Sitting of 9 June 1815

PARISH APPRENTICES' BILL.
On the order of the day for taking into further consideration the report of the committee on the Bill to amend the laws respecting Parish Apprentices,
Sir Samuel Romillysaid, he thought the Bill would be the means of doing much good. The greatest abuses arose from the practice of binding children at a great distance from their relatives. There was a clause in the present Bill which might have very salutary effects, he meant that which appointed the indenture to be signed by the magistrates of the parish from which the child came, and that to which it was taken. He hoped that magistrates would conscientiously attend to their duty, and inquire not only into the mariner in which the child was bound, but respecting the person to whom it was bound, as they were empowered to do; that they would consider themselves as in the situation of fathers to those unfortunate children. He was astonished at the fact which had come out in the course of the inquiries which this Bill had given rise to, that magistrates often signed indentures blank, without knowing any thing of the masters, and that it frequently happened that there was no other formal party to the indenture but the magistrate; and magistrates of the county of Surrey were expressly named as having acted in this manner. He hoped the law in this respect would be attended to, for it was no use to pass laws if they were not carried, into execution.
Mr. Wilbraham Bootlehad no doubt, on further inquiry, that the abuses would be discovered.
Mr. Serjeant Onslowthought, that magistrates too often confounded judicial with ministerial functions. He knew the individuals alluded to, and was convinced of the purity of their intentions. The mistake, however, was a most mischievous one, and he hoped this mention of it in the House would call the attention of magistrates to the subject.
The report was taken into further con-

697]
sideration, and the Bill ordered to be read a third time on Thursday.

ORDNANCE ESTIMATES.
The House having resolved itself into a Committee of Supply, to which the Ordnance Estimates were referred,
Mr. Wardthen entered on the statement of the Ordnance Estimates. The Ordinary estimate for that service amounted to 1,141,045 l. 5s. 10 d.; which was 147,000 l. less than the former war establishment. The companies in the Ordnance were reduced 20 men each, viz. from 120 to 100. The Extraordinaries would amount to 2,246,917 l. 12 s.; which was 492,000 l. less than the estimate of the last year of the former war; and, all together, it was less by 700,000 l. than if we had still gone on on the war establishment of 1814: this, therefore, would appear to the committee as a serious diminution in the general expense. The total amount, then, for the service of Great Britain, for the present year, will be 3,459,600 l. 1s. 10 d.; and that for Ireland, 375,820 l. 18 s. 10 d.; making a grand total for the service of the United Kingdom of 3,835,421 l. 0s. 8d. This sum was greater than our peace establishment by nearly 1,500,000 l.; and less than our last war establishment by 784,000 l. He should be happy to afford any information in his power on this subject, to any gentleman requiring it; but there was one item of the expense to which he would particularly allude—it was the increase of salaries to clerks, making a sum of 5,000 l. for the land service, and the same for the sea service. The salaries formerly received were inadequate for procuring the clerks the common necessaries of life; he was therefore convinced the committee would not object to the increase. He concluded by moving, "That a sum not exceeding 3,835,421 l. 0s. 8d. be granted for the purpose of defraying the charges of the Ordnance Establishment of Great Britain and Ireland."
Mr. Bennet, remarking on the immense expenses for repairing and building fortifications and other works, lamented that they should be incurred in executing the plans of a Board, the members of which had never seen any foreign service.
Mr. R. Wardeulogized the great abilities and science of the Inspector-general of Fortifications and of the members of the Board; and contended, that a man of science, who had never quitted his library,
[698
was as capable of planning and of executing defensible fortifications, as men who had seen active service, which, indeed, was not in the least necessary.
Mr. Bennetsaid, that he had not mentioned any particular person, nor was he by any means willing to deny the talents and scientific knowledge of the Inspector-general; but he could not assent to the opinion expressed by the hon. gentleman, of the inutility of practical knowledge.
Mr. Wardacknowledged that no particular name had been mentioned, but, however, the persons alluded to were no less understood. A great injustice had been done to an officer of distinguished merit, whose valuable life had been devoted to the service of his country. He challenged the hon. gentleman, or any of his parliamentary friends, to rival the knowledge of the Inspector-general. He stated, that maps had been drawn out of the several counties in England; which, however, Government did not deem it prudent to publish at present, lest they might fall into the bands of the enemy: and in justification of this reserve, he adduced the example of Buonaparté, whom he designated as the ablest captain in the world—and who, threatened with invasion by the Allies, destroyed Cassini's maps of France, lest the enemy might thence obtain useful information. And to show how highly the maps of this country were prized by Buonaparté, he mentioned that when retiring to Elba, he was seen particularly careful of a large box, which was supposed by many to contain some valuable treasure; but on opening it, nothing was found but some maps of the sea-coast of England.
Mr. Whitbreadadmired the happy discretion exercised by his Majesty's ministers, in withholding the maps of Bedfordshire, and Buckinghamshire, and other interior counties, while it was acknowledged that maps of the maritime districts were in possession of the enemy. [Hear!] But there was one expression in the speech of the hon. gentleman, which surprised him not a little. He alluded to his having called Buonaparté the ablest captain in the world. This was an acknowledgment he had by no means expected at the present moment from a gentleman filling an official situation in this country. If such an opinion had fallen from any one on his side of the House, censure would be incessant in its attacks, and it would have been received with an up-

