Sitting of 22 May 1815

PRINCE REGENT'S MESSAGE RELATING TO FRANCE.
Lord Castlereaghappeared, at the bar of the House with a Message from his royal highness the Prince Regent, which being brought up, the Speaker proceeded to read it to the House as follows:
GEORGE P. R.
"The Prince Regent, acting in the name and on the behalf of his Majesty, thinks it right to inform the House of Commons, that, in consequence of the events which have occurred in France, in direct contravention of the Treaties concluded at Paris in the course of last year, his Royal Highness has judged it necessary to enter into engagements with his Majesty's Allies for the purpose of forming such a concert as present circumstances indispensably require, and as may prevent the revival of a system which experience has proved to be incompatible with the peace and independence of the nations of Europe.
"The Prince Regent has directed copies of the Treaties which have been concluded to be laid before the House of Commons, and he confidently relies on the support of this House in all measures which, it may be necessary for him to
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adopt, in conjunction with his Majesty's Allies, against the common enemy at this important crisis."
Lord Castlereaghmoved, that his Royal Highness's Message be taken into consideration tomorrow.
Mr. Ponsonbyobjected to the day on which it was proposed to consider the Message brought down by the noble lord. He observed, that no instance had ever come to his knowledge, in which Parliament was called on to express its opinion, with respect to Treaties concluded with foreign Powers, at so short a notice. It was most unusual, except in cases of an unimportant nature, to ask of the House to express an opinion on a message from the throne, the very day after it had been brought down. It certainly was the custom and usage of Parliament to take messages into their consideration the day after they were delivered, when they related to ordinary occurrences, on which, from time to time, the Crown was pleased to communicate information to the House; but he believed that no instance could be adduced, in which treaties were laid before the House, by the command of the Crown—in consequence of which treaties they would probably be called on to vote large sums of money—where Parliament was required, on the succeeding day, to express a decided opinion. In a case of such extreme importance, more than twenty-four hours should be given for consideration. He could see no reason for this extraordinary precipation, but probably the noble lord could explain it. He had investigated the proceedings formerly adopted in similar cases, but he could find no instance in which Parliament was required, at so short a notice, to express its opinion. Impressed with these sentiments, he hoped the noble lord would allow further time for the consideration of the documents to which the Message referred.
Lord Castlereaghcontended, that it was entirely consonant to the practice of Parliament even on the most grave and important questions to vote an Address to a Message from the Crown the day subsequent to that Message being sent down. With respect to the subsidiary provision which the House would be called upon to make in consequence of the Treaties laid before it, that certainly would not come within the purview of the vote which it would be his duty to propose tomorrow. He should reserve that branch of the

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argument for a subsequent day. As to the general scope of the vote which he meant to propose, he trusted he should be able to satisfy the House, that he did not ask them for any opinion which they were not fully competent to give from the information before them; and he hoped, therefore, they would not think it necessary in this instance to depart from what had been the usual arragement, or hesitate to afford that cordial support to the Crown which the present momentous crisis demanded.
Mr. Ponsonbyreplied, that the House was distinctly to be called upon for an opinion with respect to certain Treaties which were to be laid before them only twenty-four hours previous to such a vote, and he certainly considered that interval too brief. In the case of the Crown declaring war, for example, and concluding treaties with other Powers in concurrence with whom the war was to be carried on, a communication would be made to that House, and all that the House would be called upon to do, would be barely to thank the Crown for the communication, but not, he apprehended, to come to any opinion immediately upon the nature of the Treaties, or the policy or justice of the war. He could mention one very strong instance in point. At the time when an application was made to the House for money to assist Holland, six or seven days passed before the House returned any answer to that application. In fact, he did not believe that the noble lord could produce a single instance where the opinion of Parliament was given so hastily as on the succeeding day, upon communications of the kind now under consideration. The noble lord said, the House were substantially in possession of all the information contained in the papers which were ordered to be communicated; but that was not the case. Our Government had annexed a Declaration to the Treaty of the 25th of March, which was sent to Vienna for the approbation of the Sovereigns there, and he was ignorant, for one, how that Declaration was received. There was another point which he wished to mention. He had observed from what passed in another place, that the papers relative to the overture made by France to this country were to be laid before the House that day. Those papers had been sent by the noble lord to Vienna, for the purpose of receiving the sentiments of the Allies upon them; and what their
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sentiments were he certainly did not know. It appeared to him, therefore, that there were solid and serious objections against bringing the House to an opinion so early as the ensuing day.
Lord Castlereaghsaid, that the vote which he intended to propose might be one of simple thanks for the Message from the Crown, or it might be one of a different description; but he was decidedly of opinion, that it would be more convenient to argue it tomorrow, than to go into it by anticipation, by discussing a question which was not now before them. With respect to the information which the right hon. gentleman seemed to think necessary before the House could exercise a sound judgment upon the subject, he had received the commands of the Prince Regent to lay before the House all the papers that could be necessary. Among those papers would be found a dispatch, from lord, Clancarty, communicating the manner in which the overture from Buonarparté to this country was received at Vienna, also the overture itself, and the judgment pronounced, upon it by the Allied Sovereigns. He trusted, therefore, that the right hon. gentleman and the House, when they had examined those papers, would be satisfied that every means had been afforded for enabling them to form a correct and decisive opinion.
Mr. Whitbreadsaid, that as an act of courtesy it might have been expected from the noble lord, that he would have given some hint as to the nature of the vote he meant to propose to the House tomorrow; but the whole strain of the noble lord's observations were, as usual, ambiguous; nor could he infer from the Message, which was equally ambiguous, whether the country, at this moment, was to be considered as in a state of war, or in that condition of armed peace in which it had been for some time past. Now, with regard to the papers in the hands of the noble lord, which he represented as containing the fullest information that could be required upon all the points connected with this important question, he had been informed, only a few hours since, that the noble lord was not in possession of the ratification of the Treaty by all the Allied Powers. Probably in the interval between his receiving that information, and the moment at which he was speaking, it might have arrived. He alluded to the ratification by Austria. If it

