Sitting of 28 June 1815

MOTION RESPECTING MR. MALLISON'S INVENTION.
Sir Francis Burdett,in pursuance of his notice, rose to call the attention of the House to the invention of Mr. Mallison, for preserving the lives of shipwrecked mariners. This subject, indeed, had been frequently before them, and he was quite at a loss to conceive on what grounds they could refuse to inquire into the expediency of adopting the invention. The Report of the Committee appointed to examine into the benefits to be produced by this invention had declared, that it would tend to save many valuable lives; and, indeed, it was obvious to him, that Mr. Mallison had applied the power of cork to a purpose more beneficial than was ever before known. If this were true, the House ought not to refuse to make him an adequate remuneration, particularly as large sums had been voted to other gentlemen for their inventions. Captain Manby and Lieutenant Bell had received considerable compensations for their services to the public, and there existed no reason whatever why Mr. Mallison should be neglected. His invention was not only useful to the navy, but also to the army, as it would tend to save men who were wrecked in transports at sea; and when it was considered that 19,000 men of all descriptions had pe-

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rished by shipwreck during the last year, no one, he thought, would question the expediency of adopting an invention which might save the lives of so many of his Majesty's subjects. The utility of the invention could not, he thought, be disputed, after the report of a committee of that House in its favour, and after the several testimonies from naval officers, as to its efficacy in saving seamen; some of which testimonies the hon. baronet read to the House, especially a letter from captain Harris, stating a case in which a boat's crew, employed to assist a transport which had got on the breakers, in the port of St. Audero, derived the utmost advantage from the use of Mr. Mallison's Seaman's Friend, while another boat's crew, which attempted to follow the former, was entirely lost. He therefore hoped, that as one committee had been appointed to examine into the facts, there would be no opposition to a committee to inquire into the expediency of carrying into execution Mr. Mallison's plan for saving the lives of seamen and others, whose lives might be endangered by shipwreck, and by the upsetting of boats. He concluded with moving, "That a Committee be appointed to inquire into the expediency of carrying into execution Mr. Mallison's plan of an institution for saving the lives of shipwrecked men, and men exposed to danger from boats upsetting."
Mr. Rosesaid, that the plan of Mr. Mallison had been tried in his presence, as a member of the committee to inquire into the merits of the invention; and his cork jackets did certainly serve to keep men afloat, who were incapable of swimming. But the cork jackets of Mr. Mallison proved to be really little more than the ordinary cork jackets. Yet Mr. Mallison had been rewarded for his invention, for be had been granted 100 l., which, in his opinion, was sufficient. As to the motion, the fact was, that whether it were agreed to or not was not material to the saving of life or property from shipwreck; because, if the invention of Mr. Mallison, as it was called, were really useful, it would reward itself, for it would be generally purchased; but it was no proof of the accuracy of the hon. baronet's information, that those cork jackets were not found to be much in demand among the mercantile officers or seamen, who would of course boy them, if assured of their utility. He did not wish to oppose a reward where any man was fairly entitled to it, espe-
[1020
cially where lives could be saved; but, in the present instance, he did not think that any farther remuneration was necessary.
Sir Joseph Yorkeridiculed the idea of those jackets affording any security for seamen belonging to a man of war. For unless every seaman were dressed in a cork jacket, how was one to be flung to Jack, if he fell overboard while the ship was going at the rate of five or six knots an hour? He believed the plan to be wholly destitute of that practical utility which could justify the House in acquiescing in the motion. The great and only merit of Mr. Mallison's invention appeared to be, to have proved that cork was of a light and floating nature.
Mr. Whitbreadsaid, that the committee had reported favourably of this invention; and as to the 100 l., it was given, not by way of reward, but to protect Mr. Mallison against the expenses of bringing witnesses before the committee. He thought it would be a very good thing, if a certain number of these cork jackets were on board every ship of war and merchant-vessel. With regard, however, to the invention of captain Manby, it was quite distinct from that of Mr. Mallison; and he should be glad to know what steps had been taken for rendering effectual captain Manby's plan. He had heard that, not-withstanding the utmost exertions made by that ingenious man, it had not been, carried to its full extent. Great advantages were to be derived from it, and he thought the inventor ought to be better rewarded.
Mr. Rosestated, that the Secretary for the Home department and the Admiralty, vied with each other in promoting the use of captain Manby's invention, and in consequence no less than 120 stations were already fixed upon where materials where to be placed, in readiness for the execution of this meritorious plan for saving the lives of seamen.
Mr. Bathurstbore testimony to the eagerness of Government to give every possible facility to captain Manby's plan.
Mr. Wynnhoped that no means would be neglected by his Majesty's ministers to bring that most beneficial invention into general use. Upwards of a hundred lives had already been saved by it. He thought, however, that some compensation should be given, not only to the men who lost their boats, but also to the families of such as perished in their exertions; for

