-hall, Wigan, Nov. 11, 1819.
My Lord;—One of the seditious meetings, the nature of which I need not describe, was held on a common, distant about two miles from Wigan, on Monday the 8th instant. Its object was evidently to feel for the disposition of the inhabitants of Wigan and its vicinity. About six thousand persons assembled round the temporary stage, and probably about four thousand persons more were present, but they remained at such a distance as showed that curiosity alone had led them to that spot. The meeting was held at the requisition of some low persons of Wigan, but they were joined on the common by the dangerous rabble of Bolton, who were all armed with bludgeons, and rumour says, with arms, chiefly loaded pistols, which was manifested by the explosion of them towards the close of the day. Harrison addressed them from the stage or platform. The mob carried eighteen flags, with the usual symbols of sedition: they had selected the day of the quarter sessions being held at Liverpool, for their meeting; but the magistrates of Wigan and its vicinity were aware of that trick, and remained at their post. The magistrates were seven in number, myself being their chairman, which has induced me to trouble your lord-ship with a communication of the events of the day. Sir William Gerard, with thirty-nine of his yeomanry cavalry, being the effectives of two troops, attended Wigan at the requisition of the magistrates. As the leaders had selected a large common for their meet-

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ing, the magistrates thought it advisable not to interfere with them, as, situated there, they could do no mischief; and they thought it quite sufficient to send to the spot a body of special constables to preserve the peace and order; the magistrates, yeomanry cavalry, and the superior class of the inhabitants of Wigan, remained in the burgh, awaiting the result. In this position the magistrates rested, having determined, that as the meeting of parliament was so near, they would pay no attention either to the leaders or their flags, and the day passed away with the greatest order and tranquillity. I have, &c.
BALCARRES.
The following is an extract from the speech of Mr. Harrison, on Monday the 8th of November, 1819: "If any man molests you, or oppress you, knock him down—keep him down—and cut him when be is down." It has been inculcated here, and with too much success, that the people have a right to carry concealed arms, for the purpose of self-defence, against the disturbers of their meetings. B—.
No. 79.—LETTER from the Boroughreeve and Constables of Manchester to Lord Sidmouth; dated Police-office, Manchester, Nov. 12th, 1819.
My Lord;—We have the honour to commence our official correspondence with your lordship on a painful and alarming subject— the attempted assassination of Mr. Nadin—an event which we understand was communicated to your lordship, by Mr. Norris, the evening it occurred. By the posting bill herewith inclosed, your lordship will be informed of the measures which we have adopted: and we beg leave to submit to your lordship's consideration, the propriety of offering a pardon, on the conditions proposed. Up to the present time, we regret to state, that we have not any further information on the subject, than the description given by Mr. Nadin; but every exertion will be made for the discovery of the offender. We have not hitherto addressee your lordship on the political state of the town and neighbourhood, having been informed that Mr. Norris has regularly communicated the passing events. On this important subject we regret that it is not in our power to report favourably. The system of arming is continued to a great extent, and although it does not appear to be the intention of the reformers to hold a general meeting previous to the assembling of parliament, from the best information we can obtain, we learn that arrangements are making for delegates, or agents, to attend and watch the proceeding of parliament; and in the event of measure being adopted, which they may consider inimical to their views, then a signal to be given for an immediate simultaneous rising In a few days we hope for further information, which, we will immediately communicate to
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your lordship, as well as the particulars of other information, which we have obtained periodically, during the present week; and which, we trust, will be acceptable. We beg to assure your lordship, that, during this eventful period, our utmost attention and exertion shall be devoted to preserve the peace of this town and neighbourhood; to aid which, we rely on the cordial support of his majesty's government. We have, &c.
THOMAS SHARP, Boroughreeve.

JOHN ORFORD,

Constables.

