Sitting of 28 January 1818

STATE TRIALS IN SCOTLAND.
The Lord Advocateof Scotland, having learned that a noble lord had yesterday fixed his motion on the subject of the state prosecutions in Scotland for that day fortnight: but had expressed, at the same time, a wish to consult, as much as possible, his (the lord advocate's) personal convenience, by naming any other day that might be more suitable to him, he now informed that noble lord, that as far as his personal convenience was concerned, he would not call on him to alter his notice; but the noble lord must be aware, that the absence of an individual in the situation which he filled, for any length of time, must be attended with great inconvenience to others, as well as to himself. The courts in Scotland were all sitting at this time, and in the court of exchequer the presence of the king's advocate was more particularly necessary. He was quite anxious and ready to go immediately into the question. If the noble lord could bring it on in the beginning of next week he should be ready—or indeed any day during the week; but if the noble lord could not bring his motion on next week, he hoped it would be postponed till after the rising of the Scotch courts.
Lord A Hamiltonsaid, the learned lord had placed him in rather an awkward predicament, It must be manifest to the House that this was not a question between himself and the learned lord. He was willing to postpone the question to
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any day, not exceeding a month or five weeks from the present time. But the learned lord asked a delay of a much longer period. The court of session would not rise till the 12th of March, and from the time when the learned lord could reach London to the Easter holydays, there would only be one single day for his motion, namely, Tuesday, the 17th of March. Now he would ask, if it was a fair thing to request of him to consent to such a delay? With respect to the. other request of the learned lord, he, for his own part, could have no objection to accede to it, if he were the only person interested in the question, but if the subject was brought on so soon, it would prevent some members from taking a part in the discussion, who had been informed that the motion would not come on before a certain day, and who could not have an opportunity of being informed of his change of intention. He was quite willing, however, to put oft' his motion for three, four, or even five weeks.
The Speakerobserved, that it was extremely unusual to accelerate a motion of which notice had been given, by fixing afterwards an earlier day. Such a mode of proceeding was not consistent with the practice of the House, and would be attended with great inconvenience.
Here the conversation dropped.

POOR LAWS.
Mr. Curwenrose to inquire of the noble lord opposite, whether it was the intention of his majesty's government to bring forward any motion for the amendment of the poor laws in the present session? There was not a subject of more vital importance—no measure could tend more to produce that prosperity which he wished to see spread over the face of the country, than a wise revision and alteration of the poor laws. He was surprised that it had not been men-tinned in the speech from the throne; and certainly, if it had not been for the melancholy topic contained in that Speech, which filled all ranks of the people with regret, he would have made some remarks on the omission. He conceived that government ought to bring forward a measure on the subject; for so great a difference existed as to the plan which ought to be adopted, that he despaired of seeing any measure connected with the poor laws carried into effect, unless it originated with ministers, and was supported by their influence.
Lord Castlereaghthanked the hon. member for calling the attention of ministers to this subject. He did not conceive, however, that the introduction of it was necessary in the Speech from the throne. From the zeal with which parliament had taken up the question in the last session, ministers thought it would be improper to interfere with it, until the legislature had brought the business to a satisfactory conclusion. He was of opinion, that the subject ought to be taken up on its own merits, and not as a government question; but ministers would feel it their bounden duty to use their utmost exertions, in order to bring the matter to a satisfactory result. A right hon. friend of his (Mr. S. Bourne), who filled the situation of chairman of the committee on the poor laws, intended to move the revival of that committee; and he hoped they would not abandon the subject, until they had effected every practical good that could fairly be desired.

COPY OF THE TREATY WITH SPAIN FOR PREVENTING THE SLAVE TRADE.
Lord Castlereaghpresented, by the command of the Prince Regent, the Treaty with Spain, of which the following is a Copy:
TREATY between his Britannic Majesty and his Catholic Majesty, for preventing their subjects from engaging in any illicit traffic in slaves. Signed at Madrid the 23rd of September 1817.
In the Name of the Most Holy Trinity;—It having been stated, in the second additional article of the treaty signed at Madrid on the 5th of July 1314, between his majesty the king of the united kingdom of Great Britain and Ireland, and his majesty the king of Spain and the Indies, that "his Catholic Majesty concurs, in the fullest manner, in the sentiments of his Britannic Majesty, with respect to the injustice and inhumanity of the traffic in slaves, and promises to take into consideration, with the deliberation which the state of his possessions in America demands, the means of acting in conformity with those sentiments: and engages, moreover, to prohibit his subjects from carrying on the slave trade, for the purpose of supplying any islands or possessions, excepting those appertaining to Spain; and to prevent, by effectual measures and regulations, the protection of the Spanish flag being given to foreigners who may engage in this traffic, whether subjects of his Britannic Majesty, or of any other state or power."
And his Catholic Majesty, conformably to the spirit of this article, and to the principles
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of humanity with which he is animated, having never lost sight of an object so interesting to him, and being desirous of hastening the moment of its attainment, has resolved to co-operate with his Britannic Majesty in the cause of humanity, by adopting, in concert with his said majesty, efficacious means for bringing about the abolition of the slave trade, for effectually suppressing illicit traffic in slaves, on the part of their respective subjects, and for preventing Spanish ships trading in slaves, conformably to law and to treaty, from being molested or subjected to losses from British cruizers: the two high contracting parties have accordingly named as their plenipotentiaries, viz: his majesty the king of the united kingdom of Great Britain and Ireland, the right hon. sir Henry Wellesley, a member of his majesty's most honourable privy council, knight Grand Cross of the most honourable order of the Bath, and his majesty's ambassador extraordinary and plenipotentiary to his Catholic Majesty; and his majesty the king of Spain and the Indies, Don Josef Garcia de Leon y Pizarro, knight Grand Cross of the royal and distinguished Spanish order of Charles 3rd, of that of Saint Ferdinand and of Merit, of Naples, of those of Saint Alexander Newsky and of Saint Anne of Russia, and of that of the Red Eagle of Prussia, counsellor of state, and first secretary of state and of the general dispatch; who, having exchanged their respective full powers, found to be in good and due form, have agreed upon the following Articles:
ART. 1.—His Catholic Majesty engages, that the slave trade shall be abolished throughout the entire dominions of Spain, on the 30th day of May 1820, and that, from and after that period, it shall not be lawful for any of the subjects of the crown of Spain to purchase slaves, or to carry on the slave trade, on any part of the coast of Africa, upon any pretext or in any manner whatever; provided, however, that a term of five months, from the said date of the 30th of May 1820, shall be allowed for completing the voyages of vessels, which shall have cleared out lawfully previously to the said 30th of May.
ART. 2.—It is hereby agreed, that from and after the exchange of the ratifications of the present treaty, it shall not be lawful for any of the subjects of the crown of Spain to purchase slaves, or to carry on the slave trade on any part of the coast of Africa to the north of the equator, upon any pretext or in any manner whatever; provided, however, that a term of six months, from the date of the exchange of the ratifications of this treaty, shall be allowed for completing the voyages of vessels which shall have cleared out from Spanish ports for the said coast, previously to the exchange of the said ratifications.
ART. 3.—His Britannic Majesty engages to pay, in London, on the 20th of February 1818, the sum of 400,000 l. sterling, to such person