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he believed that many were afraid, as the case now stood, of leaving their wives and children unprovided for.
Mr. Rosereplied, that the measure recommended by the hon. gentleman already formed part of the plan.
Sir Francis Burdettsaid, that a right hon. member had stated, that Mr. Mallison's plan could not be called an invention, on account of its great simplicity; but he should think, that that fact constituted its greatest merit. As to what had been mentioned respecting a compensation to the families of those who lost their lives under captain Manby's plan, he thought it would be a much cheaper and more beneficial measure to encourage a plan that would prevent their lives from being lost. The cork jacket was much more simple and useful, and many naval men had testified their approbation of it. Captain Harris, in a letter dated Spithead, 1814, had declared, that it perfectly answered all purposes; and he instanced a case where the crew of a boat, going to the relief of a transport, had been saved, while a boat belonging to another ship, which attempted to follow, was upset, and the whole of the lives lost, in consequence of the men not being clad in the jacket.
Mr. W. Smithsaid, that without going into the comparative merits of the two inventions, he thought that Mr. Mallison had, at least, the merit of great perseverance; and he most sincerely hoped that some public notice would be taken of his plan, in order that it might be brought into general use. If encouragement were afforded by the public boards, a great number of lives might be saved. Mr. Mallison had written him a letter on this subject, wherein he stated, that three sloops were recently lost, and almost all their crews perished, whose lives might have been saved by the use of his jacket.
Mr. Wilberforcewas happy to hear that rewards were given to those who risked their lives under captain Manby's plan, and hoped that Government would employ every exertion to carry it into complete effect.
The question was then called for, and the House divided:

For the Motion

27

Against it

92

Majority

—

65

PRINCE REGENT'S MESSAGE RESPECTING THE DUKE OF CUMBERLAND'S MARRIAGE.
Lord Castlereaghhaving moved that the
[1022
House should resolve itself into a committee to consider the Prince Regent's Message respecting the marriage of the duke of Cumberland, said, that in submitting to the Committee the motion which he should have the honour of proposing, he should not feel it necessary to trouble the House with many observations; for he could not conceive, under all the circumstances of the case, any grounds upon which it was likely to be opposed. He was aware, indeed, that in the present slate of the country, any proposition for throwing an additional burden upon it, might be received with extreme jealousy and reluctance; yet, consistently with the principle upon which Parliament had acted in similar cases, be could not imagine any wise ground of opposition. When any branch of the Royal Family married with the full consent of the Crown, which in this case had been obtained, he apprehended it had always been the course pursued by Parliament to make an, adequate provision for such branch, so as to enable it to support the expenses incident to that situation, and to secure a reasonable provision for the Princess who might happen to be the consort, in the event of surviving her husband. The principle on which that had always been done was one so simple and obvious, that if no prejudice prevailed, it would naturally suggest itself; for the House was aware, that the provision granted to the younger branches of the Royal Family, was calculated with a view to their having merely to support an establishment as unmarried individuals. With respect to the amount of provision already made by Parliament for those younger branches, the House knew that it amounted only to 18,000 l. a year, subject to the deductions for the Income Tax. It was evident, however, that if that sum was thought to be a liberal allowance for those illustrious individuals in their unmarried state, it could not be considered as an adequate one for maintaining with due splendour and dignity their rank and character when married. What he intended to propose, therefore, was that the sum of 6,000 l. per annum should be granted to their royal highnesses the Duke and Duchess of Cumberland, for their joint lives, and in the event of the Duchess of Cumberland surviving her husband, that she should enjoy the 6,000 l. as her dowry during the term of her natural life. He trusted the question was one so simple in itself that it did