699]
roarious exclamation of astonishment and triumph.—[Hear!] Certainly, however, such an opinion would have been less wonderful than when coming from a person of the hon. gentleman's gravity, and tutored in principles so totally different. It was to have been expected, that at least a rival should share that name with Buonaparté, and that even if the hon. gentleman were desirous of ranking him as the first captain in the world, he would associate the Duke of Wellington with him in the title, and so make out two first captains in the world—[Hear! and laughing.] Yet this Buonaparté, so highly esteemed, is represented as a second Alaric, anxious to destroy a work of genius, and to annihilate Cassini's plates; and the hon. gentleman must needs take the first of men as his example: differing from him in this only, that while one destroys the source of knowledge, the other is equally desirous to withhold it. To him, likewise, are we indebted for an additional anecdote of Buonaparté, which shows that those maps of England, whence danger might be apprehended, were in our enemy's possession, while we were withholding others, which could not by any means be considered injurious. The hon. gentleman had argued, as if his hon. friend had not a right, or was unable, to examine the competency of persons appointed to fill particular offices. "Oh!" said he, "if you have any doubtson the subject, call me, or some of my coadjutors to the bar, and we will prove the competence of the persons alluded to." But he insisted on the right of his hon. friend, as a member of parliament, to make the remarks he had done, and to demand the information which he called for. With respect to this mighty secret, which, it seemed, was to be confined under 10,000 padlocks, he could inform the hon. gentleman, that it was published long before the Government knew any thing about it. In making the celebrated survey of the coast, foreign artists had been employed. One of them, a man of very great abilities, had proceeded to France the moment peace was concluded in 1802, and what he had published was quite sufficient for every purpose the French might have in view—it contained every thing which they could desire to know on the subject. Now, that which he and his hon. friend wished to be produced, related solely to the interior of the country. Surely they were not now afraid of invasion. The right hon. the
[700
Chancellor of the Exchequer had informed them, that Buonaparté was to be destroyed by a great simultaneous effort—he was to be run down sooner than the King of Naples was. And yet the hon. gentleman seemed to think, that if those maps fell into the hands of the enemy, they would quickly force their way into the interior of the kingdom, in spite of the country gentlemen, their local militia, and all their appointments. [A laugh.] He contended that he, or his hon. friend, had a perfect right to comment on the capability of any officer employed in the public service. It was not to be endured, that an attempt should be made to interfere with that right, or that the information, demanded should be refused. The fortifications at Dover and Chatham—the canal, and the Martello towers—had been carried on in a manner that appeared ridiculous, in the eyes of those who were perfectly capable of judging of such works. Here, then, a necessity for explanation was evident. A great waste of public money had taken place in erecting those Martello towers, and in raising fortifications at Dover and Chatham; and, therefore, his hon. friend was warranted in asking, who were the persons constituting the Board that superintended those works, and what their specific services had been? Those persons had, no doubt, decided honourably, and acted to the best of their judgment; but certainly they had proceeded in a manner that excited the surprise of many persons who had seen much service. And here he begged leave to relate an anecdote, in return for the one with which the hon. gentleman had favoured the committee. When the Martello towers were first projected, two sets of engineers waited on Mr. Pitt, who, though he could reason very acutely on most subjects, certainly was not an engineer. After hearing various arguments adduced, on the one side, in favour of Martello towers, and, on the other, in support of canals, as the best mode of defending the coast, he observed—I have heard so much on both sides, that I am at a loss to which I should give the preference—therefore, let us have both;" and both he had accordingly. Those who saw the canal, smiled at the futility of such a mode of defence. It was indeed, very weak to imagine that a ditch, 30 or 40 feet wide would stop the approach of an, enemy who had landed on our shores. With respect to the capacity of the mem-