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as his Catholic Majesty shall appoint to receive the same.
ART. 4.—The said sum of 400,000 l. sterling, is to be considered as a full compensation for all losses sustained by the subjects of his Catholic Majesty engaged in this traffic, on account of vessels captured previously to the exchange of the ratifications of the present treaty, as also for the losses, which are a necessary consequence of the abolition of the said traffic.
ART. 5.—One of the objects of this treaty on the part of the two governments, being mutually to prevent their respective subjects from carrying on an illicit slave trade; the two high contracting parties declare, that they consider as illicit, any traffic in slaves carried on under the following circumstances. 1st. Either by British ships, and under the British flag, or for the account of British subjects, by any vessel or under any flag whatsoever. 2nd. By Spanish ships, upon any part of the coast of Africa north of the equator, after the exchange of the ratifications of the present treaty; provided, however, that six months shall he allowed for completing the voyages of vessels, conformably to the tenor of the second article of this treaty. 3rd. Either by Spanish ships, and under the Spanish flag, or for the account of Spanish subjects, by any vessel or under any flag whatsoever, after the 30th of May 1820, when the traffic in slaves, on the part of Spain, is to cease entirely; provided always, that five months shall be allowed for the completion of voyages commenced in due time, conformably to the first article of this treaty. 4th. Under the British or Spanish flag, for the account of the subjects of any other government. 5th. By Spanish vessels bound for any port not in the dominions of his Catholic Majesty.
ART. 6.—His Catholic Majesty will adopt, in conformity to the spirit of this treaty, the measures which are best calculated to give full and complete effect to the laudable objects which the high contracting parties have in view.
ART. 7.—Every Spanish vessel which shall be destined for the slave trade, on any part of the coast of Africa where this traffic still continues to be lawful, must be provided with a royal passport, conformable to the model annexed to the present treaty, and which model forms an integral part of the same This passport must be written in the Spanish language, with an authentic translation in English annexed thereto; and it must be signed by his Catholic Majesty and countersigned by the minister of marine, and also by the principal naval authority of the district, station, or port from whence the vessel clears out, whether in Spain, or in the colonial possessions of his Catholic Majesty.
ART. 8.—It is to be understood that this passport, for rendering lawful the voyages of slave ships, is required only for the continuation of the traffic to the south of the line;
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those passports which are now issued, signed by the first secretary of state of his Catholic Majesty, and in the form prescribed by the order of the 16th of December 1816, remaining in full force for all vessels which may have cleared out for the coast of Africa, as well to the north as to the south of the Line, previously to the exchange of the ratifications of the present treaty.
ART. 9.—The two high contracting parties, for the more complete attainment of the object of preventing all illicit traffic in slaves, on the part of their respective subjects, mutually consent, that the ships of war of their royal navies, which shall be provided with special instructions for this purpose, as hereinafter mentioned, may visit such merchant vessels of the two nations as may be suspected, upon reasonable grounds, of having slaves on board, acquired by an illicit traffic and in the event only, of their finding slaves on board, may detain and bring away such vessels, in order that they may be brought to trial before the tribunals established for this purpose, as shall hereinafter be specified. Provided always that the commanders of the ships of war of the two royal navies, who shall be employed on this service shall adhere strictly to the exact tenor of the instructions which they shall receive for this purpose. As this article is entirely reciprocal, the two high contracting parties engage mutually, to make good any losses which their respective subjects may incur unjustly by the arbitrary and illegal detention of their vessels. It being understood that this indemnity shall invariably be borne by the government whose cruizer shall have been guilty of the arbitrary detention; provided always, that the visit and detention of slave ships, specified in this article, shall only be effected by those British or Spanish vessels, which may form part of the two royal navies, and by those only of such vessels which are provided with the special instructions annexed to the present treaty.
ART. 10.—No British or Spanish cruizer shall detain any slave ship, not having slaves actually on board; and in order to render lawful the detention of any ship, whether British or Spanish, the slaves found on board such vessel must have been brought there for the express purpose of the traffic; and those on board of Spanish ships must have been taken from that part of the coast of Africa where the slave trade is prohibited, conformably to the tenor of the present treaty.
ART. 11.—All ships of war of the two nations, which shall hereafter be destined to prevent the illicit traffic in slaves, shall be furnished by their own government with a copy of the instructions annexed to the present treaty, and which shall be considered as an integral part thereof. These instructions shall be written in Spanish and English, and signed for the vessels of each of the two powers, by the minister of their respective

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marine. The two high contracting parties reserve the faculty of altering the said instruction?, in whole or in part, according to circumstances; it being. however, well understood, that the said alterations cannot take place but by the common agreement, and by the consent of the two high contracting parties.
ART. 12.—Tn order to bring to adjudication with the least delay and inconvenience, the vessels which may he detained for having been engaged in an illicit traffic of slaves, there shall he established, within the space of a year at farthest, from the exchange of the ratifications of the present treaty, two mixed commissions, formed of an equal number of individuals of the two nations, named for this purpose by their respective sovereigns. These commissions shall reside—one in a possession belonging to his Britannic Majesty—the other within the territories of his Catholic Majesty; and the two governments, at the period of the exchange of the ratifications of the present treaty, shall declare, each for its own dominions, in what places the ' commissions shall respectively reside. Each of the two high contracting parties reserving to itself the right of changing, at its pleasure, the place of residence of the commission held within its own dominions; provided, however, that one of the two commissions shall always be held upon the coast of Africa, and the other in one of the colonial possessions of his Catholic Majesty; These commissions shall judge the causes submitted to them Without appeal, and according to the regulation and instructions annexed to the present treaty, of which they shall be considered as an integral part.
Art. 13.—The acts or instruments annexed to this treaty, and which form an integral part thereof, are as follows: No 1.—Form of passport for the Spanish merchant ships, destined for the lawful traffic in slaves. No. 2. Instructions for the ships of war of both nations, destined to prevent the illicit traffic in slaves. No. 3. Regulation for the mixed commissions, which are to hold their sittings on the coast of Africa, and in one of the colonial possessions of his Catholic Majesty.
Art. 14.—The present treaty, consisting of fourteen articles, shall be ratified, and the ratifications exchanged at Madrid, within the space of two months from this date, or sooner if possible. In witness whereof the respective plenipotentiaries have signed the same, and have thereunto affixed the seal of their arms. Done at Madrid, this 23rd September, 1817.
(Signed) HENRY WELLESLEY. (L.S.)
JOSE PIZARRO. (L. S.)
No. 1.—Form of passport for Spanish vessels destined for the lawful traffic in slaves.
Ferdinand by the Grace of God, king of Castillo, of Leon, of Aragon, of the two Sicilies, of Jerusalem, of Navarre, of Granada, of Toledo, of Valencia, of Gallicia, of Majorca, of
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Minorca, of Seville, of Sardinia, of Cordova, of Corsica, of Murcia, of Jaen, of the Algarves, of Algeciras, of Gibraltar, of the Canary Islands, of the East and West Indies, Isles, and Terra Firma of the ocean; arch-duke of Austria; duke of Burgundy, of Brabant, and of Milan; count of Apsburgh, Flanders, Tirol, and Barcelona; lord of Biscay and of Molina, &c.
Whereas I have granted permission for the vessel called of tons, and carrying men and passengers; master and owner, both Spaniards and subjects of my crown, to proceed bound to the ports of and coast of Africa, from whence she is to return to the said master and owner having previously taken the required oath before the tribunal of marine of the proper naval division from whence the said vessel sails, and legally proved that no foreigner has any share in the above vessel and cargo, as appears by the certificate annexed to this passport; which certificate is given by the same tribunal, in consequence of the steps taken in pursuance of the directions contained in the ordnance of matriculation of 1802.
The said captain, and owner of the said vessel being under an obligation to enter solely such ports on the coast of Africa as are to the south of the line; and to' return from thence to any of the ports of my dominions, where alone they shall be permitted to land the slaves whom they carry, after going through the proper forms, to show that they have, in every respect, complied with the provisions of my royal decree of 1817, by which the mode of conveying slaves from the coast of Africa to my colonial dominions is regulated; and should they fail in any of these conditions, they shall be liable to the penalties denounced by the said decree against those who shall carry on the slave trade in an illicit manner.
I therefore command all general and other officers commanding my squadrons and ships; the captain generals of the departments of marine, the military commandants of the provinces of the same, their subalterns, captains of the ports, and all other officers and persons belonging to the navy; the viceroys, captain generals or commandants of kingdoms and provinces; the governors, mayors, and justices of the towns upon the sea-coast of my dominions of the indies; the royal officers or Judges of entries therein established; and all others of my subjects to whom it belongs, or may belong, not to give her any obstruction, nor to occasion her any inconvenience or detention, but rather to aid her and to furnish her with whatever she may want for her regular navigation: and of the vassals and subjects of kings, princes, and republics in friendship and alliance with me; of the commanders, governors, or chiefs of their provinces, fortresses, squadrons, and vessels, I require that they likewise shall not impede