1023]
not require the support of argument, because it rested upon a recognized principle, that the grant was necessary from the situation in which the illustrious Duke was placed. If some arrangement of that kind was not made, his income would not be adequate to his condition as a son of the King of Great Britain, and whose children might one day inherit the crown of England. He trusted the House would feel that the grant which he had proposed was taken upon as moderate a scale as possible; and he hoped it would be received in that spirit of attachment to the reigning Family which Parliament had always manifested upon similar occasions. The noble lord then moved,
"That it is the opinion of this committee, that his Majesty be enabled to grant a yearly sum of money out of the consolidated fund, not exceeding in the whole the sum of 6000 l. to take place and be computed from the 5th day of July, 1815, towards providing for the establishment of their royal highnesses the Duke and Duchess of Cumberland, and to be settled on her royal highness the Duchess of Cumberland, in case her royal highness should survive his royal highness the Duke of Cumberland."
Mr. Whitshed Keenesaid, that no man was more attached to a limited monarchy than himself, or more sensible of all the advantages enjoyed by those who lived under one; and in consequence of that attachment be was always ready to contribute whatever was really necessary for supporting the dignity of all the branches of that family by which limited monarchy in this country was upheld. He must say, however, that this did not appear to him an application to which Parliament ought to accede. The duke of Cumberland already possessed 18,000 l. a year; and that income, added to some peculiar privileges which he enjoyed, afforded him more means of liberal expenditure than 22 or 23,000 l. a year would to any other; and especially if the Royal Duke should reside abroad, it would be equal to 30,000 l. a year. He confessed that when he considered the number of claims which existed upon the liberality and bounty of this country, when be remembered how much misery had been created by the late glorious victory, and which the benevolence of Parliament might help to alleviate, he should feel more pleasure in voting four times the proposed sum for any of these purposes, than in granting the present
[1024
one to the duke of Cumberland. He felt every respect for the branches of the Royal family, and wished to see their dignity properly supported; but he really could not concur in this vole, for the reasons he had stated. The hon. member then adverted to the superior merits of the duke of Wellington as compared with those of the duke of Cumberland, and contended, that if the country had any money to spare, it should rather be given to augment his allowance, and to relieve the sufferings of his brave army and their relations.
Sir M. W. Ridleysaid, he would not yield to the noble lord, or to any man in the country, in the esteem and respect which he bore for every branch of the Royal family, nor was any one less inclined than himself to take from them whatever was necessary for the due maintenance of their splendour and domestic comfort; but in speaking his sentiments in that House without reserve, he apprehended he proved himself as great a friend to monarchy, as he should by giving a tacit vote upon, the subject. In his opinion, nothing came near to this question as a precedent except the marriage of the duke of York, which only bore to it a very remote analogy. On making a provision for the duke of York, a view was bad to the probability of the succession of his marriage, as the Prince of Wales entertained at that time no idea of marrying. But a material change had since occurred; and God forbid that the hopes and expectations of the loyal people of this country should not be realised in the princess Charlotte. With respect, however, to the marriage of the duke of Cumberland, it was not one which ought to be looked at in a national point of view, or which rendered it necessary on this ground for Parliament to step in to vote a grant for increasing the income of the parties. If their royal highnesses were to live in a foreign country, he could see no reason for any new grant to increase their allowance; but if they intended to reside, in this country, the matter would certainly be materially changed. As long as this illustrious person might choose to live abroad, there would be no ground for taking 6000 l. a year out of the pockets of the people. Certainly if their royal highnesses were to fix their permanent residence in this country, a due degree of splendour and magnificence would be desirable, and thus the grant would be

1025]
less objectionable. On the whole, however, under the present circumstances of the country, he was not inclined to agree to the Tote. The hon. baronet concluded with correcting a mistake in some reports of a few words which he had said on a preceding evening, and which represented him as having expressed his intention to oppose the motion that was about to be made for an additional vote of credit. He had no such intention, but had merely alluded to his intended opposition to the question now before the House.
The Chancellor of the Exchequercontended, that it was the custom of Parliament, upon the marriage of any branch of the Royal family, to provide the means of supporting the establishment incident to such a condition, with proper dignity and splendour; and indeed the House could not but be aware, that the support of the monarchy itself was intimately connected with enabling the Royal family to maintain that kind of splendour which was naturally expected from it, and which it would be an unwise economy on the part of that House to limit. The question, therefore, was, what sum would be necessary, on the present occasion, to enable his royal highness the duke of Cumberland to support that requisite splendour; and he thought his noble friend had fixed it upon as small a scale as was possible. The hon. baronet who spoke last had laid great stress upon the intelligence he had received, that their royal highnesses intended to reside abroad; but was it for that House to say that they should from necessity reside out of this country—to compel, by its parsimony, a branch of the Royal family so near in the succession to the crown, though certainly not likely to fill it, to banish himself as it were, to a foreign kingdom? Another supposition had been adverted to in the course of the debate, namely, that the proposed grant would interfere with the other supplies for the public service, or acts of becoming liberality; and certainly if he thought that were likely to happen, he should be induced to weigh with the most scrupulous accuracy which of the various cases was most urgent and necessary: but feeling as he did, that that House would not stint any branch of the public service, nor withhold any becoming liberality, he could not but consider the present among those claims that ought to be complied with.
Mr. Whitshed Keeneexplained. He was of opinion, that public services of impor-
[1026
tance were kept back by grants of this description. The vote to the army ought not to have been curtailed; and, he thought it would be better to give the sum now called for, in addition to what had been already granted to them, than to appropriate it to the use for which it was now demanded.
Mr. Bennetsaid, that some communication should have been made to Parliament on this subject, long before the Message had been brought down; since it was generally supposed, that an event of this kind had been in contemplation for a considerable period. He was surprised that this proposition should be brought forward now, within a fortnight of the termination of the session, when there were few members in town. But he had remarked, that, when a sum of money was to be moved for, which ought not to be granted, it was always called for at a season like the present, when the House was very thinly attended. He should consider the subject, first, with reference to the situation of the country, and next with relation to the person in whose favour the grant was proposed. In his mind, the present time was very unfit for making an application for an additional sum, although it was not of great magnitude. An hon. gentleman below him had most truly stated, that, if a single shilling could be spared, it ought to be given to those brave men who had so nobly and so successfully fought the battles of their country. This observation was more particularly entitled to attention, when the House recollected the immense sum which the Royal family at present received. The Crown, at this moment, enjoyed a revenue for its own purposes, little short of a million per annum. The expenditure of the year 1814 was upwards of 900,000 l. Looking to this circumstance, he, for one, was ready to say, that this additional sum, ought not to be granted. As to the person in whose behalf this proposition was made, he would plainly state, that whatever respect he felt for the rest of the Royal family, that respect did not extend to the duke of Cumberland. [Hear, hear!] His royal highness was, perhaps, the only member of the Royal family that could come to the House and make a request of this nature, which he could stand forward and refuse. He wished to speak of that family generally and collectively in those terms of respect which their high rank called for; but, he would put