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had arrived, it was of course included among the papers ordered to be presented; but if it was not among them, it was surely an important omission. It might have been expected, also, in the fulness of that information which the noble lord had announced, to have found among those papers, a treaty or agreement, concluded at Vienna between the Allied Powers, and referred to in the very first article of the Treaty signed on the 25th of March, without which Treaty it would be impossible for the House to come to a thorough examination of the whole subject. He hoped the noble lord would inform the House whether that Treaty was among the papers, or whether it was one which could be communicated to Parliament.
Lord Castlereaghsaid, that he was disposed to give every information as to the course he intended to pursue, on the following day, which could be imparted, without drawing on, inconveniently and by anticipation, a discussion of the general question. He had no objection, therefore, to state, that the Address which he should propose would simply echo the sentiments of the Message, and give an assurance to his Royal Highness of the support of Parliament, in the measures which he might think it necessary to pursue, in concert with his Allies, and in virtue of the treaties concluded with them. But, in taking the sense of the House upon that Address, he did not mean to obtain from it any vote, pledging it to an approbation of the susidiary arrangements. The vote of tomorrow would be taken upon the broad principle embraced in the Message, that of opposing the pretensions of the common enemy, as hostile to the repose and security of Europe, without entering into any of the details comprehended in the subsidiary engagements, [The noble lord here sat down, when Mr. Whitbread reminded him that he had not replied to the other questions which he asked. Lord Castlereagh then continued.]—With respect to the Austrian ratification, it certainly had not been received, and of course was not yet exchanged; but the hon. member would see from the correspondence now laid upon the table, that the complete and unqualified assent of Austria had been given to all the stipulations of the Treaty, and the cause of its delay was merely ministerial, from certain formalities and ceremonies which were necessary before it could be expedited to
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this country. He considered it, however, in every respect to be as formal and authentic an instrument, as if the ratification had been regularly exchanged.
Mr. Whitbreadsaid, he supposed he might take it for granted that not the smallest doubt existed in the noble lord's mind as to the fact of the formal ratification of the Treaty by Austria, though it had not yet arrived—[Hear, hear! from lord Castlereagh]. He could not help remarking, however, how easily any little informalities were got over by the noble lord, when he was willing to communicate a document, and how insuperable they were if an informal instrument happened to be moved for by the opposite side of the House—[Hear, hear!]. He supposed there was as little doubt in the mind of the noble lord with respect to the other. Treaty concluded by the Allies, and which, as he before observed, was referred to in the first article of that of the 25th of March, though perhaps it had not yet been ratified. If, however, the noble lord, in the same spirit of conciliation, would consent to lay that unratified Treaty also before the House, or the substance of it at least, they would then be in possession of all the information which was necessary, as far as he was aware, to form a correct judgment; but if not, there would be this remarkable singularity in their proceedings; they would be called upon to approve a ratified Treaty, which commenced with giving its sanction to an unratified Treaty, and which unratified Treaty could not be exhibited either in toto or in substance to the House. Surely the noble lord might get over the difficulty in the one case as easily as he had in the other, and at least lay the substance of that Treaty upon the table. The noble lord had not satisfied him either as to the nature of the Address he meant to propose, or the vote he intended to move for. It was a very simple answer which he wished to obtain. He wished to know whether the Address would be considered as declaratory of the commencement of offensive war against France, or only as a preliminary proceeding authorizing offensive war whenever the Allied Powers should see fit to begin it?
Lord Castlereaghsaid, the hon. member was under a complete misconception as to the transactions at Vienna. If any treaty had been signed by the plenipotentiaries there, previously to the Treaty of

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the 25th of March, it might undoubtedly be in a condition fit to lay before Parliament, either in substance or formally; but, in point of fact, no such treaty had ever been signed there. The deliberations at Congress had cetainly proceeded, and the plenipotentiaries had signed a protocol of those proceedings, which was the only instrument referred to by the first article of the Treaty of the 25th of March. The engagements contracted by that instrument, were engagements of honour and good faith, and so far certainly they were binding upon the parties: but they were capable of revision if circumstances should require it, and were not considered as having that solemn character which belonged to a treaty formally signed, ratified, and exchanged. He could assure the hon. gentleman there was no treaty in existence signed at Vienna previously to the 25th of March, that could be submitted to Parliament. With respect to the explanation which he had given of the course be meant to pursue tomorrow, he stated that it was his intention to call upon the House to vote an Address supporting the Crown in those engagements it had contracted with its Allies, for the purpose of maintaining the cause of Europe in concert with them, against the efforts of the common enemy. That Address, therefore, might be considered as conducting to a state of hostilities against Buonaparté and those who adhered to him; but with regard to any particular instructions which might have been issued to our naval and military commanders, he trusted the hon. gentleman would feel that it was not now a proper time for offering any explanation upon that subject.
Mr. Whitbreadsaid, his question did not point to any such information. With respect to formalities, in reference to the Treaty, or arrangement, or whatever it might be called, entered into by the plenipotentiaries at Vienna, he would just read the first article of the Treaty signed on the 25th of March:—"The high contracting parties solemnly engage to unite the resources of their respective states, for the purpose of maintaining entire the conditions of the Treaty of peace, concluded at Paris on the 30th of May, 1814, as also the stipulations determined upon and signed at the Congress of Vienna, with a view to complete the dispositions of that Treaty," &c. Would not any common person reading those words, think that they referred to some stipulations
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which were binding and conclusive, and not to such as were still subject to revision and alteration? But the noble lord had now told the House, that the Allied Powers, in the exercise of those attributes which belonged to sovereigns, were still at liberty to change and modify those stipulations.
Mr. Tierneyobserved, that he understood the noble lord as intending to call upon the House to vote their approbation of the Treaties laid before them. If so, he must remark, that in the Treaty of the 25th of March there was a direct recognition of certain stipulations entered into and signed by the plenipotentiaries at Vienna. Now, how was it possible for the House to approve of a Treaty containing such a clause, without knowing to what it referred? If the noble lord would explain that circumstance in any way that should appear satisfactory to the House, he would be contented. There was another point also, upon which, perhaps, the noble lord would be candid enough to give some information; he meant, as to the amount of subsidy which it was intended to propose.
Lord Castlereaghreplied, that with respect to the latter question of the right hon. gentleman, he would find an answer to it in the Papers about to be laid upon the table; and as to the others, he apprehended he had already given a more precise notice of his motion than was customary. Any further explanation of it would be, he conceived, not only unusual, but derogatory to the character and practice of Parliament. It could only tend to force on the question prematurely.
Mr. Tierneysaid, he was not endeavouring to force on a, discussion. He only wished to know upon what grounds the proceedings of tomorrow were to stand?
Lord Castlereaghreplied, that he had most distinctly stated, that it was not his intention to call upon the House for any, opinion on the Treaties submitted to it, but merely to a general assurance of their support in the war which was likely to ensue.
Mr. Tierneysaid, that now they were told they were only to return an answer to the Message, setting aside both the subsidiary Treaties and the Treaty of the 25th of March. Would the noble lord be pleased to explain himself in one word—without any parenthesis? [A laugh!]
Lord Castlereaghreturned no answer; and the question was accordingly put, and carried in the affirmative.