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her in her free navigation, entry, departure, or detention in the ports to which, by any accident she may be carried; but permit her to provide and supply herself therein with whatever she may be in need of, for which purpose I have commanded this passport to be made out, which, being signed for its validity by my secretary of stale for the dispatch of marine, shall serve for the time that a voyage, going and returning, may last; after the conclusion of which, it shall be returned to the commandant of marine, governor or other person by whom it may have been issued; adding, for its proper use, the corresponding note.
Given at Madrid, on
I, THE KING.
(Here the signature of the secretary of state and of the dispatch of marine.)
Note. This passport, No. authorizes any number of slaves, not exceeding being in the proportion of five slaves for every two tons (as permitted by the royal decree of 1817) excepting always such slaves employed as sailors or domestics, and children born on board during the voyage; and the same is issued by me the undersigned on the day of this date, made out in favour of who has previously conformed with all the formalities required by the royal decree of 1817, and is bound to return it immediately upon his return from the voyage.
Given at on the of of the year
Here the signature of the principal marine authority of the naval division, station, province, or port from whence the vessel clears out.)
No. 2.—INSTRUCTIONS for the British and Spanish ships of war employed to prevent the illicit traffic in slaves.
"ART. 1.—Every British or Spanish ship of war shall, in conformity with article 9 of the treaty of this date, have a right to visit the merchant ships of cither of the two powers actually engaged, or suspected to be engaged in the slave trade; and should any slaves be found on board, according to the tenor of the 10th article of the aforesaid treaty;—and as to what regards the Spanish vessels, should there be ground to suspect that the said slaves have been embarked on a part of the coast of Africa where the traffic is no longer permitted, conformably to the articles 1 and 2 of the treaty of this date: in these cases alone, the commander of the said ship of war may detain them: and having detained them, he is to bring them, as soon as possible, for judgment, before that of the two mixed commissions appointed by the 12th article of the treaty of this date, which shall be the nearest, or which the commander of the capturing ship shall, upon his own responsibility, think he can soonest reach from the spot where the slave ship shall have been detained. Ships,
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on board of which no slaves shall be found, intended for purposes of traffic, shall not be detained on any account or pretence whatever. Negro servants or sailors that may be found on board the said vessels, cannot, in any case, be deemed a sufficient cause for detention.
ART. 2.—No Spanish merchantman or slave ship shall, on any pretence whatever, be detained, which shall be found any where near the land or on the high seas, south of the equator, during the period for which the traffic is to remain lawful, according to the stipulations subsisting between the high contracting parties, unless after a chace that shall have commenced north of the equator.
ART. 3.—Spanish vessels, furnished with a regular passport, having slaves on board, shipped at those parts of the coast of Africa where the trade is permitted to Spanish subjects, and which shall afterwards be found north of the equator, shall not be detained by the ships of war of the two nations, though furnished with the present instructions, provided the same can account for their course either in conformity with the practice of the Spanish navigation, by steering some degrees to the northward in search of fair winds,. or for other legitimate causes, such as the dangers of the sea, duly proved; provided always, that, with regard to all slave ships detained to the north of the equator, after the expiration of the term allowed, the proof of the legality of the voyage is to be furnished by the vessel so detained. On the other hand, with respect to slave ships detained to the south of the equator, in conformity with the stipulations of the preceding article, the proof of the illegality of the voyage is to be exhibited by the captor.—It is in like manner stipulated, that the number of slaves found on board a slave ship by the cruizers, even should the number not agree with that contained in their passport, shall not be sufficient reason to justify the detention of the ship; but the captain and the proprietor shall be denounced in the Spanish tribunals, in order to their being punished according to the laws of the country.
ART. 4.—Every Spanish vessel intended to be employed in the legal traffic in slaves, in conformity with the principles laid down in the treaty of this date, shall be commanded by a native Spaniard, and two-thirds, at least, of the crew shall likewise be Spaniards; provided always, that its Spanish or foreign construction shall, in no wise, affect its nationality, and that the negro sailors shall always be reckoned as Spaniards, provided they belong, as slaves, to subjects of the crown of Spain, or that they have been enfranchised in the dominions of his Catholic Majesty.
ART. 5.—Whenever a ship of war shall meet a merchantman liable to be searched, it shall be done in the most mild manner, and with every attention which is due between allied and friendly nations; and in no case shall the search be made by an officer holding a rank inferior to that of lieutenant in the

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navy of Great Britain, or of ensign of a ship of the line in the Spanish navy.
ART. 6.—The ships of war which may detain any slave ship, in pursuance of the principles laid down in the present instructions, shall leave on board all the cargo of negroes untouched, as well as the captain and a part, at least, of the crew of the above-mentioned slave ship; the captain shall draw up in writing, an authentic declaration, which shall exhibit the state in which he found the detained ship, and the changes which may have taken place in it; he shall deliver to the captain of the slave ship a signed certificate of the papers seized on board the said vessel, as well as of the number of slaves found on board at the moment of detention.—The negroes shall not be disembarked till after the vessels which contain them shall be arrived at the place where the legality of the capture is to be tried by one of the two mixed commissions, in order that in the event of their not being adjudged legal prize, the loss of the proprietors may be more easily repaired. If, however, urgent motives, deduced from the length of the voyage, the state of health of the negroes or other causes, required that they should be disembarked entirely, or in part, before the vessel could arrive at the place of residence of one of the said commissions, the commander of the capturing ship may take on himself the responsibility of such disembarkation, provided that the necessity be stated in a certificate in proper form.
ART. 7. —No conveyance of slaves from one port in the Spanish possessions to another shall take place, except in ships provided with passports from the government on the Spot, ad hoc.
No. 3.—REGULATIONS for the Mixed Commissions, which are to reside on the Coast of Africa, and in a Colonial Possession of his Catholic Majesty.
ART. 1.—The mixed commissions to be established by the treaty of this date, upon the Coast of Africa and in a Colonial Possession of his Catholic Majesty, are appointed to decide upon the legality of the detention of such slave vessels as the cruizers of both nations shall detain, in pursuance of this same treaty, for carrying on an illicit commerce in slaves. The above-mentioned commissions shall judge, without appeal, according to the letter and spirit of the treaty of this date.—The commissions shall give sentence as summarily as possible, and they are required to decide (as far as they shall find it practicable), within the' space of twenty days, to be dated from that on which every detained vessel shall have been brought into the port where they shall reside; first, upon the legality of the capture; second, in the case in which the captured vessel shall have been liberated, as to the indemnification which she is to receive.—And it is hereby provided, that in all cases, the final sentence shall not be
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delayed, on account of the absence of witnesses, or for want of other proofs, beyond the period of two months; except upon the application of any of the parties interested, when upon their giving satisfactory security to charge themselves with the expense and risks of the delay, the commissioners may, at their discretion, grant an additional delay, not exceeding four months.
ART. 2. —Each of the above-mentioned commissions which are to reside on the coast of Africa, and in a colonial possession of his Catholic Majesty, shall be composed in the following manner:—The two high contracting parties shall each of them name a commissary judge, and a commissioner of arbitration, who shall be authorized to hear and to decide, without appeal, all cases of capture of slave vessels which, in pursuance of the stipulations of the treaty of this date, may be laid before them. All the essential parts of the proceedings carried on before these mixed commissions, shall be written down in the legal language of the country in which the commission may reside.—The commissary judges and the commissioners of arbitration, shall make oath, in presence of the principal magistrate of the place in which the commission may reside, to judge fairly and faithfully, to have no preference either for the claimants or the captors, and to act, in all their decisions, in pursuance of the stipulations of the treaty of this date.—There shall be attached to each commission a secretary or registrar, appointed by the sovereign of the country in which the commission may reside, who shall register all its acts, and who, previous to his taking charge of his post, shall make oath, in presence of at least one of the commissary judges, to conduct himself with respect for their authority, and to act with fidelity in all the affairs which may belong to his charge.
ART. 3.—The form of the process shall be as follows:—The commissary judges of the two nations shall, in the first place, proceed to the examination of the papers of the vessel, and to receive the depositions on oath of the captain and of two or three, at least, of the principal individuals on board of the detained vessel, as well as the declaration on oath of the captor, should it appear necessary, in order to be able to judge and to pronounce if the said vessel has been justly detained or not, according to the stipulations of the treaty of this date, and in order that, according to this judgment, it may be condemned or liberated. And in the event of the two. commissary judges not agreeing on the sentence they ought to pronounce, whether as to the legality of the detention, or the indemnification to be allowed, or on any other question which might result from the stipulations of the treaty of this date,—they shall draw by lot the name of one of the two commissioners of arbitration, who, after having considered the documents of the process, shall consult with the above-mentioned commissary judges