1027]
it to the noble lord, whether the concurrent testimony of every individual in the country did not bear him out in asserting, that, of all the branches of the Royal family, the duke of Cumberland was the one to whom the public feeling would be the least inclined to grant any pecuniary boon? [Hear, hear!] He was quite sure he spoke the truth, when he made this observation. No person could go into society of any kind, without hearing this opinion supported; and he conceived he should not be doing his duty, if he did not state the fact to the House. He should like to ask of the noble lord, whether a marriage between the princess of Salms and another member of the Royal family had not been projected—which intended marriage, in consequence of certain circumstances, had been broken off? He should also wish to inquire, whether the queen of this country had not expressed herself strongly on the subject of the marriage that had recently taken place, observing, that it was not fitting or becoming that a marriage should be entered into by the princess of Salms with the duke of Cumberland, when the proposed union between her and the duke of Cambridge had been broken off? [Hear, hear!] For himself he had no hesitation in saying, that the union was an improper one, however much the parties might be suited to each other from their habits and morals. Such were his opinions upon the subject, and being such, he felt it his duty to avow them. [Hear, hear!]
Sir C. M. Burrellwished to be informed, whether there was any truth in a statement he had heard, that, at the time of the evacuation of Hanover, the duke of Cumberland, without the authority of the Prince Regent, put himself at the head of the government, which situation he held, until measures were taken to displace him, another illustrious Duke having been sent out for that purpose? This business he wished to have explained. With respect to the time at which the marriage was celebrated, and of which the House were quite ignorant, he hoped the noble lord would give them the necessary information. He should now shortly notice the income of the duke of Cumberland. By the vote of 1806, he was placed in possession of 18,000 l. a year, subject to no deduction, but the income-tax—he had a house within toe palace, which, when the allied Sovereigns visited this country, was furnished at the public expense—and a regiment of
[1028
cavalry, worth 1,600 l. per annum. The total of these items would amount to 21 or 22,000 l. a year, and, from what he saw in public life, where gentlemen, not possessed of half this income, lived in a very elegant style, he conceived it to be quite sufficient for the illustrious duke. If his illustrious consort brought him any considerable fortune, some settlement would, of course, be expected in return. The duke of York, be understood, received a portion of 100,000 l. with his consort, and a settlement, adequate to that sum, was granted. The House, before they proceeded, should be made acquainted with the fortune which the duke of Cumberland received with the princess of Salms. On the present occasion, he did not conceive it proper, situated as the country was, to add any thing to the income of the illustrious duke; and certainly he should vote against the proposition, unless such information was granted, as would fully satisfy his mind that the increase was absolutely necessary.
Lord Castlereaghcould not but regret, very deeply, the turn which the debate had taken. A discussion more painful to individuals, or more injurious to the best interests of the country, could not be conceived, than where a question of provision foe the use of the Royal family was examined through the medium of private feeling. He deprecated the system of calling on ministers to give answers on the subject of anecdotes which they had never heard. Nothing could be more unfair, or more injurious, in a country where political feelings were carried so far, than to perplex ministers by questions of such a nature. With respect to the first question of the hon. baronet he could only answer, that he never heard of the duke of Cumberland's having exercised any power, in. any part of the world, derogatory to the duty which he owed to his Sovereign, Whatever he did in Hanover, was the result of a just and virtuous feeling; and he could not help observing, that the introduction, on this occasion, of such a subject, was a pregnant proof that the way in which gentlemen thought fit to discuss this question was not a just one. With respect to the late period of the session at which this measure was brought forward, he could assure the hon. gentleman that it was not a matter of design, nor indeed, when he looked round upon the House, did he think there was any reason to regret the want of a fall attendance, many ques-