TREATIES WITH THE ALLIES SIGNED AT VIENNA, 25TH MARCH 1815.
Lord Castlereaghpresented to the House, by command of the Prince Regent, Copies of the Treaties between his Britannic Majesty, the Emperor of Russia, and the King of Prussia, signed at Vienna, 25th March 1815. The following is a Copy of the

TREATY BETWEEN HIS BRITANNIC MAJESTY AND HIS MAJESTY THE EMPEROR OF ALL THE RUSSIAS, SIGNED AT VIENNA, 25TH MARCH, 1815.
In the name of the most holy and undivided Trinity.
His Majesty the King of the United Kingdom of Great Britain and Ireland, and his Majesty the Emperor of all the Russias, having taken into consideration the consequences which the invasion of France by Napoleon Buonaparté, and the actual situation of that kingdom, may produce with respect to the safety of Europe; have resolved, in conjunction with his Majesty the Emperor of Austria, King of Hungary and Bohemia, and his Majesty the King of Prussia, to apply to that important circumstance the principles consecrated by the Treaty of Chautmont.
They have consequently resolved to renew, by a solemn Treaty signed separately by each of the four Powers with each of the three others, the engagement to preserve against every attack, the order of things so happily established in Europe, and to determine upon the most effectual means of fulfilling that engagement, as well as of giving it all the extension which the present circumstances so imperiously call for.
For that purpose his Majesty the King of the United Kingdom of Great Britain and Ireland has named, to discuss, conclude, and sign the conditions of the present Treaty with his Majesty the Emperor of all the Russias, Arthur Wellesley, Duke, Marquis, and Earl of Wellington, Marquis Douro, Viscount Wellington of Talavera and of Wellington, and Baron Douro of Wellesley, a Peer of the Parliament of the United Kingdom of Great Britain and Ireland, and one of his Britannic Majesty's most honourable Privy Council, Field Marshal of his Forces, Colonel of the Royal Regiment of Horse Guards, Knight of the most noble Order of the Garter, and Grand Cross of the most noble Military Order of the Bath, Duke of Ciudad Rodrigo, a Grandee of Spain of the First Class, Duke of Vittoria, Marquis
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of Torres Vedras and Count of Vimiera in Portugal, Knight of the most illustrious Order of the Golden Fleece of Spain, of the Military Order of St. Ferdinand, Grand Cross of the Imperial Military Order of Maria Theresa, of the Imperial Russian Order of St. George, of the Portuguese Order of the Tower and Sword, of the Swedish Order of the Sword, his Britannic Majesty's Ambassador Extraordinary and Plenipotentiary to the Most Christian King, and his First Plenipotentiary to the Congress at Vienna: and his Majesty the Emperor of all the Russias having appointed on his part, the Sieur Andrew Count Rasoumoffsky, his actual Privy Councillor, Knight of the Orders of St. Andrew, and of St. Alexander Newsky, Grand Cross of that of St. Wolodimir of the First Class; and the Sieur Charles Robert Count de Nesselrode, his Privy Councillor, actual Chamberlain, Secretary of State, Knight of the Order of St. Alexander Newsky, Grand Cross of that of St. Wolodimir of the Second Class, Knight of the Supreme Order of the Annunciation, Grand Cross of Leopold of Austria, of the Red Eagle of Russia, of the Polar Star of Sweden, and of the Golden Cross of Wurtemberg.
Art.1. The High Contracting Parties above mentioned, solemnly engage to unite the resources of their respective States for the purpose of maintaining entire the conditions of the Treaty of Peace concluded at Paris the 30th of May, 1814; as also, the stipulations determined upon and signed at the Congress of Vienna, with the view to complete the dispositions of that Treaty, to preserve them against all infringement, and particularly against the designs of Napoleon Buonaparté. For this purpose they engage, in the spirit of the Declaration of the 13th of March last, to direct, in common and with one accord, should the case require it, all their efforts against him, and against all those who should already have joined his faction, or shall hereafter join it, in order to force him to desist from his projects, and to render him unable to disturb in future the tranquillity of Europe, and the general Peace, under the protection of which the rights, the liberty, and independence of nations had been recently placed and secured.
Art.2. Although the means destined for the attainment of so great and salutary an object, ought not to be subjected to limitation, and although the High Con-

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tracting Parties are resolved to devote thereto all those means which, in their respective situations, they are enabled to dispose of, they have nevertheless agreed to keep constantly in the field, each, a force of 150,000 men complete, including cavalry in the proportion of at least, one tenth, and a just proportion of artillery, not reckoning garrisons; and to employ the same actively and conjointly against the common enemy
Art. 3. The High Contracting Parties reciprocally engage not to lay down their arms but by common consent, nor before the object of the war, designated in the first Article of the present Treaty, shall have been attained; nor until Buonaparté shall have been rendered absolutely unable to create disturbance, and to renew his attempts for possessing himself of the supreme power in France.
Art. 4. The present Treaty being principally applicable to the present circumstances, the stipulations of the Treaty of Chaumont, and particularly those contained in the 16th Article of the same, shall be again in force, as soon as the object actually in view shall have been attained.
Art. 5. Whatever relates to the combined armies, to supplies, &c. shall be regulated by a particular Convention.
Art. 6. The High Contracting Parties shall be allowed respectively to accredit to the generals commanding their armies, officers, who shall have the liberty of corresponding with their governments, for the purpose of giving information of military events, and of every thing relating to the operations of the armies.
Art. 7. The engagements entered into by the present Treaty, having for their object the maintenance of the general peace, the High Contracting Parties agree to invite all the Powers of Europe to accede to the same.
Art. 8. The present Treaty having no other end in view but to support France, or any other country which may be invaded, against the enterprizes of Buonaparté and his adherents, his Most Christian Majesty shall be specially invited to accede hereunto; and, in the event of his Majesty's requiring the forces stipulated in the second Article, to make known what assistance circumstances will allow him to bring forward in the furtherance of the object of the present Treaty.
Art. 9. The present Treaty shall be ratified, and the ratifications exchanged
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in two months, or sooner if possible.—In faith whereof, the respective plenipotentiaries have signed it, and affixed hereto the impression of their arms.
Done at Vicuna, the 25th of March, 1815.
WELLINGTON.
LE COMTE DE RASOUMOFFSKY.
LE COMTE DE NESSELRODE.

SEPARATE AND ADDITIONAL ARTICLE.
As circumstances might prevent his Majesty the King of the United Kingdom of Great Britain and Ireland from keeping constantly in the field the number of troops specified in the second Article, it is agreed, that his Britannic Majesty shall have the option, either of furnishing his contingent in men, or of paying at the rate of 30 l. sterling per annum for each, cavalry soldier, and 20 l. per annum for each infantry soldier, that may be wanting to complete the number stipulated in the second Article.
The present additional and separate Article shall have the same force and effect as if it were inserted word for word in the Treaty of this day. It shall be ratified, and the ratifications shall be exchanged at the same time.
In faith whereof, the respective plenipotentiaries have signed it, and have affixed thereto the impression of their arms.
Done at Vienna, the 25th of March, 1815.
WELLINGTON.
LE COMTE DE RASOUMOFFSKY.
LE COMTE DE NESSELRODE.