701]
bers of that House, in general, to judge of the utility of such works, he conceived it was at least equal to that of the hon. gentleman—whose time had principally been devoted to the study of the law of nations—to the investigation of that which ought to prevent war. But, as to military matters, he had only applied himself to them very late in life—when, for particular purposes, he was selected to fill the office he now held. [Hear, hear!] The hon. gentleman might be very fit for the office he was appointed to—but members would be extremely unfit for the situation they filled in that House, if they did not ask questions as to the competence of individuals to perform particular duties.
Mr. R. Wardobserved, that the hon. gentleman had, as his custom, was, mixed up a great number of matters in his speech, which had nothing to do with the question before the House. In every speech he made, the hon. gentleman was in the habit of indulging in personal allusion and attack. With all the respect he felt for the hon. gentleman out of the House, he must inform him that those attacks, whether arising from the feebleness of the public grounds on which he opposed ministers, or arising from rashness of character or impetuosity of temper, were perfectly unimportant to him, and were heard with the utmost indifference. Knowing that the hon. gentleman was in the habit of making attacks on all sides—recollecting how egregiously he had failed in all his attempts during the present session, he almost felicitated himself on becoming the object of his animadversion on this occasion. [Here Mr. Whitbread laughed.] It was very well to endeavour to laugh it off, but that was not the way to disprove his statement. The hon. gentleman, when he was absolutely ignorant of what was passing in the world, during the absence of his noble friend (lord Castlereagh), came down to the House, and attempted to hold him out to the public as a person unworthy of their confidence; but, when dared to proceed, he retired, and refused to bring forward any specific question, on which the sentiments of the House, with respect to the conduct of his noble friend, could be fairly manifested. At the commencement of the session he considered him the best friend Government ever had, and he now continued of the same opinion. What had he done on the present occasion? This being a vote for a very large
[702
sum of money, the hon. gentleman had confined his observations to the single question of maps. This, it appeared, was the only point of objection, on a vote of 4,000,000 l. of public money. The hon. gentleman seemed to think that no danger could arise from the publication of those maps, because some of them had been given to the world. But was there no information of an objectionable nature, to be derived from them, with respect to Scotland—to Ireland—and to many counties of this kingdom? Was it to be argued, because a survey of three counties had been published, that, therefore, the whole should be forthcoming?
Mr. Whitbreadobserved, that the hon. gentleman's description of a personal attack was extremely curious. He (Mr. Whitbread) was stated to be in the habit of striking at random—of hitting every one about him; and this the hon. gentleman denominated a personal attack. The hon. gentleman accused him with having taken a direct aim, which he afterwards explained as being nothing more than a random shot. With respect to what passed in the early part of the session, the Journals of the House, and the debates on the different questions he had introduced, would best prove whether he had failed, and whether he had acted in complete ignorance of the subjects he had brought under consideration. Of this, however, he was sure, that the hon. gentleman had shown himself quite ignorant of the details of the business of the House, or he never would have hazarded the remarks he had made on this particular point. The hon. gentleman seemed to argue, that he had a better right to understand the qualifications of certain public servants, than gentlemen who were not connected with ministers. As he (Mr. Whitbread) had not, like the hon. gentleman, taken office, there was little doubt that the hon. gentleman was possessed of more information on this point, than he could pretend to. But that information, he conceived, ought to be stated to the House when it was called for. He wished to make no observation that was not founded in good humour and sincerity; and, however he might respect the hon. gentleman, he was really of opinion, that persons might be found more fit to fill the situation he at present held, than he was.
Mr. R. Wardsaid, that the attack of the hon. gentleman, who was so fond of making charges, did not affect him.
Mr. Whitbread.—I brought no charge against the hon. gentleman. All I said was, that a person who was educated as a civilian, could not be more capable of judging of military matters than members of parliament in general were.
Mr. Frankland Lewissaid, that when it was originally determined to form an accurate survey of this country and of France, it was intended for the benefit of the two nations; artists were selected from each, and degrees were measured on both sides of the water. No person thought of danger, until it was too late to think of preventing it. Surveys of Kent, Sussex, Essex, and a great part of Dorsetshire, were published under the administration of the duke of Richmond. One of two Conclusions must, in the present instance, be come to. Either the maps ought to be published, with a view to that public benefit which was originally intended, or the project ought to be abandoned altogether, if danger were apprehended from it. How could Government think of proceeding with so expensive an undertaking, and, at the same time, refuse to let the public participate in the benefit of it? The whole of the argument in favour of the concealment of those copper-plates, was uncongenial with English feeling, and reminded him of the mean jealousy of the Chinese and Spaniards.
Mr. D. Giddysaid, that if the probability of danger from the publication of those maps could be clearly shown, he certainly thought it would be right to refuse them. But he saw no reason to apprehend any disadvantage whatever. Indeed, he understood, that a set of maps had been published in France, which (although the elevations were not marked on them) could very easily be filled up, so as to answer every practical military purpose. He had stated, last session, that if ministers persevered in refusing those maps, he should make a motion on the subject; but, as it might have been considered a hostile measure, he had abstained from it. The hon. gentleman had stated to the House, that it was not expedient to give any farther information on this subject; but if some good reasons were not given in the next session, for withholding those maps, he should feel it his duty to bring the matter under the consideration of the House. In that part of the country (Cornwall) with which he was particularly connected, a Geological Society had been recently established;
[704
they were about to publish a very large map, six inches to a mile, in which all the lodes and veins of ore would be marked, as well as the elevation of the different hills, which was a point of great importance in mining. If be thought any public disadvantage was likely to arise from the publication of this geological map, he certainly would not put private benefit in competition with the safety of the country. The same remark would apply to the maps which had given rise to this conversation; from the publication of which he conceived no inconvenience, and much benefit, would be derived.
Mr. Baringsaid, that Cassini's maps had not been destroyed: he had, in his possession, a very good set of them. He considered it truly ridiculous to apprehend any danger from the publication of the remainder of the British survey, after the enemy were placed in possession of all the information they could possibly want, the maritime counties having been already published. The hon. gentleman imagined, that there was nothing connected with, those estimates, to which they could object, except the grant which respected maps. There was, however, a sum of 240,000 l. charged for fortifications, in the present year, in this country, to which he strongly objected. It would, perhaps, be asked, "Do you wish those fortifications to be abandoned?" He had no hesitation, in saying, that he sincerely wished they were, with the exception of the two great naval arsenals of Portsmouth and Plymouth. It was, perhaps, expedient to have them fortified; but he believed there was no man, conversant with the military defence of a country, who would not say, that the fortifications at Dover and Chatham were utterly useless.
Mr. Wardbegan to address the committee, and was observing, that he did not repent any expression he had made use of, in answering the hon. gentleman opposite—when he was interrupted by
Mr. Whitbread, who said, it had never occurred to him, that any thing calling for repentance had happened in the course of the evening. But, when the hon. gentleman alluded to what had previously passed, and stated, that he did not repent it, he (Mr. Whitbread) thought it right to call for an explanation of the hon. gentleman's expression.—(Loud cries of "Chair!")
Mr. Brogden.—I think there has been too much of personal attack and of per-