1029]
tions of deep importance to the country being often disposed of in the presence of much fewer members. No undue delay had been suffered to take place with a view to select the termination of the session for bringing the matter under the consideration of Parliament; for it was not possible, in fact, to bring it forward earlier, as the marriage of the duke of Cumberland had only very recently taken place. ['When, when?' from several members.] He had no hesitation in saying, that it had been solemnized within the last three weeks or a month, and the duke of Cumberland had not been many days in this country before the Message was brought down to the House. It never had been the custom, and he hoped it never would, to submit such a question to Parliament before the marriage was solemnized, from obvious reasons of delicacy and propriety. He hoped he had satisfactorily explained to the Committee that there was no desire on the part of ministers, no pre-concerted design to delay the communication. With respect to what had fallen from an hon. gentleman, he must complain of the cruelty of discussing this question in such a way as to bring the duke of Cumberland into contrast with the duke of Wellington, a person whose services were of a description to which no reward could be adequate. Besides, whatever Parliament had done, or might do, for the duke of Cumberland, it was only for his life, and no provision was made for any descendants which he might have. As to the military emoluments of his Royal Highness, he apprehended if the hon. gentleman possessed the regiment which the duke of Cumberland possessed, in exactly the same way, he would find that so far from its being an augmentation of his income, it would operate rather as an encroachment upon it. In point of fact, the duke of Cumberland had no military income whatever. With respect to the argument that had been grounded upon the presumption of his Royal Highness not living in England, he did not know why it should be taken for granted that he was not to reside in this country; but at all events he apprehended it never had been the practice of Parliament to frame a grant with such provisions as would affect the liberty of residence in the individual to whom the grant was made. With respect to the amount of the sum, it was not one which could be called profuse, but was merely one which the interest and dignity of the country
[1030
demanded. It had been compared to that granted on the marriage of the duke of York. But the cases were very different: 18,000 l. a year had been granted to the duke of York, a portion of which had been settled on the duchess, added to which there was an expectation arising out of the bishoprick of Osnaburgh. He had reason to suppose that the duchess of Cumberland was not possessed of any income; and he was persuaded that it would be very painful to the feelings of the House to leave her to the risk of that indigence in which she must consequently be involved should the duke's life terminate before her own. He trusted that the committee would be guided by the general principle of what it was becoming in Parliament to do on the marriage of a son of the King with the consent of the Crown, the more especially as the sum proposed was so moderate.
Mr. Wynnobserved, that this question was extremely painful to every one, and that the blame of its being so rested not on those who opposed the motion, but on those who had proposed it. His objections to it were founded not only on the vote itself, but oh the mariner in which the subject had been brought forward. The noble lord asserted that the proceeding rested on the precedent of the marriage of the duke of York. He wished the noble lord had brought the subject before Parliament in the way in which the marriage of the duke of York had been brought before them. Were the cases in the slightest degree parallel? The duke of York certainly was married abroad, but the marriage was announced in the Gazette—it was not kept a secret—it was not a marriage of which the Royal family were ashamed—[Hear, hear!]. The marriage of the duke of York was mentioned in the speech from the throne on the opening of the session; his Majesty expressing his confidence that Parliament would make a provision suitable to the circumstances of the case. This was on the 1st of February 1792, and it was not until the 7th of March (six weeks afterwards) that a proposition was made by ministers in consequence. On the marriage of the duke of York Parliament had voted addresses of congratulation to his Majesty, to the Queen, and to their royal highnesses the Duke and Duchess. Would the noble lord now stand forward and move an Address of congratulation to the Queen on the marriage of the duke of Cumberland? [Hear,

1031]
hear!] Would he venture to offer such an insult to the House and to the country? [Hear, hear!] It was extremely painful to be compelled to use such language; but he repeated, that the blame rested on those with whom the question had originated. The noble lord had talked of precedents. What precedent was there of such a vote to a prince of the blood on his marriage, except the single instance of the duke of York? Had there been any such grant to the duke of Gloucester, or to the duke of Cumberland? And in what way did Mr. Pitt propose the vote respecting the duke of York? Mr. Pitt distinctly stated (he quoted from a report of Mr. Pitt's speech, which he had every reason to believe was correct), that "he did not think the present motion would establish a principle or precedent entitling any other branches of the Royal family to expect the same allowance. In his mind it was necessary that the House should take into consideration the degree of probability that the succession to the Crown might be involved in the transaction, as also that the marriage was one of which the House and the country must highly approve." Unless, therefore, the cases were parallel—unless the marriage of the duke of Cumberland was "such as the House and the country must approve," it was highly unfitting that the House should be required to add to the burthens of their constituents on the present occasion. It was painful to allude, not to the reports, but to the facts which were notorious to all Europe. He put it to the House, whether this was a marriage likely to be serviceable to the political interests of this country? Was it a marriage likely to be serviceable to the interests of the domestic virtues in this country? [Hear, hear!] The noble lord had said that the Duchess had no fortune. Had she no jointure resulting from either of her former marriages—neither from her marriage with Prince Louis of Prussia, nor from her marriage with the Prince of Salms? The Princess of Salms stood in a very different situation from the Princess of Prussia. The marriage of the duke of York with the latter drew more closely the ties of that alliance which was considered so useful to Great Britain. Besides the personal character of the Princess herself, the treaty by which the marriage had been concluded had been laid on the table of the House by his Majesty's command—a treaty containing an express stipulation
[1032
that such a provision should be made on the marriage. With respect to the proposition now before them, it was notorious that had it been made at an earlier period of the session, it would not have stood any chance of success [Hear, hear!]. He had thought it his duty, however painful, to make the observations with which he had troubled the Committee.
Mr. Bathurstobserved, that the marriage of the duke of York had taken place during the recess, which was the cause of its having been noticed to Parliament at the commencement of the next session. In other instances of the marriage of different branches of the Royal family, the information had been communicated to Parliament by a Message from the Crown, as in the present case. He contended, that Parliament ought not to hesitate to give to a prince of the blood, on his marriage, such an income as he must of necessity require, in order to provide for his new and more expensive establishment. He conceived the introduction of personal observations to be extremely improper in a case that ought to be decided on the general principle which he had already stated.
Lord Castlereaghadverting to the observations of the hon. and learned gentleman opposite (Mr. Wynn) on the supposed secrecy of the duke of Cumberland's marriage, said, that it was on the contrary a proceeding attended with all possible publicity. The duke and duchess were married in the presence of his Majesty's ministers at Berlin, in the presence of the King of Prussia, and in the presence of several members of the reigning house of Mecklenburg. Nor did he conceive that more publicity would have been given to the marriage in this country by noticing it in the Gazette, than by making the communication which had been made to Parliament upon the subject. With respect to the possible future situation of the Duchess, should the committee not accede to the motion before them, he would just state it. The Court of Berlin had, it was true, been in the habit of granting an appanage to such members of the royal family of Prussia as had been married. But as the King of Prussia made a liberal provision for the children of the marriage between the Duchess and Prince Louis, he had not thought it proper to extend the appanage beyond the prince's life. If, therefore, this grant were not acceded to, the duchess might perhaps at