DECLARATION.
The undersigned, on the exchange of the ratifications of the Treaty of the 25th of March last, on the part of his Court, is hereby commanded to declare, that the eighth Article of the said Treaty, wherein his Most Christian Majesty is invited to accede, under certain stipulations, is to be understood as binding the Contracting Parties, upon principles of mutual security, to a common effort against the power of Napoleon Buonaparté, in pursuance of the third Article of the said Treaty; but is not to be understood as binding his Britannic Majesty to prosecute the war, with a view of imposing upon France any particular government.
However solicitous the Prince Regent must be to see his Most Christian Majesty restored to the throne, and however

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anxious he is to contribute, in conjunction with his Allies, to so auspicious an event; he nevertheless deems himself called upon to make this Declaration, on the exchange of the Ratifications, as well in consideration of what is due to his Most Christian Majesty's interests in France, as in conformity to the principles upon which the British Government has invariably regulated its conduct.
(Signed) CASTLEREAGH.
Foreign Office, May 18, 1815.
ADDITIONAL CONVENTION (concluded at Vienna, April 30, 1815) to the Treaty between his Britannic Majesty and his Majesty the Emperor of all the Russias.
Signed March 25, 1815.
His Majesty the King of the United Kingdom of Great Britain and Ireland, and his Majesty the Emperor of all the Russias, having agreed by common consent to regulate, by means of a particular Convention, which shall be added in the form of an Additional Article to the Treaty concluded at Vienna the 25th of March, the arrangements which have been judged necessary to give to the stipulations of the said Treaty all the effect requisite for the attainment of the great and noble end which their said Majesties have proposed to pursue, have named, in order to discuss, settle, and sign the conditions of the present Convention, his Majesty the King of Great Britain and Ireland, the right hon. Richard Le Poer Trench, Earl of Clancarty, Viscount Dunlo, Baron Kilconnel, one of his Majesty's most honourable Privy Council in Great Britain and also in Ireland, President of the Committee of Privy Council for the Affairs of Trade and Plantations, Joint Postmaster-General in Great Britain, Colonel of the Galway regiment of militia, Knight Grand Cross of the most honourable Order of the Bath, and one of his Majesty's Plenipotentiaries at the Congress: and his Majesty the Emperor of all the Russias, Andrew Count Rasoumoffsky, his Privy Counsellor, Knight of the Orders of St. Andrew, and of St. Alexander Newsky, Grand Cross of that of St. Wlodimir of the First Class, and his Plenipotentiary at the Congress; and Charles Robert Count of Nesselrode, his Privy Counsellor, Chamberlain, Secretary of State, Knight of the Orders of St. Alexander Newsky, Grand Cross of that of St. Wlodimir of the Second Class, Knight of the Supreme Order de I' Annonciade, Grand Cross of the Order of Leopold
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of Austria, of the Red Eagle of Prussia, the Polar Star of Sweden, and of the Golden Eagle of Wurtemburg, and his Plenipotentiary at the Congress: who, after having exchanged their full powers, found to be in due and proper form, have agreed upon the following
Article—His Britannic Majesty engages to furnish a subsidy of five millions sterling, for the service of the year ending on the 1st of April, 1816, to be divided in equal proportions amongst the three Powers, namely, between his Majesty the Emperor of all the Russias, his Majesty the Emperor of Austria, King of Hungary and of Bohemia, and his Majesty the King of Prussia. The subsidy above stipulated of five millions sterling, shall be paid in London by monthly instalments and in equal proportions, to the ministers of the respective Powers, duly authorized to receive the same. The first payment thereof to become due on the first day of May next, and to be made immediately upon the exchange of the ratifications of this present additional conventions. In case peace should take place, or be signed between the Allied-Powers and France, before the expiration of the said year, this subsidy calculated upon the scale of five millions sterling, shall be paid up to the end of the month, in which the Definitive Treaty shall have been signed; and his Britannic Majesty promises in addition, to pay to Russia four months, and to Austria and to Prussia two months over and above the stipulated subsidy, to cover the expenses. of the return of their troops within their own frontiers.
The present additional Convention shall have the same force and effect as if it were inserted word for word in the Treaty of the 25th of March.
It shall be ratified, and the ratifications shall be exchanged as soon as possible.
In faith of which the respective Plenipotentiaries have signed it, and have affixed thereunto the seals of their arms.
Done at Vienna, this 30th day of April, in the year of our Lord, 1815.
CLANCARTY.
LE COMTE DE RASOUMOFFSKY.
LE COMTE DE NESSELRODE.
[The Treaty with the King of Prussia is couched in the same terms as the above, and is signed "Wellington, Le Prince de Hardenbergh, Le Baron de Humboldt:" the Additional Convention is signed, "Clancarty, Le Prince de Hardenbergh, Le Baron de Humboldt."]

OVERTURE FROM BUONAPARTE.
Lord Castlereaghpresented the following Papers to the House by command of the Prince Regent:
No. 1. Letter from M. de Caulaincourt to viscount Castlereagh, dated Paris, April 4, 1815.
My Lord;—The expectations which induced his Majesty the Emperor, my august Sovereign, to submit to the greatest sacrifices, have not been fulfilled; France has not received the price of the devotion of its Monarch: her hopes have been lamentably deceived. After some months of painful restraint, her sentiments, concealed with regret, have at length manifested themselves in an extraordinary manner: by an universal and spontaneous impulse, she has declared as her deliverer, the man, from whom alone she can expect the guarantee of her liberties and independence. The Emperor has appeared, the Royal Throne has fallen, and the Bourbon Family have quitted our territory, without one drop of blood having been shed for their defence. Borne upon the arms of his people, his Majesty has traversed France, from the point of the coast at which he at first touched the ground, as far as the centre of his capital, even to that residence which is now again, as are all French hearts, filled with our dearest remembrances. No obstacles have delayed his Majesty's triumphal progress: from the instant of his re-landing upon French ground, he resumed the government of his Empire. Scarcely does his first reign appear to have been for an instant interrupted. Every generous passion, every liberal thought, has rallied around him; never did any nation present a spectacle of more awful unanimity.
The report of this great event will have reached your lordship. I am commanded to announce it to you, in the name of the Emperor, and to request you will convey this Declaration to the knowledge of his Majesty the King of Great Britain, your august Master.
This restoration of the Emperor to the throne of France is for him the most brilliant of his triumphs. His Majesty prides himself, above all, on the reflection that he owes it entirely to the love of the French people; and he has no other wish, than to repay such affections no longer by the trophies of vain ambition, but by all the advantages of an honourable repose, and by all the blessings of a happy tran-
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quillity. It is to the duration of peace that the Emperor looks forward for the accomplishment of his noblest intentions. With a disposition to respect the rights of other nations, his Majesty has the pleasing hope, that those of the French nation will remain inviolate.
The maintenance of this precious deposit is the first, as it is the dearest of his duties. The quiet of the world is for a long time assured, if all the other Sovereigns are disposed, as his Majesty is, to make their honour consist in the preservation of peace, by placing peace under the safeguard of honour.
Such are, my lord, the sentiments with which his Majesty is sincerely animated, and which he has commanded me to make known to your Government. I have the honour, &c.
CAULAINCOURT, Duc de VICENCE.
No.2. Letter from M. Caulaincourt to viscount Castlereagh, dated Paris, April 4, 1815.
My Lord;—The Emperor was anxious to express directly to his royal highness the Prince Regent, the sentiments which inspire him, and to make known to him the high value which he places on the maintenance of the peace happily existing between the two countries. I am commanded, in consequence, my lord, to address to you the annexed letter, and to beg your excellency to present it to his Royal Highness.
The first wish of the Emperor being, that the repose of Europe should remain inviolate, his Majesty has been anxious to manifest this disposition to the Sovereigns who are still assembled at Vienna, and to all other Sovereigns. I have the honour to be, &c.
CAULAINCOURT, Duc de VICENCE.
No. III. Letter from Viscouut Castlereagh to M. Caulaincourt.
Downing-street, April 8, 1815.
Sir—I have been honoured with two letters from your excellency bearing date the 4th instant from Paris, one of them covering a letter addressed to his royal highness the Prince Regent.
I am to acquaint your excellency, that the Prince Regent has declined receiving the letter addressed to him; and has, at the same time, given me his orders to transmit the letters addressed by your excellency to me, to Vienna, for the information and consideration of the Allied Sovereigns and plenipotentiaries there assembled. I am, &c CASTLEREAGH.

