Sitting of 4 July 1808

SPAIN.
Mr. Whitbreadbegan by observing, that he had with considerable anxiety waited till the last moment before the present session terminated, in the hope that his majesty's ministers would see the propriety of adopting some mode whereby the sense of that house could be obtained on a subject of such universal interest as that of the present transactions in Spain. He thought that nothing was more to be desired than a distinct expression of the sentiment of that house upon a subject of such importance, and he could not help expressing his surprise that no communication had been made to the house by his majesty's ministers, as it was upon such a communication that the declaration and the sentiments of that house could best be founded. When this subject was submitted to their consideration on a recent occasion by his right hon. friend (Mr. Sheridan), he had felt it to be his duty frankly to state his objections to the impropriety and inexpediency of then agitating it, as he was apprehensive that the discussion at that time might have prematurely committed the whole Spanish nation with France;
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since that period, however, the case was materially altered; the Spanish nation was now committed with France; never were a people engaged in a more arduous and honourable struggle, and he earnestly prayed God to crown their efforts with a success as final as those efforts were glorious! He could not help thinking, that under such circumstances, it would have been well to have given an opportunity of manifesting to the brave Spaniards the sympathy that glowed in every British heart in favour of their cause, through the proper channel, the legitimate organ of the British people. He thought there had been reason to have expected that a message from the king would have been ere now brought down for a vote of credit, to enable the government more effectually to second the wishes of all ranks of Englishmen, by aiding and assisting the Spaniards. He had no doubt that had such a message been sent down, it would have been met with the unanimous concurrence of that house, and he was equally certain that that concurrence would have been echoed throughout the country. He would, however, abstain from saying more upon this subject, or going the length his feelings on such a subject would naturally lead him, as he might be liable to misrepresentation; but he would repeat, that from the bottom of his soul he wished success to the patriotic efforts of the Spaniards, and that their present glorious struggle might be crowned with the recovery of their liberty as a people, and the assertion of their independence as a nation; and in thus expressing his own, he felt assured he spoke the wishes of that house and the country.
Lord Castlereaghsaid, that upon a recent occasion, when the present subject was brought before the consideration of the house, he had felt it his painful duty to express his disapprobation of the tone and manner in which the hon. gent, had thought fit to comment on certain circumstances, the recapitulation of which could not have been attended with any good consequences; it now, however, gave him considerable pleasure, that the grateful task had devolved to him of expressing his complete coincidence in the feelings manifested by the hon. gent. as to the issue of the great and glorious struggle in which the Spanish people were at present engaged. He differed, however, from the hon. gent, as to the justice of the animadversions in which he had indulged on his