1033]
some future period be left without any provision whatever.
The question was then loudly called for, and the committee divided:

For the motion

87

Against it

70

Majority

—

17

List of the Minority.

Acland, sir T.

Lemon, sir W.

Abercrombie, hon. J.

Lewis, Thos, F.

Burdett, sir F.

Lloyd, sir E.

Byng, G.

Latouche, R.

Bankes, H.

Mostyn, sir Thos.

Barham, J. F.

Martin, H.

Barnard, lord

Martin, J.

Bennet, hon. H. G.

Methuen, C.

Barnard, Scrope

Moore, P.

Burrell, hon. D.

Mundy, K. M.

Burrell, sir C.

Neville, hon. R.

Burrell W.

North, D.

Butterworth, Jos.

Nugent, lord

Calcraft, J.

Ossulston, lord

Calvert, C.

Parnell, sir H.

Calvert, W.

Peirse, H.

Campbell, D.

Proby, lord

Courtenay, N.

Preston, R.

Davenport, D.

Protheroe, E.

Egerton, Wm

Pym, F.

Fazakerley, J. N.

Romilly, sir S.

Fergusson, sir R.

Rowley, sir W.

Frankland, W.

Sebright, sir J.

Fitzroy, lord J.

Shakespear, A.

Gaskell, B.

Smith, W.

Grenfell, P.

Smith, R.

Gordon, R.

Tremayne, J. H.

Gascoyne, I.

Tierney, right hon. G.

Hamilton, lord A.

Warre, J. A.

Hanbury, Wm.

Whitbread, S.

Horner, F.

Western, C. C.

Howorth, H.

Wilbraham, B.

Jolliffe, H.

Wynn, C.

Kemp, Tho.

Wynn, C.

Keene, W.

TELLER.

Lascelles, lord

Sir M. W. Ridley

VOTE OF CREDIT.
The House haying resolved itself into a committee, to take into consideration his royal highness the Prince Regent's Message, recommending a Vote of Credit,
The Chancellor of the Exchequersaid, that he did not anticipate any objection to the proposition which he was about to make to the committee. In the present state of public affairs, no one could deny that great exertions, and consequently great expense, were indispensably necessary. It was certainly peculiarly desirable, at the present critical moment, to arm the Crown with the power to make efforts commensurate to the occasions that might arise. There was only one observation to which he conceived that the
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motion with which he should conclude was at all liable, namely, that the recent and extraordinary success of the British arms did not render it necessary to vote so large a sum. On this subject he felt differently from those who might make such a remark. That success had proceeded in a great measure from the liberality with which Parliament had afforded the means of exertion, and thus pointed out the sure way by which its continuance might be rendered certain. Until the object of the present contest should be obtained by the establishment of a secure and honourable peace, true economy dictated that Government should be put in possession of ample means of maintaining it. The committee would also recollect, that any sums thus placed in the hands of the Crown, must subsequently be accounted for by ministers, and that it would be their duty, at the commencement of the next session, to show how the whole, or a part pf those sums bad been applied, as well as the necessity that required their application. He concluded, by moving as a resolution, "That a sum, not exceeding six millions, be granted to his Majesty in Great Britain, and 200,000 l. for Ireland, to enable his Majesty to take such measures as the exigency of affairs may require, and that such sum of six millions be raised by Exchequer-bills in Great Britain, to be charged on the first aids to be granted in the nest session of parliament."
Mr. Whitbreadsaid, he should not oppose the motion, conceiving, that under the present circumstances it was material that the Crown should be provided with powers capable of meeting any exigency that might arise during the recess. He hoped that before the re-assembling of Parliament the blessings of peace would be restored to the country. Whatever difference of opinion might exist with respect to the original justice of the war (and no change whatever had taken place in his opinions on that subject), there could be but one sentiment on the splendour of our recent success; which, however, he trusted would not induce his Majesty's Government to go in pursuit of objects utterly foreign to our true policy. It was impossible to foresee what events might speedily occur. If the noble duke, who with his glorious army had achieved a triumph so memorable, should reach the' metropolis of France, he trusted that his protecting arm would avert the horrors