CORRESPONDENCE ON ALLIANCE AGAINST FRANCE.
Lord Castlereaghalso presented, by command of the Prince Regent, the following

CORRESPONDENCE ON ALLIANCE AGAINST FRANCE.
No. I. Viscount Castlereagh to the Earl of Clancarty, dated Foreign Office, 8th of April, 1815.
My lord—I herewith enclose a copy of an overture this day received from M. de Caulaincourt, with the answer returned. You will communicate the same to the Allied Sovereigns and plenipotentiaries at Vienna, for their information.—I have the honour to be, &c.
(Signed) CASTLEREAGH.
No. II. The Earl of Clancarty to Viscount Castlereagh.
Vienna, May 6, 1816.
My lord—Adverting to your lordship's dispatch, No. 3, and to its several enclosures, conveying a proposal made by the existing Government in France, and your lordship's answer thereto, I have the honour to acquaint you, for the information of his Majesty's Government, that, at a conference held on the 3d instant, his highness Prince Metternich acquainted us, that a M. de Strassant, who had been stopped, on his way hither, at Lintz, from Hot having been furnished with proper passports, had addressed a letter to his Imperial Majesty, and therewith forwarded some unopened letters which the Emperor had directed him to unseal in the presence of the plenipotentiaries of the Allied Powers.
These proved to be, a letter from Buonaparté, addressed to his Majesty, professing a desire to continue at peace, to observe the stipulations of the Treaty of Paris, &c, and a letter from M. de Caulaincourt to Prince Metternich, containing similar professions.
After reading these papers, it was considered whether any, and what answer should be made thereto, when the general opinion appeared to be, that none should be returned, and no notice whatever taken of the proposal.
Upon this, as indeed upon all other occasions subsequent to the resumption of authority by Buonaparté, wherein the present state of the Continental Powers, with regard to France, has come under discussion, but one opinion has appeared to direct the councils of the several Sove-
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reigns. They adhere, and from the commencement have never ceased to adhere, to their declaration of the 13th of March, with respect to the actual ruler of France. They are in a state of hostility with him and his adherents, not from choice, but from necessity, because past experience has shown, that no faith has been kept by him, and that no reliance can be placed on the professions of one who has hitherto no longer regarded the most solemn compacts, than as it may have suited his own convenience to observe them—whose word, the only assurance he can afford for his peaceable disposition, is not less in direct, opposition to the tenour of his former life, than it is to the military position in which he is actually placed. They feel that they should neither perform their duty to themselves, or to the people committed by Providence to their charge, if they were now to listen to those professions of a desire for peace which have been made, and suffer themselves thus to be lulled into the supposition that they might now relieve their people from the burthen of supporting immense military masses, by diminishing their forces to a peace establishment, convinced as the several Sovereigns are, from past experience, that no sooner should they have been disarmed, than advantage would be taken of their want of preparation, to renew those scenes of aggression and bloodshed, from which they had hoped that the peace so gloriously won at Paris would long have secured them.
They are at war, then, for the purpose of obtaining some security for their own independence, and for the re-conquest of that peace and permanent tranquillity, for which the world has so long panted. They are not even at war for the greater or less proportion of security which France can afford them of future tranquillity, but because France, under its present chief, is unable to afford them any security whatever.
In this war, they do not desire to interfere with any legitimate right of the French people; they have no design to oppose the claim of that nation to choose their own form of government, or intention to trench, in any respect, upon their independence as a great and free people: but they do think they have a right, and that of the highest nature, to contend against the re-establishment of an individual, as the head of the French government, whose past conduct has invariably

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demonstrated, that in such a situation he will not suffer other nations to beat peace—whose restless ambition, whose thirst for foreign conquest, and whose disregard for the rights and independence of other states, must expose the whole of Europe to renewed scenes of plunder and devastation.
However general the feelings of the Sovereigns may be in favour of the restoration of the King, they no otherwise seek to influence the proceedings of the French in the choice of this or of any other dynasty, or form of government, than may be essential to the safety and permanent tranquillity of the rest of Europe: such reasonable security being afforded by France in this respect, as other states have a legitimate right to claim in their own defence, their object will be satisfied; and they shall joyfully return to that state of peace, which will then, and then only be open to them, and lay down those arms which they have only taken up for the purpose of acquiring that tranquillity so eagerly desired by them on the part of their respective empires.
Such, my lord, are the general sentiments of the Sovereigns and of their ministers here assembled; and it should seem, that the glorious forbearance observed by them, when masters of the French capital in the early part of the last year, ought to prove to the French that this is not a war against their freedom and independence, or excited by any spirit of ambition, or desire of conquest, but one arising out of necessity, urged on the principles of self-preservation, and founded on that legitimate and incontrovertible right of obtaining reasonable security for their own tranquillity and independence—to which, if France has on her part a claim, other nations have an equal title to claim at the hands of France.
I this day laid before the plenipotentiaries of the three Allied Powers in conference, the Note proposed to be delivered upon the exchange of the ratifications of the Treaty of the 25th March. After the opinions which I have detailed as those with which the Allied Sovereigns are impressed, with respect to the object of the war, it is scarcely necessary for me to add, that the explanation afforded in this Note, as the construction put by his royal highness the Prince Regent on the eighth Article of that Treaty, was favourably received. Immediate instructions will
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consequently be issued to the ambassadors of the imperial courts of Austria and Russia, and to the minister of his Prussian Majesty, to accept of this note on the exchange of the ratifications of the Treaty in question.
In order to be assured that I have advanced nothing in this dispatch, which does not accord with the views of the Cabinets of the Allied Sovereigns, I have acquainted the plenipotentiaries of the High Allied Powers with the contents thereof, and have the honour to inform you, that the sentiments contained in it entirely coincide with those of their respective Courts.—I have the honour to be, &c.(Signed) CLANCARTY.