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on the case in question, and the final sentence shall be pronounced conformably to the opinion of the majority of the above-mentioned commissary judges, and of the above-mentioned commissioner of arbitration.
ART. 4.—As often as the cargo of slaves found on board of a Spanish slave ship, shall have been embarked on any point whatever of the coast of Africa where the slave trade continues to be lawful, such slave ship shall not be detained on pretext that the above-mentioned slaves have been brought originally by land from any other part whatever of the continent.
ART. 5.—In the authenticated declaration which the captor shall make before the commission, as well as in the certificate of the papers seized, which shall be delivered to the captain of the captured vessel at the time of the detention, the above-mentioned captor shall be bound to declare his name, the name of his vessel, as well as the latitude and longitude of the place where the detention shall have taken place, and the number of slaves found living on board of the slave ship at the time of the detention.
ART. 6.—As soon as sentence shall have been passed, the detained vessel, if liberated and what remains of the cargo, shall be restored to the proprietors, who may before the same commission, claim a valuation of the damages, which they may have a right to demand; the captor himself, and in his default, his government, shall remain responsible for the above-mentioned damages.—The two high contracting parties bind themselves to defray, within the term of a year from the date of the sentence, the indemnifications which may be granted by the above-named commission, it being understood that these indemnifications shall be at the expense of the power of which the captor shall be a subject.
ART. 7.—In case of the condemnation of a vessel for unlawful voyage, she shall be declared lawful prize, as well as her cargo, of whatever description it may be, with the exception of the slaves who may be on board as objects of commerce: and the said vessel, as well as her cargo, shall be sold by public sale for the profit of the two governments: and as to the slaves, they shall receive from the mixed commission a certificate of emancipation, and shall be delivered over to the government on whose territory the commission, which shall have so judged them, shall be established, to be employed as servants or free labourers. Each of the two governments binds itself to guarantee the liberty of such portion of these individuals as shall be respectively consigned to it.
ART. 8.—Every claim for compensation of losses occasioned to ships suspected of carrying on an illicit trade in slaves, not condemned as lawful prize by the mixed commissions, shall be also heard and judged by the above-named commissions, in the form
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provided by the third article of the present regulation. And in all cases wherein restitution shall be so decreed, the commission shall award to the claimant or claimants, or his or their lawful attorney or attornies, for his or their use, a just and complete indemnification, for all costs of suit, and for all losses and damages which the claimant or claimants may have actually sustained by such capture and detention; that is to say, in case of total loss, the claimant or claimants shall be indemnified, first for the ship, her tackle, apparel, and stores; secondly, for all freight due and payable; thirdly, for the value of the cargo of merchandize, if any; fourthly, for the slaves on board at the time of detention, according to the computed value of such slaves at the place of destination, deducting there from the usual fair average mortality for the unexpired period of the regular voyage; deducting also for all charges and expenses payable upon the sale of such cargoes, including commission of sale; and fifthly, for all other regular charges in such cases of total loss; and in all other cases not of total loss, the claimant or claimants shall be indemnified; first, for all special damages and expenses occasioned to the ship by the detention, and for loss of freight when due or payable; secondly, a demurrage, when due, according to the schedule annexed to the present article; thirdly, a daily allowance for the subsistence of slaves, of one shilling or four reals and half de Vn. for each person, without distinction of sex or age, for so many days as it shall appear to the commission that the voyage has been or may be delayed by reason of such detention; as likewise; fourthly, for any deterioration of cargo or slaves; fifthly, for any diminution in the value of the cargo of slaves, proceeding from an increased mortality beyond the average amount of the voyage, or from sickness occasioned by detention; this value to be ascertained by their computed price at the place of destination; as in the above case of total loss; sixthly, an allowance of five per cent on the amount of the capital employed in the purchase and maintenance of cargo, for the period of delay occasioned by the detention; and seventhly, for all premium of insurance on additional risks.—The claimant or claimants shall likewise be entitled to interest, at the rate of 5 per cent. per annum on the sum awarded, until paid by the government to which the capturing ship belongs: the whole amount of such indemnifications being calculated in the money of the country to which the captured ship belongs, and to be liquidated at the exchange current at the time of award, excepting the sum for the subsistence of slaves, which shall be paid at par, as above stipulated.—The two high contracting parties wishing to avoid, as much as possible, every species of fraud in the execution of the treaty of this dale, have agreed, that if it should be proved, in a man-

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ner evident to the conviction of the commissary judges of the two nations, and without having recourse to the decision of a commissioner of arbitration, that the captor has been led into error by a voluntary and reprehensible fault on the part of the captain of the detained ship; in that case only, the detained ship shall not have the right of receiving, during the days of her detention, the demurrage stipulated by the present article.

Schedule of demurrage or daily allowance for a vessel of

100 tons to 120 inclusive,

£.5

per diem.

121 tons to 150 inclusive,

6

151 tons to 170 inclusive,

8

171 tons to 200 inclusive,

10

201 tons to 220 inclusive,

11

221 tons to 250 inclusive,

12

251 tons to 270 inclusive,

14

271 tons to 300 inclusive,

15

and so on in proportion.

ART. 9.—When the proprietor of a ship, suspected of carrying on an illicit trade in slaves, released in consequence of a sentence of one of the mixed commissions (or in the case, as above-mentioned, of total loss), shall claim indemnification for the loss of slaves which he may have suffered, he shall in no case be entitled to claim for more than the number of slaves which his vessel by the Spanish laws, was authorized to carry, which number shall always be stated in his passport.
ART. 10.—Neither the judges, nor the arbitrators, nor the secretary of the mixed commissions shall be permitted to demand or receive, from any of the parties concerned in the sentences which they shall pronounce, any emolument, under any pretext whatsoever, for the performance of the duties which are imposed upon them by the present regulations.
ART. 11.—When the parties interested, shall imagine they have cause to complain of any evident injustice on the part of the mixed commissions, they may represent it to their respective governments, who reserve to themselves the right of mutual correspondence for the purpose of removing, when they think fit, the individuals who may compose these commissions.
ART. 12.—In case of a vessel being improperly detained, under pretence of the stipulations of the treaty of this date, and the captor not being enabled to justify himself, either by the tenour of the said treaty, or of the instructions annexed to it, the government to which the detained vessel may belong, shall be entitled to demand reparation; and, in such case, the government to which the captor may belong, binds itself to cause inquiry to be made into the subject of the complaint, and to inflict upon the captor, if he be found to have deserved it, a punishment proportioned to the transgression which may have been committed.
ART. 13.—The two high contracting parties have agreed, that, in the event of the death of one or more of the commissary judges, or the commissioners of arbitration, composing the above-mentioned mixed commissions, their posts shall he supplied, ad interim, in the following manner:—On the part of the British government, the vacancies shall be filled successively, in the commission which shall sit within the possessions of his Britannic Majesty, by the governor or lieutenant governor resident in that colony, by the principal magistrate of the same, and by the secretary; and in that which shall sit within-the possessions of his Catholic Majesty, it is agreed, that, in case of the death of the British judge or arbitrator there, the remaining individuals of the said commission shall proceed equally to the judgment of such slave ships as may be brought before them, and to the execution of their sentence. In this case alone, however the parties interested shall have the right of appealing from the sentence if they think fit, to the commission resident upon the coast of Africa; and the government to which the captor shall belong, shall be bound fully to make good the compensation which shall be due to them, in case the appeal be decided in favour of the claimants; but the vessel and cargo shall remain, during such appeal, in the place of residence of the first commission before which they shall have been carried—On the part of Spain the vacancies shall be supplied, in the possession of his Catholic Majesty, by such persons of trust as the principal authority of the country shall appoint; and upon the coast of Africa, in case of the death of any Spanish judge or arbitrator, the commission shall proceed to judgment in the same manner as above specified for the commission resident in the possession of his Catholic Majesty, in the event of the death of the British judge or arbitrator; an appeal being, in this case likewise, allowed to the commission resident in the possession of his Catholic Majesty; and, in general, all the provisions of the former case being to be applied to the present.—The high contracting parties have agreed to supply, as soon as possible, the vacancies that may arise in the above-mentioned commissions, from death or any other cause; and in case that the vacancy of any of the Spanish commissioners in the British possessions, or of the British commissioners in the Spanish possession, be not supplied at the end of the term of seven months for America, and of twelve for Africa, the vessels, which shall be brought to the said possessions respectively, shall cease to have the right of appeal above stipulated.
Done at Madrid, the 23rd September, 1817.
(L. S.) HENRY WELLESLEY.
(L. S.) JOSE PIZARRO.
The said Treaty was ordered to be taken into consideration on the 9th of February.