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which might otherwise be produced by that event. A vigorous effort had been made by his Majesty's Government to crush the resistance of the enemy. He congratulated them on their efforts having produced a result far exceeding the most sanguine expectations. He hoped that they would not now make a turn, and engage in the pursuit of objects, which, in his opinion, would be calculated to protract the existing warfare. There was one part of Europe in which he trusted no part of this vote of credit would be applied—he alluded to Spain. A great suspicion existed among those Spaniards who had escaped from the yoke which it was attempted to impose in that country on all that was liberal and enlightened, that ministers had assisted the government of Spain in their nefarious designs. He hoped and believed that this suspicion was unfounded, for he could conceive no appropriation of the public money so highly reprehensible.
Mr. Wynndeclared, that he could not allow the present question to pass without expressing his entire approbation of the proposed grant. He trusted that his Majesty's ministers would not be misled by the recent success of out arms, glorious as it had been, to relax in their efforts to obtain that which should be their sole object—a secure and honourable peace. It was his strong conviction, that however desirable the establishment of a legitimate government in France might be, it was not so much to any particular form of government in that country that Great Britain ought to look, as to depriving France of the power of further disturbing the peace of Europe, by taking further securities than had hitherto been afforded.
Mr. Bennethoped the noble lord would disavow, on the part of his Majesty's Government, the report, that money and arms had been furnished to the King of Spain, to enable him to carry on a war with the inhabitants of South America.
Lord Castlereagh,said he could assure the hon. gentleman that the conduct of Government had been strictly conformable to the principle which they had originally laid down for themselves of abstaining from any interference whatever. In the pursuit of that conduct, as they had incurred the reproaches of the Spanish government, so now it appeared that they were subjected to the jealousy of those against whom the operations of that government had been recently directed.
The motion was then agreed to, and the House having resumed, the Report was ordered to be received to-morrow.

PRINCE REGENT'S MESSAGE RESPECTING THE DUKE OF CUMBERLAND'S MARRIAGE.
The order of the day for taking into consideration the Prince Regent's Message respecting the marriage of the duke of Cumberland having been read.
The Earl of Liverpoolsaid, that in proposing an Address in answer to the Message, he should only think it necessary to state the nature of the provision which was intended to be made. In was an addition of 6,000 l. a year to the Duke's income; with a jointure to the same amount to the Duchess, if she survived his Royal Highness. He concluded by proposing an Address, to thank the Prince Regent for his communication, and expressing their readiness to concur in any measures which might be necessary for the support of the dignity of the Royal Family.—The Address was agreed to.

VOTE OF CREDIT.
The Earl of Liverpoolthen moved the order of the day for the consideration of the Prince Regent's Message respecting a vote of credit. The Message being read, his lordship observed, that this was the usual message at the close of a session, for placing an unappropriated sum at the disposal of Government to answer any exigencies that might arise in the course of public affairs. It could not be expected that at this moment he should enter into any detailed exposition of the state of public affairs. Upon this vote the subject was undoubtedly open to discussion; but he believed it would be generally felt not to be expedient to raise any such discussion at this time. This, however, would, he imagined, be universally admitted, that it was of great importance to enable Government to prosecute the contest with the utmost