STAMP DUTIES.
The Chancellor of the Exchequermoved the order of the day for the further consideration of the report of the New Stamp-duties.
Mr. Grenfellinquired whether any, and what composition had been made with the Bank, for the privilege they enjoyed of issuing notes without any stamp whatever?
The Chancellor of the Exchequersaid, that a negociation had been entered into on this point, but that no specific arrangement had as yet been made.
Lord Lascelleshoped the right hon. gentleman did not mean, without mature consideration, to persist in the proposed scale of Stamp-duties. Some of them, he thought, would rather injure than benefit the revenue. He conceived the additional duty on advertisements to be of that description.
The Chancellor of the Exchequersaid, that, with respect to the branch of Stamp-duties to which the noble lord alluded, as well as some others, which he had not yet been able to investigate with sufficient attention, he did not mean to bring them forward on the present occasion. There were several other points connected with, the Stamp-duties, to which he intended to propose a number of verbal amendments. If the House generally wished the consideration of this subject to be postponed, he would accede to their feeling; since he was sure the intermediate time would be usefully employed in the collection of information from without doors.
Sir M. W. Ridleythought the additional duty on advertisements would have an effect exactly contrary to what the right hon. gentleman seemed to expect.
Mr. J. P. Grantobserved, that the duty on law poceedings in Scotland, would do away all actions for small debts. The expense would be so great, that no person would originate an action in the Court of Session, unless for sums of great magnitude.
Mr. Hornerwas surprised that the right hon. gentleman should think of increasing the Stamp-duties on the law proceedings of Scotland, particularly as they were already so extremely heavy in that country.
Sir Romillydeclared, that the proposed increase would operate as a total denial of justice to the inhabitants of Scotland, where law proceedings were already so extremely expensive, and where, in particular, it should least be imposed. The effect would be to render litigation an instrument of vengeance in the hands of the rich to oppress the poor, as none but the opulent could support the weight of law-suits.
The Chancellor of the Exchequerspoke in a low tone of voice, but we understood him to recommend an assimilation of the Stamp-duties in Scotland with those of England.
Sir J. Newportdeprecated such a determination, which was not justified by the peculiar circumstances of the two countries.
Mr. J. P. Grantsaid, that from the nature of the law proceedings in Scotland differing essentially from those in England, an assimilation of the Stamp-duties would be an extreme hardship to the former. He therefore entreated the Chancellor of the Exchequer to postpone the consideration of the question, and inform himself, by means of the law officers of the crown, on the true state of the case.
Mr. Hornerdesired to know how the money to be derived from such a measure would be employed, and whether it was intended for the increase of the salaries of the law officers? He understood that the salary of the Lord Advocate of Scotland was lately raised to 3,000 l. per annum, and that of the Solicitor General for Scotland to 1,600 l.; he desired to know whether the report of such a misapplication of the public money was correct?
The Chancellor of the Exchequerreplied, that the report was correct, as the former salaries of those officers did not seem adequate.
The Report was ordered to be re-committed on Friday.

PRINCE REGENT'S MESSAGE RELATING TO FRANCE.
The Earl of Liverpoolpresented to the House a Message from the Prince Regent. The Message [for which see the proceedings of the Commons] was read by lord Ellenborough, who sat on the woolsack, and for the time acted for the Lord Chancellor, who was indisposed. The earl of Liverpool moved
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that the Message be taken into consideration tomorrow, and that the Lords be summoned.
Earl Greydid not rise to state objections at any length to the proposition which the noble earl had just made to their lordships. He still, however, notwithstanding all he had heard or seen on the subject, remained of opinion that before they were called upon to concur in an Address, founded on a treaty purporting to be made in support of certain stipulations and arrangements, they ought to know what those stipulations and arrangements were. This at present they did not know; and they were placed in this awkward predicament, that they must thus incidentally pledge the faith of the House to the approval and support of arrangements and stipulations of which they could know nothing. That, however, was not the point to which he now wished to call their lordships attention. He rose for the purpose of requesting the noble earl opposite to state precisely in what situation the country stood. Were we actually at war, or were we not? and in what light, with reference to the subject of war or peace, was the Message and the Address about to be moved in consequence to be regarded? He trusted the noble earl would not feel it inconsistent with his duty to give the desired explanation upon that head.
The Earl of Liverpoolsaid, that he was just on the point of presenting the treaties and other papers connected with this subject, when the noble earl spoke [his lordship then handed them in], and from these, he trusted, would be derived all the requisite information as to those points which they would be called upon to consider tomorrow: with respect to the matters touched upon by the noble earl who had just spoken, he did not conceive that the House, by the Address which he should, propose, would be at all pledged to the approval or support of the stipulations and arrangements to which the noble earl referred; for the question, whether their lordships would concur in such measures as it might be necessary to adopt against the common enemy, and a system proved by experience to be incompatible with the peace and independence of nations, was entirely distinct from the question, whether their lordships should approve or not of these arrangements and stipulations. He did not conceive, therefore, that the House would be at all pre-judged

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in that respect by agreeing to the Address which he proposed tomorrow to submit for their consideration. With regard to the question, in what situation was the country placed, were we at peace, or were we actually at war? he was perfectly ready to give the noble earl and their lordships such an explanation on that head as, he trusted, would be found satisfactory. If the noble earl wished to know whether hostilities had really commenced, that is, whether letters of marque had been issued and ships captured, or any blow had been actually struck, he had to answer, that in that sense hostilities had not yet actually commenced: but he should deceive the noble earl, and deceive the House, if he were not distinctly to avow, that this Message was brought down with a view to the commencement of hostilities against the system mentioned in the Message, as soon as it should be found expedient to do so. He was aware that the expediency of beginning the war at an earlier or later period might depend upon various circumstances; but as to the nature and object of the Message, it was certainly to be regarded as a war message; and in concurring in the Address which he should have the honour to propose tomorrow, their lordships would be understood to concur in the propriety of commencing hostilities in concert with our Allies against the system to which he had adverted, as soon as, in point of expediency, it might be judged proper to begin the war. This was undoubtedly the nature and purport of the Message, and he wished it to be so understood.
Earl Greyasked whether the treaty had been ratified by Austria.
The Earl of Liverpoolreplied, that it was not as yet ratified by that power; that the ratification had not yet arrived, but was every day expected. The noble earl would find, however, in one of the papers now laid on the table enough to show, that there could be no doubt as to the intention of Austria to ratify the Treaty.
The motion was then agreed to.