ADDRESS ON THE PRINCE REGENT'S SPEECH AT THE OPENING OF THE SESSION.
Mr. Wodehousebrought up the report of the Address. On the motion, that it be agreed to,
Lord Miltonsaid, there was one part of the Speech from the throne, which he had heard with the most unfeigned satisfaction; he alluded to the recommendation to erect a greater number of places of public worship. No person could reside even for a short time in the metropolis, without witnessing the lamentable deficiency of churches. Before an application was made to the public purse for the sum requisite for the erection of additional churches, it might be proper to inquire into the state of the property of the church, to see whether means might not be devised for making some part of it available for such a purpose. He did not mean to say, however, that if it should be found, on inquiry, there was no church property that could be made applicable, he would not consent to any additional burdens for that purpose. There was one point which ought to be particularly attended to in the erection of the churches. The greatest attention ought to be paid to the accommodation of the lower orders. There was hardly a parish church in the kingdom, in which I great encroachments had not been made by persons of wealth on that part of the church which was the property of the population of the parish. They ought to guard as much as possible against the recurrence of what he considered a very great evil—the enclosure of pews from the body of the church. He had thrown out these few hints, being deeply impressed with the importance of the subject.
Mr. Curwensaid:—Deference to the feelings of the House induced me to refrain from making any observations on the Speech from the throne on a former night. The premature death of her royal highness the Princess Charlotte, whose early career was marked with such splendid virtues, has been felt by all ranks and classes as a great national misfortune. If it were possible to impute a want of respect to her memory by any thing I may now feel it my duty to offer on other parts of the address, I should be silent. Painful as it is to combat statements, which it must be the wish of all were well-founded, I cannot be a party to the exaggerated representations of the nourishing and prosperous state of the country and its finances.
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I have not to learn the unwillingness of mankind to listen to truths that are opposite to their wishes. I may be accused of despondency, and a design to undervalue and misrepresent the state and resources of the empire; I prefer the risk of such imputations to being silent when my duty calls me to warn the country from placing reliance on statements so opposite to the truth. My fears are not that the country is not able to extricate itself from its embarrassments if they are fairly and honestly met; my dread is, that the delusion may be kept up till the moment is gone by, and national bankruptcy becomes inevitable.—The Speech from the throne, though known to be no more than a general detail of the plans of ministers, is confounded by those at a distance, and supposed to bear the weight and authority of royalty—giving it a consequence to which it is not entitled. By impeaching its correctness I am guilty of no disrespect: if blame be imputable, it attaches solely to ministers. It may be asked, what end can such statements answer? On the prosperous state of the country alone can the enormous military establishment be defended; this affords an answer to those who call for retrenchment. Will the bare statement, which the fact but too lamentably contradicts, lull the country into a false supineness? will they become the willing dupes to their own inevitable ruin? or will they awake to a proper sense of the danger that menaces them? Nothing can impede our progress to ruin but a strong and imperious expression of public opinion. To produce retrenchment adequate to the necessities of the country the people must, from one end of the empire to the other, demand them from us. The unanimous voice of the people extinguished the income tax. Let them speak with equal energy, and ministers will no longer cling to the hopes of renewing it, as a means of supporting the present ruinous expenditure. If, happily, the country should become fully sensible of its situation, no one can doubt what would be the result. It is the self-delusion that prevents the people doing justice to themselves and their posterity.—The information of ministers must be allowed to be more ample than any individual can pretend to. This, in my mind, enhances their guilt, if misrepresentation can, in any considerable point, be imputed to them. That the state of the country is improved no one will deny; but that it

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has reached, much less exceeded, what might have been expected, with a reference to antecedent periods, I do positively deny. How are we to reconcile the boasted and flourishing state of our manufactories with a fact for the truth of which I appeal to the chancellor of the exchequer? Has he not recently had a deputation of the most respectable manufacturers of Lancashire representing the precarious state of the printing trade, and their fears of the total loss of the foreign market, if they are not relieved from the export duty? the amount of which I understand to be about 300,000 l., and the cost of collection nearly 30,000 l. This branch of trade, though in a considerable state of activity, must be considered as dependent on the will of the right hon. gentleman. That he may listen to the prayers of the manufacturers I sincerely hope. That what has been alleged is the real state of the trade is borne out by the united testimony of thousands. I appeal to the rate of wages at which the manufacturers are working;—10 s. for twelve hours work for the six days in the week! In many instances, rather than have any fresh hands, they work sixteen hours a day for an addition of two shillings a week. I am too well acquainted with the generosity, humanity, and justice of the gentlemen engaged in this branch of trade to believe they would remunerate their workmen with such inadequate wages if the profits of the trade would permit them to do otherwise. It is necessity, not will, that compels them to pay their men so inadequately in comparison with the necessaries of life. The gratitude and thankfulness of the workmen is a strong and undeniable proof of their opinion of the profits of the trade. I trust this will have its due weight with the chancellor of the exchequer in attending to the interests of so large and respectable a body. The meritorious conduct of manufacturers entitle them to every consideration.—The state of the agriculture of the country is undoubtedly considerably improved. This is in some degree owing to what is greatly to be regretted—defective crops. I am rather disposed to lament than to rejoice at the advanced price of the necessaries of life; which have now risen as much above as they were below what they ought to have been. That it has called more hands into activity is not to be disputed. But are there not thousands and thousands of artificers and labourers who cannot obtain a day's work;
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suffering, with unexampled fortitude and patience, most cruel privations? In this boasted state of the country how stand the poor-rates? will they not be higher in this year than they were in the last? It is my belief they will. From whence, then, has arisen this improved state of our finances? Here, indeed, ministers seem disposed to forego the claims to merit to which they might justly pretend. In compliance with their unceasing mandates, every expedient has been resorted to for the purpose of screwing up the assessed taxes. Every thing which industry and espionage could do, has been done. These failing, whole districts have been surcharged, in order to take the chance of fastening some burden on some of the individuals. The personal inconvenience, expense, and trouble to the parties, have been totally disregarded. Appeals have multiplied to such a degree, that treble the time has been occupied in hearing and deciding them than heretofore; and, if I am rightly informed, weeks will be occupied in this metropolis and other great towns. Is this no hardship to the country? Is this a feature of prosperity? or is such conduct calculated to augment the affection and loyalty of the people? Is there a village in the kingdom that has not felt and complained of this hardship? I would then ask, is it likely to answer the expectations of ministers? After every oppressive expedient has been practised, will it materially augment the amount of the assessed taxes?—I doubt it much. As you augment the tax individuals defeat it by a sacrifice both of comforts and luxuries. How many windows have been and are now blocking up; by which the health of the parties are endangered. The fair inference to be drawn from this attempt to advance taxation is, that you have carried it to that point when you can force nothing more from the pockets of the people. If it operates this conviction on his majesty's ministers, it may prevent farther evils. Taxation is the cause that has paralyzed the industry of the country. If such be the state of Great Britain, how stands it with Ireland? Not many days will probably elapse before the sad and deplorable state of that country will be brought under the consideration of the House. It becomes not me to treat on a subject that will come with so much greater force from others. The House will not long be left in doubt of the inability of Ireland to pay her quota of taxation. Was the expendi-

85
ture in Ireland last year less than twelve millions, whilst the total amount of taxation was under six? The chancellor of the exchequer shakes his head. Heartily do I wish he may be able to confute this statement. How then, Sir, stands our own resources? Did the whole amount of taxes reach within eight millions of the expenditure. The unfunded debt I do not take into the account: this at some time or other will be to be funded: supposing it eight millions, there will be an addition of between two and three millions to the interest of the national debt. If the sinking fund is to be considered as any thing more than borrowing with one hand and paying with the Other, and thereby entailing an additional expense on the country, thirteen millions and a half must be added—making a total deficiency of little short of thirty millions! How does this agree with the flourishing state of the empire as declared from the throne? If I am wrong, it is from the right hon. gentleman's figures I have drawn my information. Is there any man in the kingdom, unconnected with ministerial influence, who will maintain that the present expenditure can be continued without ruin? Vain and delusive is the hope of bolstering up the national credit by fresh taxation.—Retrenchment is the only resource, and past experience shows that it is the last thing ministers will resort to. Short lived will be our prosperity, if the expenditure be not speedily cut down to meet our income! Instead of grasping at augmented burthens, if the happiness and prosperity of the country be what this House has honestly at heart, the people must be exonerated from some of those taxes which bear hardest upon its industry. This language may be unpalatable to many ears—but it is not therefore less true. Whatever odium may attend the speaking plain truths, there is one consolation—I have discharged a very painful duty to the country and my constituents.
The Address was then agreed to.