705]
sonal feeling in the observations of the hon. gentlemen. It had better rest here.
Mr. Whitbread.—The attack I conceived to be parliamentary; and the manner in which it was met I thought also to be parliamentary. But the manner in which the hon. gentleman has alluded to it, I look upon to be unparliamentary, and I object to it.
Mr. R. Wardsaid, when he stated that he did not repent any words he had uttered, it was with reference to a public subject, and to his conduct on that particular subject: and he begged leave to disclaim any wish to treat the gentleman (whose private character he highly esteemed) with disrespect.
Mr. Whitbread, —There is a word omitted, which, situated as I am before the committee, ought, I think, to have been particularly used. The hon. gentleman speaks of me, as the "Gentleman," not the "Honourable Gentleman." This, I take to be unparliamentary.
Mr. R. Wardmeant to have designated him as the "Honourable Gentleman." He did not repent a single word he had said; but, in making this observation, he intended nothing personal.
Mr. Brogdenwas desirous that the conversation should cease.
Mr. Bennetexpressed a similar wish; at the same time observing, that there was something in the course pursued by the hon. gentleman that very naturally excited the notice of his hon. friend.
Mr. R. Wardsaid, that with respect to the course he might feel it necessary to adopt, he should always follow his own discretion. He then proceeded to defend himself from the charge of having asserted, that gentlemen were not competent to criticise military works, because they were not military persons. He never stated any such tiling. He merely observed, when gentlemen were censuring military works, in general terms—calling this ridiculous, and that preposterous—that those who understood the subject better, thought otherwise. Even though a civilian, he conceived he was quite competent to make this remark.
Mr. Whitbreadobserved, that the hon. gentleman's profession of unrepentance was quite unnecessary, as he had not been called on to repent. For his own part, he should not desist from observations on those estimates in future; and so far the hon. gentleman, who was desirous of being attacked, would, from the manner in which
[706
they were brought forward, be pretty sure to be gratified, as be (Mr. Whitbread) should find, it very inconsistent with his feelings or principles to sink, like some other hon. gentlemen, into perfect silence with a good grace.
Sir J. Newportasked why the accounts of Ordnance Contracts, which had been ordered, were not laid before the House. He was well informed that a provision which had been ordered by the law of 1782, to be inserted in all contracts with. Government, viz. that no member of that House should participate in the profits, had not been inserted in those contracts. He had also very good information, that in a contract with another Board, as appeared by the answer to a bill of discovery, two members of the House had actually participated. A very good provision had been inserted in the Ordnance Contracts, viz. that no clerk of the office should participate; but this was no justification of the omission of that which the law required.
Mr. R. Wardsaid, that as soon as the accounts were made out they would be presented. They had been voted but ten days. He could certainly state, that no member of parliament had entered into a contract With the Ordnance.
Mr. Baringwished to know whether that provision which was ordered by the law of 1782, had in fact been inserted in the Ordnance Contracts?
The Chancellor of the Exchequeranswered, that it had by inadvertence been omitted, as he had found on inquiry.
Mr. H. Martinasked on what ground the addition of 1,500 l. had been made to the salary of the Secretary of the Master-general of the Ordnance?
Mr. R. Wardanswered, that formerly there were two secretaries, but that in 1813 the experiment had been tried of performing the service by one, which had succeeded. The two secretaries had staff appointments in addition to their salaries, and received fees on warrants. The staff appointments were now taken away, and the fees were paid to the account of' the department; so that instead of an increase of expenditure, the public had in fact saved between 14 and 1500 l. a year.
Mr. H. Martinobserved, that, he hoped the increase of expence would turn out to be a saving in other instances; but since the year 1810, when accounts of the increase of salaries had first been presented to the House, there had been an increase