PROCEEDINGS OF THE CONGRESS AT VIENNA.
The Marquis of Buckinghamrose, pursuant to notice, to move an Address to the Prince Regent, praying that he would be graciously pleased to lay on the table copies of the stipulations and arrangements made at the Congress at Vienna, and mentioned in the Treaty of
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the 25th of March, as stipulations and arrangements which it was the object of the Allies, in the approaching contest with the present ruler of France, to support. In bringing forward this motion, it would be unnecessary for him to trouble their lordships at any length, because the grounds and propriety of his motion might be explained in a very few words. His motion rested upon these words in the 1st article of the Treaty of the 25th of March: "The High Contracting Parties solemnly engage to unite the resources of their respective states for the purpose of maintaining entire the conditions of the Treaty of Peace concluded at Paris, the 30th of May, 1814, as also the stipulations determined upon and signed at the Congress of Vienna, &c." The object, then, of the parties to this alliance for the purposes mentioned in the Treaty was to maintain entire the stipulations "determined upon and signed" at the Congress of Vienna. When, therefore, their lordships were called upon to concur in the measures necessary to give effect to a treaty having for its object the maintenance of these stipulations, they ought certainly to Know what these stipulations were. The stipulations in question were said to be concluded, to be determined upon, and signed; and if ratified, they were in, a state fit to be produced, and certainly ought to be produced, and approved by their lordships before they pledged themselves to maintain them. If they were not reduced into the form of a treaty, and were not ratified, and not in a state fit to be produced, then they ought not to have been mentioned in this Treaty at all. When their lordships were thus called upon by a side-wind, as it were, to approve of these stipulations, surely it was not too much to ask that the substance of them, should be communicated, or some explanation given which would at least afford some foundation for this method of proceeding. This, then, was the ground of his motion. In the predicament in which the House was placed, it was hardly possible for them to declare their approbation of the Treaty of the 25th of March, and the objects for which it was entered into, without at the same time pledging themselves to the approval of stipulations and arrangements of which they did not, and could not, regularly know any thing. He could, therefore, say nothing with respect to them. Admit that they were the most wise, the most politic, the most

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just and equitable that had ever been framed; still it was contrary to every idea of propriety to call upon their lordships to approve of that of which they could regularly know nothing. With these few observations he should leave the matter for their lordships consideration, reserving to himself the liberty to make such a reply as he might think proper to the answer which might be given by the noble earl opposite. He confessed he did not see, however, how any satisfactory explanation could be given on the subject.
The Earl of Liverpoolshould, he believed, give such an explanation as would, he trusted, be satisfactory even to the noble marquis himself. He might have occasion tomorrow to go more at large into this subject; but still he could not suffer the present opportunity to pass without saying a few words on the point. The address which he should propose would not, as he had before stated, in the least compromise the opinion of the House with respect to the stipulations and arrangements made at the Congress of Vienna. Neither to those which had been concluded, nor to those which were in the course of being determined upon, would the House be in the least pledged. The object of the present Message and Address was totally distinct from any question that might arise on the subject of those stipulations and arrangements, which stood exactly on the same footing as they would have done if the unfortunate events which had given occasion to this Treaty had never arisen. Whether those arrangements were wise or the contrary—whether they were right or wrong—politic or impolitic—was nothing at all to the present question. He should be ready to show, when the proper time arrived, that they were in every respect wise and politic, and well calculated to preserve the peace and independence of nations. But his argument was, that this was not the proper time to enter into that subject, because those arrangements and stipulations had not as yet been reduced into the form of a treaty. Some of the proposed arrangements had not been finished, and none of them had been the subject of regular ratification. They were not, therefore, in a state fit to be laid before their lordships, and the House could not be called upon to give any judgment respecting them. The address would steer clear of that question altogether. It
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would only call upon their lordships to concur in such measures as might be necessary to prevent the revival of that system which experience had shown to be incompatible with the independence and peace of nations. What had that to do with the arrangements made at the Congress? Nothing. It would be an object equally necessary to be attended to, whatever those arrangements might be; and their lordships might be assured, that all those stipulations would be considered as completely open to animadversion, notwithstanding the concurrence of their lordships in this Address. Under these circumstances, he could not perceive what advantage could be gained by this motion of the noble marquis, and he trusted the noble marquis himself would see the expediency of withdrawing it. At any rate he was satisfied it was not a motion to which their lordships could, at the present moment, think of giving their concurrence.
The Marquis of Buckinghamthought the answer of the noble earl insufficient and unsatisfactory. Their lordships would observe, that it was expressly stated in the first article of the Treaty upon which the Address must, in a great measure, be founded, that the object of the contracting parties was to maintain entire the stipulations concluded and signed at the Congress of Vienna. Why, then, when they were called upon to concur in that address, was it not by a side wind to procure their lordships approbation of arrangements and stipulations, of the nature of which they were and must be ignorant, since they could not be regularly considered as knowing any thing about them till they were laid before them? If the sole object of the Address were to pledge their lordships to take the requisite measures to prevent the revival of a system proved by experience to be incompatible with the independence and peace of nations, perhaps there would not be a shadow of difference between him and the noble earl; but from the way in which the matter was managed, he could not well conceive how they could concur in the address, without giving by a side wind their approbation to arrangements with which they were unacquainted. It was far from his wish to delay the discussion of the main subject of the Message and the proposed Address, for he agreed that it had perhaps been already too long delayed: but, surely, in the predicament in