RICHARD SMITH,

No. 80.—EXAMINATION transmitted by Col. Hargreaves, a Magistrate of Lancashire.
Lancashire to wit.
The Examination of ****, taken upon oath, before Laurence Halsted, esq. one of his Majesty's Justices of the Peace in and for the County of Lancaster, the 15th November, 1819.
On my arrival in Burnley this morning, I found colonel Hargreaves on horseback, and all the military in readiness. The reformers were coming with their flags, caps of liberty, and bands of music. They had with them large staffs and sticks. I went to the Bull public house, and shortly after the colonel came with one of the staffs in his hand, which he had taken from one of the reformers. It was the shaft of a pike. The man broke from him, and escaped in the crowd. The colonel was desirous not to call the military out to action on this circumstance alone; for he said to me, that if the reformers were quiet, the magistrates would suffer them to meet. I saw the reformers pass by the Sun orderly and quietly, and I followed them to the place where the hustings were erected; and then my friend and I found all those who had staffs and sticks with them, employed cleaning out the hole at the end, to admit the pike, for they were all of them shafts for pikes; they cleaned out the gravel; they had used the sticks and staffs to walk with, and they were full of dirt and gravel, which they picked out with the shaft end of the pike. They generally had the pikes in the sleeve of the coat, and some had them concealed in their breasts. I saw a great many pikes on the ground. They were not so very cautious in concealing them; a many showed them without fear. The pikemen were nearest to the hustings; and behind them there were a many who had pistols; I saw a great number of pistols on the field. I saw one person who was wounded by one of the pikes being accidentally thrust against his leg. Whilst writing this, a person came into the room, and said, that he had seen a man who was cut in the breast by his own pike. The shafts of the pikes were hooped with iron hoops, like that which the colonel had taken. On the hustings there were about thirty persons, all of them strangers to me except Knight, who were the red cap of liberty on the hustings, and was chairman, the
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sailor boy (or Walker) from Manchester, and George Dewhurst of Blackburn. They had eighteen flags and three caps of liberty: on one of the flags was wrote, Fitzwilliam and the Yorkshire Reformers; and on one of the caps, Liberty or Death; which, in particular parts of the orators speeches, was hoisted aloft on its pole, and then dropped again, and taken off. The speeches of the orators were such as are generally made at the meetings of the reformers, holding up the ministers and magistrates, and officers of justice, to contempt and ridicule.
The number of reformers was very great; I measured the circle they occupied round the hustings; it was 150 yards; and I judge, that if all who were on the outside of the circle had been in it, they would have been as close as it is possible for men to stand. The most striking of their resolutions is, that which called upon them to oppose the measures of parliament, if they should attempt to pass any bills which should control their liberty of meeting; it called upon them to rise and oppose such things, and all those who were for them; and the passing of such bills should be the signal for universally rising. This resolution made a particular impression on the minds of the reformers; they all evinced a determination to oppose all such things. On the breaking up of the meeting, they separated into two bodies; one came to Burnley, and the other went a different way. They remained a long time in the road and fields adjoining where they separated, and then they began to discharge their pistols, swearing they should like to have a dust with the soldiers before they parted. They fired scores of pistols in the road, whilst they were there. I left them before they separated, for I was afraid they would do something that would bring out the soldiers; and all the way to Burnley (for the meeting was about half a mile from the town) as I walked on, I heard hundreds of pistols discharged in all directions. It resembled Manchester and its neighbourhood, on the night of a 5th of November, for firing in all directions as they went away. Mr. Knight did not stop in the lane, but went on to Burnley with the other of his friends; and the firing did not commence till he had left them in the road. They appeared anxious for the soldiers to come; happily they did not: for if they had, the mischief would have been serious on both sides. On coming into Burnley again, I saw the military posted in various parts of the town, and colonel Hargreaves in attendance at the Bull public house. My friend and I; when we had seen the pikes and pistols round the hustings, we went in search of colonel Hargreaves; we did not find him, but left a note for him, that if they wished to make a seizure of pikes and pistols they might take a great number, for all who had sticks or staffs had pikes in the sleeve of the coat, or in the breast, for we had seen a great many, and they were all like that
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which the colonel took, hooped at the hole end with a strong iron hoop. As soon as night came on, the town was thrown into alarm by the fire bell. I immediately heard the bugle sounding for the military. A cotton factory had got accidentally on fire; but was soon put out, without doing much damage. Whilst I was on the field, I heard a great many say, that if the colonel, that devil, came, they would give him enough; and intimating, at the same time, that they would put him to death. If he had brought up the soldiers, they could not have acted, from the particular situation of the ground. The field is a three-cornered one, with high hedges and walls near it. ******
Sworn before me, one of his Majesty's Justices of the Peace, in and for the said County, 15th November, 1819
Lawrence Halstead.
No. 81.—EXTRACT of a Letter from Sir John Byng to Lord Sidmouth; dated Pontefract, November 18, 1819.
My Lord;—I have the honour to report to your lordship the result of such information as I have received in the several journies I have made since I left town, and from creditable authority in other places. It appears certain that simultaneous meetings had been agreed upon to assemble on the 1st of this month, at Newcastle-upon-Tyne, at Carlisle, at Leeds, Halifax, Huddersfield, and Barnsley in the West Riding of Yorkshire; at Manchester, Bolton, Wigan, Blackburn and Burnley in Lancashire; at Newcastle-under-Lyme, at Nottingham, at Leicester, and at Coventry. I have heard other places named, but not from such authority that I can name them in this report; nor do I mention the meetings in London, in Scotland, and in places not in the counties composing the district in which I hold the military command. As meetings had very lately been held in almost all the above-named towns, those agreed upon for the 1st instant must have had some particular object in view. Although a schism among the leaders has prevented these meetings, yet in Lancashire and some few towns where disaffection has long prevailed, no difference appears, and the numbers of discontented remain undiminished; but in places where it is of less mature existence, a most desirable check, from various causes, has been effected; but it would be fatal to its annihilation in them, if there was yet any relaxation of our attention, and of means to suppress it entirely: a similar false security at times within the last three years, has brought disaffection to its present height in Lancashire, the vigilance of the civil authorities in it having ceased upon every short period of quiet. A plan has been adopted to circulate more generally seditious and blasphemous tracts, which is to send gratis such publications weekly, directed to the servants in large fami-

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lies, which I think worthy of mention, not merely to show how indefatigable the authors and leaders of sedition are, in effecting their purpose, but that it may be thought expedient to put the heads of families upon their guard. Six different attempts have come to my knowledge to seduce the soldiers, but without the least effect; some of them are under legal investigation. I have only further to add, that whatever disunion may prevail among the leaders of sedition and radical reform, they still unite in the endeavour (though I hope with less success) to excite irritation and discontent among their followers, and to intimidate the loyal and well-affected. With a firm belief in the accuracy of the foregoing statement, I consider it my duty to make this report. I have, &c.
JOHN BYNG, M. General.