707]
of allowances to the officers in this department little short of 30,000 l.
Mr. R. Wardsaid, the increase of allowance was made to the servants of the public in the Ordnance Department in proportion to their length of service, on certificates of good behaviour. The clerks were paid less in the Ordnance Department for the same service than in any other.
Mr. Martinwished to know on the subject of a pension to colonel Congreve, which he should at some future time bring before the House in a specific form, whether there was any precedent for the manner in which that pension had originated, viz. by the intimation of the Royal pleasure to the Master-general? He should say nothing at present of the grounds of that pension, but he merely wished to know as to the form, which had been also followed in the case of the pension to colonel Shrapnell.
Mr. R. Wardsaid, the form of proceeding in the case of these two pensions was the same which had always been followed from time immemorial on the grant of any pension or allowance in this department, viz. by an intimation of the Royal pleasure.
The Resolutions were then agreed to.

CONVENTION BETWEEN GREAT BRITAIN AND THE NETHERLANDS.
Lord Castlereaghpresented, by command of the Prince Regent, a copy of the following
CONVENTION between Great Britain and the United Netherlands; signed at London, 13th August, 1814.
In the Name of the Most Holy and Undivided Trinity,
The United Provinces of the Netherlands, under the favour of Divine Providence, having been restored to their independence, and having been placed by the loyalty of the Dutch people and the achievements of the Allied Powers, under the government of the illustrious House of Orange: and his Britannic Majesty being desirous of entering into such arrangements with the Prince Sovereign of the United Netherlands, concerning the colonies of the said United Netherlands, which have been conquered by his Majesty's arms during the late war, as may conduce to the prosperity of the said State, and may afford a lasting testimony of his Majesty's friendship and attachment to the family of Orange, and to the Dutch nation:
[708
the said High Contracting Parties, equally animated by those sentiments of cordial good-will and attachment to each other, have nominated for their plenipotentiaries: namely, his Majesty the King of the United Kingdom of Great Britain and Ireland, the right honourable Robert Stewart, viscount Castlereagh, one of his said Majesty's most honourable Privy Council, a Member of Parliament, Colonel of the Londonderry regiment of Militia, Knight of the most noble Order of the Garter, and his principal Secretary of State for Foreign Affairs, &c.; and his royal highness the Prince of Orange-Nassau, Prince Sovereign of the United Netherlands, his excellency Henry Fagel, his Ambassador extraordinary and plenipotentiary at the Court of his Britannic Majesty:—who, after having exchanged their full powers, found in good and due form, have agreed to the following articles:—
Art. I. His Britannic Majesty engages to restore to the Prince Sovereign of the United Netherlands, within the term which shall be hereafter fixed, the colonies, factories, and establishments which were possessed by Holland at the commencement of the late war, viz. on the 1st of January, 1803, in the seas and on-the continents of America, Africa, and Asia; with the exception of the Cape of Good Hope and the settlements of Demerara, Essequibo, and Berbice, of which possessions the High Contracting Parties reserve to themselves the right to dispose by a supplementary convention, hereafter to be negociated according to their mutual interests; and especially with reference to the provisions contained in the 6th and 9th Articles of the Treaty of Peace signed between his Britannic Majesty and his Most Christian Majesty on the 3Olh of May, 1814.
Art. 2. His Britannic Majesty agrees to cede in full sovereignty the island of Banca, in the Eastern Seas, to the Prince Sovereign of the Netherlands, in exchange for the settlement of Cochin and its dependencies on the coast of Malabar, which is to remain in full sovereignty to his Britannic Majesty.
Art. 3. The places and forts in the colonies and settlements, which by virtue of the two preceding Articles are to be ceded and exchanged by the two High Contracting Parties, shall be given up in the state in which they may be at the moment of the signature of the present Convention.
Art. 4. His Britannic Majesty guarantees to the subjects of his royal highness the Prince Sovereign of the United Netherlands, the same facilities, privileges, and protection, with respect to commerce and the security of their property and persons within the limits of the British sovereignty on the continent of India, as are now or shall be granted to the most favoured nations.
His royal highness the Prince Sovereign, on his part, having nothing more at heart than the perpetual duration of peace between the Crown of England and the United Netherlands, and wishing to do his utmost to avoid any thing which might affect their mutual good understanding, engages not to erect any fortifications in the establishments which are to be restored to him within the limits of the British sovereignty upon the continent of India, and only to place in those establishments the number of troops necessary for the maintenance of the police.
Art. 5. Those colonies, factories, and establishments which are to be ceded to his royal highness the Sovereign Prince of the United Netherlands by his Britannic Majesty, in the seas or on the continent of America, shall be given up within three months, and those which are beyond the Cape of Good Hope within the six months which follow the ratification of the present Convention.
Art. 6. The High Contracting Parties, desirous to bury in entire oblivion the dissentions which have agitated Europe, declare and promise, that no individual of whatever rank or condition he may be, in the countries rrstored and ceded by the present Treaty, shall be prosecuted, disturbed or molested in his person or property, under any pretext whatever, either on account of his conduct or political opinions, his attachment either to any of the contracting parties, or to any government which has ceased to exist, or for any other reason except for debts contracted towards individuals, or acts posterior to the date of the present Treaty.
Art. 7. The native inhabitants and aliens of whatever nation or condition they may be, in those countries which are to change Sovereigns, as well in virtue of the present Convention as of subsequent arrangements to which it may give rise, shall be allowed a period of six years, reckoning from the exchange of the ratifications, for the purpose of disposing of their property, if they think fit, whether
[710
it be acquired before or during the late war, and of retiring to whatever country they may choose.
Art. 8. The Prince Sovereign of the United Netherlands, anxious to co-operate, in the most effectual manner with his majesty the King of the United Kingdom of Great Britain and Ireland, so as to bring about the total abolition of the Trade in. Slaves on the coast of Africa, and having spontaneously issued a Decree on the 15th of June, 1814, wherein it is enjoined, that no ships or vessels whatever, destined for the Trade in Slaves, be cleared out or equipped in any of the harbours or places of his dominions, nor admitted to the forts or possessions on the coast of Guinea, and that no inhabitants of that country shall be sold or exposed as slaves—does moreover hereby engage to prohibit all his subjects, in the most effectual manner, and by the most solemn laws, from taking any share whatsoever in such, inhuman traffic.
Art. 9. The present Convention shall be ratified, and the ratifications shall be duly exchanged at London within three weeks from the date hereof, or sooner if possible.
In witness whereof, we the undersigned Plenipotentiaries, in virtue of our respective full powers, have signed the present Convention, and have affixed thereto the seals of our arms.
Done at London, the 13th day of August 1814.