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which the House was placed, it was not too much to expect that some explanation as to those arrangements, some statement of the general nature of the stipulations, should be given, before they were thus, by implication at least, called upon to approve of them. Still, however, if it was to be understood on all hands that their lordships, by a concurrence in the Address, were not to be understood as at all pledging themselves on the subject of those stipulations and arrrangements, he was disposed not to press his motion: with this understanding, that no such pledge was to be called for, or was considered to be given either directly or indirectly, he should, with their lordships leave, withdraw it.
Earl Greysaid, he must confess be was still very little satisfied, with the explanation given by the noble earl on the subject of his noble friend's motion. If the stipulations and arrangements in question were not in a state fit to be produced—if they were not regularly ratified so as to bring them in the regular course to the notice of their lordships—why were they inserted in the present Treaty at all? As matters now stood, when they came tomorrow to discuss and decide upon a question, the perilous magnitude of which he almost trembled to think upon, it would hardly be possible not at the same time to take into consideration the subject of those arrangements and stipulations which were mentioned as a constituent part and object of the present Treaty; and though it was state that they were not regularly ratified and not in a state fit to be produced so as to enable their lordships to examine and decide upon them, yet as they were mentioned generally in the Treaty of the 25th of March, their lordships would be called upon indirectly to approve of them, though it was admitted that they could know nothing of them. But there was another most important view in which the information now required was essentially necessary. The noble earl bad stated, that the arrangements had no connexion with, and would not at all affect the question to be submitted for consideration tomorrow: But might they not affect the question as to the expediency of commencing hostilities? Might they not, to a fearful extent, affect the chances of success? If those arrangements and stipulations were in themselves just and equitable, and agreeable to those states whom they more especially affected, and
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satisfactory to the nations of Europe in general, would not this be a most material consideration, when they came to discuss the proposed Address, with a view to the chances of success, and the consequent expediency of thus embarking in a new war? The prospect of success must materially depend upon the cordial concurrence and support of all the Powers who were to engage in so perilous an undertaking: and was it not fitting, therefore, that their lordships should know something now of the nature, extent, and principle of those arrangements, which might, perhaps, bear so directly and powerfully upon the strength and efficiency of the means by which it was proposed to accomplish the object which now distinctly appeared to be in view? Was it not of essential consequence, when their lordships were to be called upon to concur in the propriety of entering into a new war, that they should know whether those arrangements were such as to inspire general confidence, and give strength and energy to their cause and their measures; or whether they were such as would form a source of disunion, apathy, and weakness? How could their lordships know at present, whether the stipulations mentioned; in the Treaty were such as promised cordial co-operation and success, or such as portended division and failure? And yet this was a question of the first importance in considering the expediency of commencing hostilities. There was another subject, too, with respect to which it was proper for their lordships to have some information before they came to discuss the question of tomorrow, and which he would advert to, before he sat down, that he might not again be under the necessity of addressing their lordships at this time. He had on their last day of meeting called their lordships attention to that part of the Treaty which provided that Louis the 18th should be invited to accede to it, and he had asked, whether there was any formal act of accession; and if there was, he had stated that, in his opinion, it ought to be produced. He now again contended that some information on that head ought to be laid before their lordships, as that information might be of great importance in pointing out to the House the principle upon which they were proceeding. The production of this information he now considered as the more material on account of what he had seen in one of the papers this day. He had there read a

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manifesto of Louis 18th to the French nation, which contained this statement.
"The Powers assembled in Congress have done more. Their character, undoubtedly, and their magnanimity, known and admired by all the world, would forbid our imagining a more sacred security for their promise than their promise itself; but they have themselves conceived, that to this guarantee it might be fit to add another; that they could never sufficiently tranquillize the KING with regard to the future fate of his people, nor testify too much respect for the fidelity of the French nation under the sorrow that overwhelms it, and the hope-destroying inactivity to which it has been reduced. The Powers determined that the King's accession should be specially required to the new compact which they had recently concluded. Their Ambassadors laid before his Majesty all the communications respecting it. They presented to him, from their respective Sovereigns, new credentials, with a view to their being near the person of the only lawful Sovereign of France, wherever he might reside, and upon the verification of their powers they offered the new Treaty to his Majesty for his deliberation and his signature. Frenchmen! The King has deliberated, and he has signed it!"
These words appeared to indicate a determination to go to war fur the purpose of replacing Louis 18 on the throne of France; and if so, it was in direct contradiction to the declaration added on our part to the Treaty, and approved of by the Allies. It was desirable, too, that the powers of those ministers who were accredited to the Court of Louis 18, should be produced, that it might be seen what were the relations in which we stood with respect to that unfortunate Monarch. As to the paper to which the noble earl had referred him, on the subject of t he Austrian ratification, he did see enough there to lay a ground of hope, that the Treaty would be ratified by that Power; but he saw nothing to account for the delay which had taken place with respect to that ratification.
The Earl of Liverpoolcould only repeat what he had before said, that he considered the stipulations and arrangements at the Congress of Vienna as having nothing to do with the present question. Whether they were wise and politic, or the contrary, was for this purpose immaterial. Their lordships would, at the proper time, have full op-
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portunity to examine those arrangements. They were in the same state as that in which they would have been if this event had not happened. Some of the arrangements had been decided upon. Some were in progress. But none of them had been reduced into the form of a treaty; and he did not therefore consider it as at all necessary or proper to go into those matters in discussing the question which would be brought before their lordships tomorrow. There was nothing irregular or unusual in this course of proceeding. Their lordships would only be called upon to support those measures which were accessary to prevent the revival of a system destructive of the peace and independence of nations; and this was an object equally proper, whether the arrangements and stipulations at the Congress were right or wrong. The noble marquis had said, that they would be called upon by implication to vote their approbation of arrangements of which they knew nothing: but he contended, that no such vote could be implied by their concurrence in the address which he should propose, as the question in the two cases was entirely distinct. The noble earl who spoke last had contended, that the knowledge of the nature, extent, and principle of those arrangements might affect the expediency of pledging their lordships to the support of the object recommended in the Message. His answer was that the arrangements, whether right or wrong, had been adopted, and were not likely, in any material degree, to affect the question of expediency, as there could be no reasonable apprehension of disunion among the principal Powers on that ground. As to the invitation to Louis 18 to accede to the Treaty, he could only repeat what he had before stated, that there was no formal act of accession, and therefore none such could be produced. With respect to what the noble earl had stated as to the ambiguous nature of our relations with Louis 18, he saw no difficulty on that head. Our ministers were accredited to the Court of Louis 18. This was a notorious fact, which the Allies were far from being desirous to conceal. There was no ambiguity in the case which was plainly this: the Allies did not think themselves justified in attempting to impose any particular government on France, and disclaimed any such intention. Their object was to destroy that system which experience had proved to be incompatible with the peace and independence of na-

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tions, and there was nothing which appeared to them so likely to accomplish that object as the restoration of the legitimate sovereign to the throne of France. This restoration was, therefore, considered as a most desirable object by the Allies, and they openly avowed their wishes upon that head. They were anxious that Louis 18 should be restored to the French throne, and would co-operate within certain bounds for the attachment of that object, but without considering it incumbent upon them to insist upon that restoration as indispensable, provided the main object could be secured in another manner.
The Marquis of Buckinghamregretted extremely that any mention of these stipulations should have been introduced into the Treaty, so as to mix up two questions which ought to have been kept entirely distinct and separate. However, on the assurance that no pledge was to be required on the subject of the arrangements, he begged leave to withdraw his motion.
The motion was accordingly withdrawn.