MESSAGES OF CONDOLENCE TO THE QUEEN; AND TO PRINCE LEOPOLD.
Lord Castlereagh Lord Castlereagh moved, that the Addresses of Congratulation sent to the Queen and Prince Leopold, on his marriage with the princess Charlotte, should be entered as read; which was accordingly done.
Lord Castlereaghthen said:—I rise, in pursuance of the notice I gave last night,
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to move a message of condolence to her majesty, and to his serene highness the prince of Saxe-Cobourg, on the lamented and untimely death of the princess Charlotte. In adverting to the records of parliament on this subject, I do not find that it has been the practice of this House to vote messages of condolence on such occasions, except to the crown. But this is a case so peculiarly interesting—a case which has so painfully affected the feelings of the country—that I hope the House will not be guided by precedent in marking their sense of the calamity which has befallen us, but that they will act under the influence of those sentiments of deep regret in which the whole empire has participated. Certainly, when I say that this is a case altogether without precedent, in whatever light we view it, I only declare that which is not merely the feeling that prevails in this country, but which, I believe, pervades even foreign nations. If we look to all the circumstances connected with it, we must regard it as an occurrence in the highest degree tragical. The loss, almost at the same moment, of both mother and child, is a misfortune, whether contemplated in a private or a public point of view, of a most distressing nature. Such a circumstance would carry the most poignant sorrow into the bosom of a private family; but how much greater must be the grief which it produces, when the melancholy event blasts the hopes of an entire nation! We may judge of the feelings of her illustrious father, under this dreadful calamity, when we see the effect it has had on society at large. The House on the occasion of the princess Charlotte's most auspicious marriage, carried their congratulations not merely to the foot of the throne, but followed up that mark of respect by addressing her majesty, and the illustrious prince, on that joyful event. As we had the satisfaction of conveying to those illustrious individuals the feelings of pleasure which that union created; so is it now our duty to express to the same quarter, our deepest sorrow, that the bright prospect which then opened on the country, has been so soon overclouded. Whatever expectations might have been formed by the country, with respect to that marriage, I am sure I speak the sentiments of the House and of the public, when I say, that they were not only equalled, but greatly surpassed. It was a marriage of mutual inclination—a marriage founded on similarity of character—during the

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whole course of which, private comfort was closely connected with public dignity. Whatever views the country might entertain with respect to the results of this alliance, the whole conduct of the illustrious pair gave the nation every reason to hope that its fondest wishes would be realized. I feel this to be a subject on which it is impossible to enlarge, without exciting the most painful sensations. Those feelings of regret are not confined to this country, but have been expressed in every foreign state where the melancholy intelligence has been received. Under all the circumstances I am confident the House will be ready to convey to her majesty and to the prince of Saxe-Cobourg, the sincere expression of our regret on their great and irreparable loss. I shall now move, "That this House do condole with her majesty on the calamitous and untimely death of her royal highness the Princess Charlotte Augusta."
The Speaker—There is no precedent, as far as I know, of any message of condolence being carried beyond the crown. The care on when the noble lord seems to have founded the present motion is, the address of congratulation, which, some few months ago, was voted to prince Leopold and the queen; and though there is no direct precedent, the noble lord has put it to the House, whether it will not be proper, on this occasion, to make a precedent.
The question being put,
Mr. Calcraftsaid, he rose to discharge a painful duty, but he felt that he should be wanting to himself and to those whom he represented, if he did not give his negative to this motion. He should best discharge his duty by assigning no reason for the course which he felt it necessary to take on the present occasion. He had that within him which convinced him that he should not otherwise be discharging his duty; but it was a duty he was discharging at the expense of his own feelings. He trusted the House would not expect him to enter more at large into the subject.
Lord Castlereaghsaid, the manner in which the hon. gentleman had given his negative without adducing any reason for it, precluded him from making any observations. He could only guess at the motives which governed his conduct. But if he surmised the reasons of the hon. member correctly, he could say that there was not the slightest colour or foundation for them.
Mr. M. A. Taylorsaid, he would follow the example of his hon. friend, and without stating his reasons, oppose the motion.
The motion was then carried; some few members calling out "No!" and Mr. Disbrowe was ordered to attend her majesty with the condolence.
Lord Castlereaghthen moved, "That a message be sent to condole with his serene highness prince Leopold George Frederick, duke of Saxe, margrave of Meissen, landgrave of Thuringuen, prince of Gobourg of Saalfield, in the calamitous and untimely death of his illustrious consort her royal highness the princess Charlotte Augusta."
Mr. Broughamwas convinced, that on this motion there would not be a dissenting voice. The whole country, without exception, sympathised in the sorrows of this illustrious personage, who had endeared himself to all classes of the community.
Mr. Calcraftheartily concurred in the motion, which must be perfectly agreeable to the House and the country.
The motion was then agreed to nem. con. and lord John Thynne was appointed to wait on the prince of Saxe-Cobourg with the said message.

BANKRUPT LAWS.
Mr. John Smithmoved, "That a select committee be appointed to consider of the Bankrupt Laws, and of the operation thereof."
Mr. Lockhartsaid, there was sufficient evidence before the House, to show that the state of the bankrupt laws was extremely defective. He quoted a sentence of the lord chancellor to prove that, in the present state of those laws, there was no distinction made between the moral and the immoral bankrupt, and that, in fact, he could not make any difference between those who had been honest, but unfortunate, and those who had profusely squandered the money of their creditors previously to the act of bankruptcy. He thought there should be a greater power in some tribunal to inquire into the previous conduct of the bankrupt. This power, he conceived, would be best vested in the commissioners of bankrupts. He hoped the committee would report as early as possible, as it was a subject connected with the best interests of the country.
A committee was then appointed.

PETITIONS RELATING TO A REFORM OF PARLIAMENT.
Sir F. Burdettrose, and said he had some petitions to present in favour of parliamentary reform. He did not know what effect they would have on the proposal which was in agitation to repeal the act which was commonly called the act for suspending the Habeas Corpus. Whatever was done would not alter his opinion respecting that act, and the cruel and atrocious proceedings of the ministers under it, who had used it, perhaps, for the purpose for which it was intended—to put a stop to the great question of parliamentary reform, in favour of which petitions had been presented signed by a million and a half of persons, though many of them had been rejected on the pretence of some defect in form, or because the meaning of the petitioners was presented in printed, and not in written words. He did not much care whether the Habeas Corpus act was revived, whether it remained suspended, or whether it was obliterated from the statute book, since it was reduced to this condition, that it might be suspended whenever the ministers thought proper, or on any pretences which they thought proper to allege. It would be, perhaps, better that it should be obliterated from the Statute Book, for this reason—that the ministers now concealed the real import of their measures under the name of a suspension of the statute of Habeas Corpus; whereas, if it were altogether repealed, the people would be left to the protection of Magna Charta, under which they had the same right to personal protection: the statute of Habeas Corpus affording only a more summary remedy to persons aggrieved. The great body of the people of England who had demanded parliamentary reform, had now found it necessary to proceed cautiously, in consequence of the practice which had been pursued by the government of sending about spies and informers, if not for the purpose of entrapping the people into illegal acts, yet in such a manner that they always took on themselves to entrap those who were unwary. In the 13th year of the reign of Charles 2nd, an act was passed to inflict a penalty of 100 l. and three months imprisonment, on every person who should solicit, labour, or procure the getting of hands, or other consents, of any person, above the number of twenty, to any petition for altering matters of church or state. From the disposition which had been shown to revive sleeping laws, the persons who were desirous of
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petitioning imagined that this law might be put in force against them. The petitioners were not to be frightened out of the course they had adopted to obtain their constitutional rights; but they also were desirous not to alarm the timid and the weak, nor to give any opportunity for the employment of spies and informers, or to bring together large numbers of people, among whom the agents of the ministers might find some whom they might excite to riot, and thus throw discredit on the cause. They had therefore determined, in order to accomplish all their objects, to present petitions, each of which would be signed by 20 persons. The question of a reform in that House, was, in his opinion, the only great and important question which could come before them; and he had therefore thought fit to lose no time in presenting the first of a series of petitions on this subject.—The petition was then brought up and read. It was from Bath, and stated,
"That the petitioners, deeply impressed with the evils that have resulted, and the ruin that threatens to follow, from the injurious state of the representation of the people, entreat the early attention of the House to the question of parliamentary reform; a great proportion, perhaps a majority of the House, so far from being the representatives of the people, are notoriously known to represent the interests of wealthy peers or trading borough-holders, or to have purchased seats in the House for the express purpose of disposing of them to the best advantage to the ministry of the day, one of whom has been himself branded with trafficking in this disgraceful barter of national honour for individual comfort; such a state of pollution in an assembly, which ought to be the source of honour, and the fountain of prosperity and freedom, has entailed upon this injured country all the mischiefs attendant upon a state of corruption so gross, and a dependence so unlimited upon the increased and increasing influence of the crown; and being firmly convinced that a radical reform in the representation, a recurrence to annual parliaments, and the adoption of universal suffrage, are the only means of preventing a fatal revolution, the petitioners ask, from the wisdom of the truly honourable members of the House, those measures, which can alone restore the confidence and secure the tranquillity of the nation."
Ordered to lie on the table.