(L. S.) CASTLEREAGH.

(L. S.) H. FAGEL.

CONVENTION BETWEEN GREAT BRITAIN AND THE NETHERLANDS.

  FIRST ADDITIONAL ARTICLE.
  In order the better to provide for the defence and incorporation of the Belgic provinces with Holland, and also to provide, in conformity to the Ninth Article of the Treaty of Paris, a suitable compensation for the rights ceded by his Swedish Majesty under the said Article, (which compensation, it is understood, in the event of the above re-union, Holland should be liable to furnish in pursuance of the above stipulations); it is hereby agreed between the High Contracting Parties, that his Britannic Majesty shall take upon himself, and engage to defray the following charges:
  1st. The payment of one million sterling to Sweden, in satisfaction of the claims aforesaid, and in pursuance of a Convention this day executed with his

  711]
  Swedish Majesty's Plenipotentiary to that effect, a Copy of which Convention is annexed to these Additional Articles.
  2dly. The advance of two millions sterling, to be applied, in concert with the Prince Sovereign of the Netherlands, in aid of an equal sum to be furnished by him towards augmenting and improving the defences of the Low Countries.
  3rdly. To bear, equally with Holland, such further charges as may be agreed upon between the said High Contracting Parties and their Allies, towards the final and satisfactory settlement of the Low Countries in union with Holland, and under the dominion of the House of Orange, not exceeding, in the whole, the sum of three millions, to be defrayed by Great Britain.
  In consideration, and in satisfaction of the above engagements, as taken by his Britannic Majesty, the Prince Sovereign of the Netherlands agrees to cede in full Sovereignty to his Britannic Majesty the Cape of Good Hope, and the settlements of Demerara, Essequibo and Berbice, upon the condition nevertheless, that the subjects of the said Sovereign Prince, being proprietors in the said colonies or settlements, shall be at liberty (under such regulations as may hereafter be agreed upon in a Supplementary Convention) to carry on trade between the said settlements and the territories in Europe of the said Sovereign Prince.
  It is also agreed between the two High Contracting Parties, that the ships of every kind belonging to Holland, shall have permission to resort freely to the Cape of Good Hope for the purposes of refreshment and repairs, without being liable to other charges than such as British subjects are required to pay.