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possible vigour, in order to secure that object which was the only proper and legitimate object of all our warlike exertions—a just and honourable peace. Deeming it improper, then, at this period, to enter into any details respecting the situation of public affairs, he should content himself with barely stating, that the sum to be taken in the vote of credit was six millions. He then moved an humble Address to the Prince Regent, thanking him for his gracious Message, and echoing the Message in the usual manner.
Lord Grenvillesaid, he did not rise to oppose the motion, which, on the contrary, had his most cordial approbation. Nothing could be more proper at the present crisis, than that ample means should be put in the power of the Crown to turn to the best advantage the great exertions which had been made, and were now making, and at length to bring the whole to an honourable and permanent conclusion: and, indeed, so very proper and expedient in every point of view did this appear to be, that he should not have thought of troubling their lordships, even with a few words, had he not been desirous of doing that duty to his country and to its noble defenders—that justice to his own feelings—which he had not an opportunity of doing on the occasion, when the subject was brought more directly under the consideration of their lordships. He had, in truth, conceived that his parliamentary duties had been finished for the session; but being in town, and understanding that this business was to be brought forward this evening, he resolved to come down, in order to add his humble tribute of applause to those sentiments of deep and heartfelt approbation which their lordships and the whole natoin—had expressed towards the truly noble and gallant men who had a share in that signal and distinguished achievement which filled the heart of every Englishman with joy and exultation. It was only from not being aware, in time, of the day when the thanks of their lordships were to be voted, that he was prevented from attending his duty in the House on that occasion, and joining the expression of his admiration and applause to that of their lordships and the country. No distance of place, no consideration of personal convenience, would have prevented him from coming forward to discharge so sacred a duty. Nothing of that description would have prevented him from doing
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himself the pleasure to state how warmly he concurred in every mark of gratitude and approbation that could possibly be offered to those who had contributed to the splendid and glorious achievement to which he alluded: but, indeed, it was hardly necessary to state his concurrence; for whatever might be the difference of opinion as to the necessity and justice of commencing the war, when once we were in it, all must concur in the proposition that it ought to be carried on with the utmost vigour; and when intelligence was received of this almost unparalleled event, the heart of every one who felt as a man, and an Englishman, must have beat high at the elevation on which his country was placed by an achievement so truly glorious and magnificent: for he would venture to say, that this country was, by this event, raised to a pitch of elevation which it had never before occupied, even in the most splendid periods of its history. It was an achievement, not only never surpassed in the history of Britain, but one which had never been overmatched by any exploit recorded in the history of the world. [Hear, hear!] Our gratitude and admiration ought, therefore, to be as unbounded as the merits of that renowned commander and that gallant army, who had raised so proud a monument to the fame and honour of their country, and contributed in such a wonderful manner to the great object of placing its safety and prosperity on a secure and permanent foundation. Ask the Commander to whom all this was owing, and he would tell them that it was owing to the invincible obstinacy and unshaken courage, to the character and composition of the troops which he had the happiness to command. Ask the troops to whom it was owing, and they would tell them with one voice—for so it appeared by letters as well as by verbal communications from those who were eye-witnesses of the scene—that it was owing to the unparalleled exertions, the matchless skill, and unequalled merits of the Commander. Ask their country to whom it was owing, and the nation with one voice would say, that it was to the valour and merits of both. The Commander was worthy of the charge of calling forth the qualities and directing the energies of such troops; the troops were worthy of being led to victory by such a commander. [Hear, hear!] But it was not merely with a view to the fame and military

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glory of the country, that this event was important. It was of vast consequence with a view to that which was alone the just and legitimate object of war—the attainment of an honourable and permanent peace; and he trusted that this grand achievement would be attended with the desirable effect of at length securing to the nation that peace so much wanted. He did not mean perpetual peace, for that would be a vain expectation; but he trusted it would have the effect of relieving the country from the pressure of perpetual war, or from such a state of peace as must be attended with the apprehensions and burthens of a dangerous war, and was worse than war itself. The present contest was, in his opinion, most just and necessary in its commencement, and one which ought to be prosecuted with a vigour and decision worthy of its object; and he was ready to give his tribute of approbation to those by whom the means of producing such a splendid result had been furnished. The contest was commenced as the last effort necessary to secure to the nation the benefits of upwards of twenty years active exertion, and he trusted that now at last this country and Europe would be suffered to enjoy the blessings of peace. It was true the boon, if it could be obtained, must be considered as having been purchased at the expense of the most valuable lives which this country had ever produced; but even those who were most nearly connected with those departed heroes, and who most deeply felt and lamented their loss, even they must confess that their blood had not been shed in vain, if it purchased the permanent safety, tranquillity, and prosperity of their country and of Europe. It was to be hoped, that care would now be taken so to improve our success as not to allow this great object again to elude our grasp. If he could perceive any disposition among their lordships, any disposition in Parliament, or in the nation in general; if he could perceive any disposition in those to whom the administration of the government was entrusted, to remit our exertions, and to leave the great object unaccomplished; if he were to see them inclined, from a spirit of premature accommodation, or false notions of magnanimity, from a wish immediately to relieve the country from its burthens, or from a desire on the other hand to insist upon any thing which ought not in justice and honour to be demanded;
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if he were to see the ministers of government, from these or any other motives, prepared again to give up our advantages, and leave Europe exposed to new wars and fresh convulsions, then, and then only would he say, that the best blood of Britain had been shed in vain.—[Hear, hear!] But he had no reason to apprehend that this would be the case. The universal opinion in their lordships House, and the other House of Parliament, and he trusted the unanimous sentiment of the nation was, that our exertions must be prosecuted with vigour till the great object of the war, of all our exertions and sacrifices, should be fully and permanently obtained. He had every reason to believe that such was the feeling and opinion of the members of Administration, and it was in that confidence only he wished to mark the circumstance—it was in that confidence only that he gave his most entire and cordial assent to this proposition.
The motion was then agreed to, nem dis.