HABEAS CORPUS SUSPENSION REPEAL BILL.
Lord Sidmouthpresented a bill for repealing the act passed in the last session of parliament, to empower his majesty to secure and detain persons suspected of conspiring against his majesty's person and government. Having read the title of the bill, his lordship moved that it be now read a first time. The bill was accordingly read a first time. After which, on the noble lord's motion, the standing order relative to the progress of public bills was suspended. On the motion for the second reading of the bill,
Lord Holland, though he certainly did not rise to oppose the motion, could not avoid saying a few words on the circumstances which had led to it. His majesty's ministers had dwelt on the difficulties

57
they had experienced from the dangerous situation of the country, and he was ready to acknowledge that, in proposing the present measure, they had done more than he expected from them; but whatever might have been the difficulties of the times, the bill which was now about to be repealed, he would assert, had been one of the greatest calamities the country had experienced. Last year, parliament had consented on the representation of his majesty's ministers, supported by erroneous and imperfect evidence, to sanction the measure they were now about to repeal. Their lordships had then allowed themselves to be surprised into a course, on the adoption of which it was pretended the safety of the country depended. His majesty's ministers had been either actually the tools of wicked and designing men, or had been led away by the desire of obtaining undue power to themselves. Believing, as he did, that the whole of their lordships' proceedings in passing the act for suspending the Habeas Corpus had rested upon garbled and unfair evidence, he must state that he could not be satisfied with the mere repeal of that act, and that he thought an inquiry into the grounds on which it had been passed ought to be instituted. No proceeding could have been more dangerous to the true interests of the country, than that to which their lordships had given their sanction on evidence so totally imperfect. The right which had been suspended, he wished to remind them, was not one which had been granted by any act of parliament whatever. The personal liberty of the people was no concession. It was a right antecedent to any statute, and equal to the right of their lordships to vote in that House, or to the right of the king to sit on the throne. He did not mean to say that there was any absolute limitation to the power of parliament on this subject, when circumstances rendered such a stretch of power indispensable; but he did say, that to suspend this right of the people was an act of as great violence as to suspend the prerogatives of the crown, and could only be justified by the clearest evidence of the most overwhelming necessity. Consistently with this view, he thought their lordships could not let the matter pass over with the mere repeal of an act which had been so unjustifiably passed. It was their lordships duty to show, that a law which deprived the people of their most important right, of per-
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sonal liberty, was a calamity which was not to be inflicted without proof, or without some subsequent proceeding, which would demonstrate to the latest posterity, that they considered themselves pledged to guard against such unjust encroachments in future. He trusted then, that parliament, when all pretence of any danger from investigation should be over, would institute an inquiry into the nature of the evidence on which the act of the last session had been passed. The evidence on such an inquiry must not be of the ex-parte and suspicious nature which their lordships were induced to accept of last year. It must not be evidence prepared by persons seeking power, or wishing to retain it. Nothing could be satisfactory, and nothing would satisfy the country, but a fair and impartial investigation. A full examination into all the circumstances which took place at the passing of the act, and of all which had occurred since, was what the occasion demanded, when the liberties of the people had been so violently invaded. He trusted it was unnecessary for him to urge the importance of this right on their lordships' minds, but he could not help dwelling upon it. He must repeat, that it was the most ancient of all the rights of the people of this country. It rested neither on the Magna Charta, the act of Habeas Corpus, or the Bill of Rights, though it was reasserted in them. The act of 1672, in the reign of Charles 2nd, by which it was legislatively enacted, did not constitute the right. The ancestor of the noble lord, whom he now saw before him (the earl of Shaftesbury), then stood up, honourably and manfully for this best right of the people, and contributed greatly to that measure by which it was confirmed. And at what time was that important act passed? At the moment when the House of Lords and Commons were in a state of the greatest alarm from the apprehension of plots and conspiracies. Afterwards, when the whole country was thrown into consternation by the popish plots—whether true or false, he did not at present pretend to determine—no idea was started of repealing the Habeas Corpus act. Neither the Rye-house plot, nor any other plot, had been thought sufficient, even in those convulsed times, to warrant the legislature in depriving the subject of personal liberty.—Returning to the act of last session, he must again assert, that no

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ground for it had been laid at the time it was passed, and nothing had since occurred to show that there was any thing in the state of the country which called for it. Where was any disturbance or conspiracy to be found that could justify such a measure? It was not to be found in any of the legal proceedings which had taken place in the metropolis, nor even at Derby. Did it appear in any of the proceedings which had taken place in Scotland? A dreadful oath—an oath which was not fit to be publicly stated—it was said, had been taken in that country by the disaffected ministers, it. was asserted, had the fullest evidence of a most extensive conspiracy, but which evidence they did not choose to disclose. Well, their law-officers proceeded to try these conspirators, and oath-takers in Scotland. At first, their indictment was wrong; a new indictment was preferred; but, after all, they failed in proving that any illegal oath had been taken. None of these proceedings afforded any appearance of a necessity for the measure which ministers had recommended and which parliament had been induced to adopt. But the noble earl opposite, had declared that he was ready to prove, not only that the measure was justified by the state of the country at the time, but that it had been productive of the greatest advantages. That the country was in better circumstances now than last year he was happy to believe: but whatever improvement had taken place, certainly was not owing to the suspension of the Habeas Corpus act. Were the truth of this assertion of ministers to be admitted by their lordships there would be no longer any security for personal liberty. On any future occasion, when desirous of obtaining an undue increase of power, if they could persuade parliament to suspend the Ha-cas Corpus act on ex-parte evidence, they would have nothing more to do, supposing the state of the country to have, from other causes, improved, than to come forward next year, and say, "You see what advantages have been derived from following our recommendation." On the contrary, if it should happen to be followed by discontent and distress, ministers would thereby acquire an argument for prolonging their undue authority. They would say, "You see now the measure we called for was necessary, and that the suspension of the law must be continued." Nothing, however, could excuse
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such a measure, but an evident proof of its necessity, founded on a full and im-impartial investigation. Last session their lordships had heard much of blasphemous productions: but had these productions been put down by the suspension of the Habeas Corpus act? It was not said they were now in circulation. Was it the three-fold prosecution of Mr. Hone which ministers had tried against them, that had produced this effect? This was certain—that with respect to these publications, things remained in the same state as last year; and if they were no longer a subject of complaint, it could not be owing to any of the measures of the noble lord. With regard to that prosecution, it was not his wish to say much, lest any thing which might fall from him on that subject should be taken as a vindication of the species of publication against which the prosecution was instituted. So far from wishing to vindicate that sort of writing, he rather thought it ought, in point of good taste as well as of decency, to be discouraged. At the same time he could not help saying, that these prosecutions bore about them such marks of hypocrisy as he had never before witnessed. Was there any man in the country so weak as to believe, that the writer of the parodies against which ministers had manifested so much indignation, would have been questioned had he ridiculed persons in opposition to the government? His friends had often been made the subject of such satire, and yet, on those occasions, the government never thought religion so endangered by such publications as to render it necessary for the attorney-general to prosecute them. He recollected a parody published by those connected with the noble lord's administration, against persons in opposition, of which the words of our Saviour himself were the subject. Now, wishing to speak with all respect of the liturgy of the church of England, he should only say, that he thought it most extraordinary that prosecutions should be instituted for (parodies on it, while parodies on the words of the scriptures themselves were allowed to pass unnoticed. He recollected a parody, which had been published in all the ministerial newspapers of the time, against the late Mr. Paull. It was of the most disgusting nature, and yet no notice had been taken of it. When it was so evident to all the world, that the prosecu-