  SECOND ADDITIONAL ARTICLE.
  The small district of Bernagore, situated close to Calcutta, being requisite to the due preservation of the peace and police of that city, the Prince of Orange agrees to cede the said district to his Britannic Majesty, upon a payment of such sum annually to his Royal Highness as may be considered, by commissioners to be appointed by the respective Governments, to be just and reasonable, with reference to the profits or revenue usually derived by the Dutch Government from the same.

  THIRD ADDITIONAL ARTICLE.
  The present Additional Articles shall have the same force and validity as if they were inserted word for word in the Convention signed this day. They shall be ratified, and the ratifications shall be exchanged at the same time and place.
  In witness whereof, we the undersigned Plenipotentiaries have signed and affixed to them the seal of our arms.
  Done at London, this thirteenth day of August, one thousand eight hundred and fourteen.

  (L. S.) CASTLEREAGH.

  (L. S.) H. FAGEL.

CONVENTION BETWEEN GREAT BRITAIN AND SWEDEN.
Lord Castlereaghpresented, by command of the Prince Regent, a Copy of the following
CONVENTION between his Britannic Majesty and the King of Sweden, signed at London the 13th August, 1814.
In the name of the most Holy and Undivided Trinity,
His Swedish Majesty, by Article 9 of the Treaty concluded at Paris on the 30th of May last, having consented in virtue of arrangements stipulated with the Allies, that the Island of Guadaloupe should be restored to his Most Christian Majesty, and it being understood and agreed that in consideration of the incorporation of the Belgic provinces with Holland, as provided for in the Treaty of Paris, Holland should be liable to furnish, out of the colonies now in possession of his Britannic Majesty, the compensation to which his Swedish Majesty is entitled for the rights ceded as aforesaid; and whereas it has been deemed more expedient by his Swedish Majesty, and by the Prince Sovereign of the Netherlands, that in the event of such incorporation taking place as aforesaid, the compensation to be furnished by Holland, should be made in money; and his Swedish Majesty having agreed to accept the sum of 24 millions of livres in full satisfaction of his said rights: and his Britannic Majesty, as the friend and ally of both Powers, being willing to become answerable to his Swedish Majesty for the due and punctual discharge of the said compensation, their said Majesties have resolved to enter into engagements accordingly, and have for this purpose nominated as their Plenipotentiaries, namely, his Majesty the King of the United Kingdom of Great Britain and Ireland, the right honourable Robert

713]
Stewart, viscount Castlereagh, one of his said Majesty's most honourable Privy Council, Member of Parliament, Colonel of the Londonderry regiment of Militia, Knight of the most noble Order of the Garter, and his principal Secretary of State for Foreign Affairs, &c. &c.; and his Majesty the King of Sweden, the Sieur Gotthard Maurice de Rehausen, his Envoy Extraordinary, and Minister Plenipotentiary to his Britannic Majesty, Colonel in his Armies, Commander of his Order of the Polar Star, and Knight of the Order of the Sword; who, after having exchanged their full powers, found in good and due form, have agreed to the following Articles:—
Art. 1. His Britannic Majesty agrees to pay, and his Swedish Majesty to accent the sum of 24 millions of livres, in full discharge and satisfaction of his claims under Article 9 of the Treaty of Paris. The said sum to be payable in London to his Swedish Majesty's minister, according to the rate of exchange between London and Paris at each time of payment, in twelve equal monthly instalments: the first monthly instalment to become due and payable by his Britannic Majesty one month after the ratification of the Treaty, by which the said Belgic provinces shall be incorporated with Holland as aforesaid.
Art. 2. It is agreed and understood, that the above arrangement being contingent upon the due execution of the engagements contained in the Treaty of Paris, his Swedish Majesty's rights to compensation from his Britannic Majesty and his Allies, shall not be prejudiced by any failure or non-fulfilment of the engagements in question, but shall continue in full force and effect, unless otherwise satisfied, as if this Convention had not been made.
The present Convention shall be ratified, and the ratification shall be exchanged at London within one month from the date hereof, or sooner, if possible.
In witness whereof, we, the undersigned Plenipotentiaries, in virtue of our respective full powers, have signed the present Convention, and have affixed thereto the seals of our arms.
Done at London, this 13th day of August, in the year of our Lord 1814.

(L. S.) CASTLEREAGH.

(L. S.) G. M. DE REHAUSEN.

CONVENTION BETWEEN GREAT BRITAIN, THE NETHERLANDS, AND RUSSIA.
Lord Castlereaghalso presented, by command of the Prince Regent, the following
Substance of a CONVENTION between his Britannic Majesty, the King of the Netherlands, and the Emperor of Russia, respectively.—Signed at London, May 19, 1815.
His Majesty the King of the Netherlands, being desirous, upon the final reunion of the Belgic provinces with Holland, to render to the Allied Powers who were parties to the Treaty concluded at Chaumont on the 1st of March 1814, a suitable return for the heavy expense incurred by them in delivering the said territories from the power of the Enemy, and the said Powers having, in consideration of arrangements made with each other, mutually agreed to wave their several pretensions under this head in favour of his Majesty the Emperor of All the Russias; his said Majesty the King of the Netherlands has thereupon resolved to proceed immediately to execute with his Imperial Majesty, a Convention to the following effect, to which his Britannic Majesty agrees to be a party, in pursuance of engagements taken by his said Majesty with the King of the Netherlands, in a Convention signed at London on the 13th day of August 1814.
In consequence thereof, the three said High Contracting Parties have appointed as their Plenipotentiaries, viz. his Majesty the King of the United King of Great Britain and Ireland, the right hon. Robert Stewart, Viscount Castlereagh, Knight of the most noble Order of the Garter, one of his said Majesty's most honourable Privy Council, Member of Parliament, Colonel of the Londonderry regiment of Militia, principal Secretary of State for Foreign Affairs, &c. &c. &c.; his Majesty the King of the Netherlands, the Sieur Henry Baron Fagel, a member of the Corps des Nobles of the Province of Holland, his Ambassador Extraordinary and Plenipotentiary to his Britannic Majesty, &c. &c. &c.; and his Majesty the Emperor of All the Russias, the Sieur Christopher Count de Lieven, Lieutenant-general of his armies, his Aide-de-Camp General, his Ambassador Extraordinary and Plenipotentiary to his Britannic Majesty, Knight of the Orders of St. Alexander Newsky, of St. George of the the third class, Grand Cross of St. Vladimir of the second

715]
class, of St. Anne of the first class, Commander of the Order of St. John of Jerusalem, Knight of the Prussian Orders of the Black and Red Eagles, and Commander Grand Cross of the Swedish Order of the Sword, &c. &c. &c, who, after having mutually exchanged their full powers, found in good and due form, have agreed upon the following Articles:—
Art. 1. His Majesty the King of the Netherlands hereby engages to take upon himself a part of the capital and arrears of interest to the 1st of January 1816, of the Russian loan made in Holland, through the intervention of the house of Hope and Co. in Amsterdam, to the amount of 25 millions of florins, Dutch currency; the annual interest of which sum, together with an annual payment for the liquidation of the same, as hereinafter specified, shall be borne by and become a charge upon the kingdom of the Netherlands; and hsi Majesty the King of the United Kingdom of Great Britain and Ireland engages on his part to recommend to his Parliament to enable him to take upon himself an equal capital of the said Russian loan, viz. 25 millions of florins, Dutch currency, the annual interest of which sum, together with an annual payment for the liquidation of the same, as hereafter specified, shall be borne by and become a charge upon the Government of his Britannic Majesty.
Art. 2. The future charge to which their said Belgic and Britannic Majesties shall be respectively liable, in equal shares, on account of the said debt, is to consist of an annual interest of 5 per cent, on the said capitals, each of 25 millions, together with a sinking fund of one per cent, for the extinction of the same; the said sinking fund being subject, however, to be increased on the demand of the Russian Government, to any annual sum not exceeding three per cent., the same to be payable till the capital of the said debt shall be fully discharged, when the aforesaid charge for interest and sinking fund shall wholly cease to be borne by their said Belgic and Britannic Majesties respectively.
Art. 3. Their said Belgic and Britannic Majesties respectively bind themselves, on or before the usual day, or days in each year, on which the interest on the said debt shall be due and payable, to deposit with the agent of the Russian Government in Holland, their respective proportions of the said interest and sinking
[716
fund, as above specified; provided always, that previously to the advance of each successive instalment so to be paid, the said agent shall be authorized to furnish a certificate to each of the said two High Contracing Parties, declaring that the preceding instalment has been duly applied in discharge of the interest, and in reduction of the principal of the said debt, together with the corresponding payments, on account of the Russian Government, on that part of the debt which shall remain a charge on the said Government.
Art. 4. The Russian Government shall continue as heretofore to be security to the creditors for the whole of the said loan, and shall be charged with the administration of the same; the Governments of the King of the Netherlands, and of his Britannic Majesty, remaining liable and bound to the Government of his Imperial Majesty, each for the punctual discharge, as above, of the respective proportions of the said charge.
Art. 5. It is hereby understood and agreed between the High Contracting Parties, that the said payments, on the part of their Majesties the King of the Netherlands, and the King of Great Britain as aforesaid, shall cease and determine, should the possession and sovereignty (which God forbid) of the Belgic provinces at any time pass or be severed from the dominions of his Majesty the King of the Netherlands, previous to the complete liquidation of the same.
It is also understood and agreed between the High Contracting Parties, that the payments on the part of their Majesties the King of the Netherlands, and the King of Great Britain as aforesaid, shall not be interrupted, in the event (which God forbid) of a war breaking out between any of the three High Contracting Parties, the Government of his Majesty the Emperor of all the Russias being actually bound to its creditors by a similar agreement.