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tions brought against Mr. Hone had been instituted for political reasons only, it was impossible for the country not to despise the hypocritical pretences under which they were brought forward. This was an unavoidable consequence which ministers must endure; for, in order that motives should be respected, it was necessary that they should be truly respectable. It did not become any administration to inflict severe punishments on one set of men who might be hostile to them, for the same kind of acts which they viewed with indulgence when committed by others in their favour. To return to the question of the suspension of the Habeas Corpus. It was an act of the most pernicious tendency to suspend the personal liberty of the subject in a time of profound peace, and formed a precedent of the most lamentable tendency. Such acts left rents in the constitution which could not afterwards be closed. He trusted, however, that a strict inquiry would be made as to the manner in which this act had been executed. He had heard that it was intended to appoint a committee to investigate what had taken place since the last session, and if that was the case, he trusted it would not be a committee to take upon trust the statements of ministers, garbled and imperfect, but that, on the contrary, they would examine vivâ voce testimony, and not merely the agents of, or the witnesses sent by government, but whatever witnesses they themselves should think proper to call. To enter into such an examination closely and attentively, and with a determination to get at the truth, was the only atonement they could now make for having suspended the liberty of the subject, and placed powers in the hands of the ministers, upon the pretences that had been urged, that had been harshly and oppressively used.
Lord Sidmouthsaid, he did not expect that the noble lord would have thought it necessary, on the present occasion, to address to their lordships observations of the nature of those they had just heard, though he was aware that the circumstance of such a bill being on the table left the noble lord at perfect liberty to adopt the course he had taken. The noble lord had stated, that there was no necessity for the act of last session. Of this assertion, he should only say, that the report made by the committee appointed by their lordships, and on the
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authority of which the act was passed, afforded its complete refutation. The noble lord had also asserted, that the evidence produced by ministers was garbled, and that information which ought to have been communicated to the committee was withheld. He well knew that the noble lord was incapable of stating any thing which he did not in his conscience believe to be true, but he could assure their lordships that every kind of information which could with propriety be laid before the committee had been produced to them, and that nothing had been withheld which was necessary to enable them to arrive at a fair and proper conclusion on the question submitted to their consideration. The noble lord also denied that the act of last session had been of any advantage to the country. In the Prince Regent's Speech, it was true, only the other causes which had contributed to the returning prosperity of the country were mentioned, but it did not follow that great benefit had not been derived from the suspension of the Habeas Corpus act. There never was a greater contrast exhibited by the country than that which the comparison of its present state with that of last year afforded; and he would now maintain, and if the occasion should arrive, would prove, that the act of last session, had mainly contributed to this result. The effects it had had in many parts of the country did not rest on assertion: they were already proved. The magistrates and persons best informed in the county of Leicester, stated, on their own knowledge, that the passing of the suspension act had produced tranquillity in manufacturing districts where the greatest alarm for the peace of the country had previously existed. In another place, where there had been a more formidable manifestation of treason, the good effects of the measure had been still more apparent—he meant that insurrection in consequence of which a bill of indictment had been found against the offenders who were tried at Derby. On that occasion, ten of the persons accused fled; four were sentenced to suffer death; and in all, thirty-one confessed themselves guilty of treason, some of whom were transported, and the remainder pardoned. These men, besides making a confession of their guilt gave certain information, that an insurrection of a much more formidable nature than that in which they I had been engaged was in contemplation,

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and would infallibly have taken place had not the Habeas Corpus act been suspended. It was that measure alone which had deterred them. Thus it was proved by incontrovertible evidence, that the measure for which the noble lord contended there was no necessity, had preserved the peace and tranquillity of the country. Much stress had been laid on the destitute condition and humble circumstances of those who had last year disturbed the public peace: it was true that their means were very inadequate to the objects they had in view; but even had they never expected fully to effect their purposes, was there no medium between the holding of their seditious meetings, and a state of things in which the throne itself was exposed to tumultuous attacks? The truth, however was, that many of the movers in those lamentable disturbances, were far from being men of mean or contemptible talents; and possessed powers of writing and expression by which they exercised a very considerable degree of influence over the lower classes. It was entirely attributable to the withdrawing the influence of these men by the operation of the suspension act, that no convulsions had since taken place in that part of the kingdom to which he had alluded, and which had before been disturbed by the events that led to the trials at Derby. As the noble lord had adverted to the trial of Mr. Hone, it was necessary that he should make some reply to what had fallen from him. He had, indeed, little expected that any complaints would be made in that House on the subject of this prosecution. Great complaints had been made both in Parliament and out of it, that ministers lad delayed to prosecute a number of offences of this description: they were loudly called on to do so, and they yielded at length to the call, not from hypocritical motives, not from a pretended regard to religion, but because they saw, in the progress of disaffection, that the same means were pursued to alienate the affections of the people from their government, as had been resorted to with such fatal success in a neighbouring country—he meant a continued attempt to sap the religion and morals of the community, and render contemptible in the eyes of the people every thing that was sacred and established. He was willing to admit that government never showed its wisdom more than when it knew what offences to
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overlook, as well as what to prosecute; but he thought the prosecution in question peculiarly called for by the circumstances of the times, and the insidious attempts of the disaffected. Recurring to the subject of the Habeas Corpus, he was unconscious of any harsh or cruel exercise of the powers entrusted to ministers. The responsibility for the due execution of the act of course chiefly rested with himself; and he could only say that he had anxiously endeavoured to do his duty, that he had acted to the best of his judgment, leniently but firmly, "nec temere nec timide"—that he had only in view to prevent the threatening danger, and had not been the means of depriving individuals of their liberty, any farther than the necessity of the case required. As to the panegyric that the noble lord had passed on the privilege of Englishmen to be called to trial, and publicly charged with the offences of which they were suspected, his majesty's ministers had shown their respect for these glorious and exalted rights in the proceedings of that day. The act then under their consideration did not expire until the 1st of March, and there was no record on the Journals of the House, that an act of that description had ever been repealed, or not suffered to run out to its utmost limit. But his majesty's ministers admitted that nothing could justify the continuance of such an act but the necessity which originated it, and when that necessity ceased, it was due to the legislature and to the people of this country to repeal it forthwith. But in recommending this repeal, it was not that his majesty's ministers considered there was an absence of all disposition to disturb the public peace: that was far from being the case; there was a sufficient number of daring and unprincipled individuals, both in and out of the metropolis, who were ready to seize every opportunity of exciting and continuing disaffection and tumult. But the mere existence of bad men ready to excite and promote confusion, was not of itself a sufficient reason for suspending one of the great bulwarks of our constitution, unless those men had also the power of carrying their designs into execution. That they possessed that power last year was admitted by the vote of their lordships, and the bill they had passed; but the means of evil in the hands of these men were so abated, that the means of reducing them ought also to be left to

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the power of the law and the magistracy of the country. He should not detain their lordships any longer. It was the intention of the Prince Regent to lay before their lordships papers touching the internal state of the country. It would be for their lordships to decide how they should be disposed of. Many opportunities would arise, in the course of the session, of discussing the measures lately resorted to by the government, and on the propriety of those measures he was ready to state his unshaken conviction.
The bill was then read a second time, the commitment negatived, and the bill ordered to be engrossed. The engrossed bill was brought into the House almost immediately. It was then read a third time, passed, and ordered to be sent to the Commons.