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majesty's ministers, because they had not felt it necessary to call for an expression of the sense of parliament on the subject; for his part, he was free to confess, that in his opinion there did not exist a necessity for such a proceeding. The hon. gent. had himself in a slight degree travelled out of the ordinary course of parliamentary usage, to express his surprise that no further vote of credit had been asked for; he did not despair, however, of being able to satisfy the hon. gent, upon this head. The reason why the government had not thought it necessary, was simply, that the provision already made by parliament had been so liberal, that the government were not without the means of giving to the cause of freedom and independance, by assisting the Spaniards, that aid which the public voice, and the wishes of every friend to liberty throughout the world, demanded should be promptly and unconditionally offered. He could assure the hon. gent, and the house, that no means would be left untried, that no exertion would be wanting on their parts, to make all the resources which they had it in their power to apply, subservient to the great object, as much wished for by them as by his majesty, by the parliament, and by the country. It was not for him at present to anticipate the opinion of that house upon the manner in which his majesty's ministers should acquit themselves of the great and solemn obligations, in which they might be said to stand bound to their country and to Europe; how far ministers upon this great occasion had done, what they could do and ought to do, parliament upon a future occasion would have an opportunity of deliberately judging and determining.
Mr. Whitbreadobserved, in explanation, that the turn which the noble lord had been pleased to give to what he had said on a late occasion, when the same subject en a former evening was brought before the house, must be imputed solely to a feeling of political animosity. On that occasion, he had disapproved of the motion brought forward by his right hon. friend. In that feeling of disapprobation he had it in his power to plead the authority of the chancellor of the exchequer, though neither of the principal secretaries of state in that house had thought the agitation of the subject at that time would have been attended with any improper consequences.
Lord Castlereagh, in explanation, denied
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that he had put any unfounded construction upon the sentiments of the hon. gent, as expressed on this subject upon a former evening. In any observations that might have fallen from him, he was far from being influenced by any motive of political animosity.
Mr. Wilberforceconfessed that the sentiments he felt on this great subject were very similar to those of the hon. gent. opposite. He could not avoid expressing his concern that no communication had been made to parliament, in order that a proper opportunity might have been afforded of giving a sort of authoritative publicity to the unanimous feeling of the nation, that all that England could do for Spain and her cause, should be done with equal zeal, promptitude, and disinterestedness; and to shew to Spain, and to the world, our generous sympathy in her sufferings, our anxious interest in her struggles, and our hearty and undivided wishes for her complete success. And he was at the same time particularly anxious that Spain should be satisfied, that whatever means we should resort to, to second her efforts, were not the result of any narrow self-consulting policy, any cold and interested speculation, but that they were the spontaneous effusions of British sympathy in the cause of that freedom and independence Britons valued beyond their lives; the cause of Spain was the cause of all those who, from enjoying, knew how to value liberty. But he was particularly anxious that the Spaniards should not be furnished with the slightest pretence to believe, that because of the state of hostility which had but recently terminated between the two countries, there still lurked in the breasts of Englishmen any hostile disposition towards that country; and above all, it was desirable that the Spaniards should have good reason to confide in our assistance, and not distrust the manner of it, or question the motives that occasioned it; every possible means should be resorted to, to convince them that, at such a crisis, we were not base enough to avail ourselves of their difficulty and danger, in order ultimately to render their noble efforts subservient to our own interests; and he could not but confess, that he thought an unanimous vote of that house to that effect would have materially contributed to the confirmation of such a disavowal on our part. But there was some consolation in reflecting that, though this vote had not been called for, the feeling

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in favour of Spain was so unanimous, zealous, and decisive, that it was next to an impossibility that it could be mistaken; it was so notorious, that every Briton joined in enthusiastic prayers to the great Ruler of events, to bless with its merited success the struggle of a gallant people in behalf of every thing dear to the christian, the citizen, and the man; and, indeed, the notoriety itself had been so extensive, as perhaps to supersede the necessity of any formal annunciation on the part of that house upon a subject concerning which the population of the empire entertained but one sentiment, great
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and generous as the glorious cause that gave it birth.
The deputy usher of the black rod then summoned the house to the house of peers. The Speaker and all the members present attended forthwith. On their return, the Speaker read a copy of the Speech delivered by the Lords Commissioners; after which, the members separated.—Thus ended the Second Session of the Fourth Parliament of the United Kingdom of Great Britain and Ireland.
[A List of the Public Acts passed during the Session, will be found at p. Ixvii. of the Appendix.]

SPAIN.
The Earl of Suffolkrose to call the attention of the house to the critical situation in which we now stood with respect to Spain. It was generally understood that a large armament was to be sent to assist the patriotic exertions of that nation in resisting the tyranny that would oppress its liberty, and in enabling it to assert its independence. Who was to command that expedition? Its fate might, perhaps, be closely connected with the auspices and command under which it was to serve. He did not know that we had now any responsible minister. In former administrations Mr. Pitt, lord Sidmouth, and latterly lord Grenville, stood forward

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as the avowed responsible ministers of their day. An expedition had, not long ago, been confided to general Whitelocke, with the issue of which every man was but too sorrowfully acquainted. The individual, it was true, had been punished, but in enterprises of that nature, it was not enough to punish the individual, some atonement should be made at the shrine of the tarnished honour of the country: that expiation was yet unpaid. No minister had as yet pleaded guilty to the charge of that appointment. These considerations led him to enquire who was the responsible minister at the present moment; for by the appointment which must soon take place of a Commander of the Expedition to Spain, not only the character and military fame of the nation, but its most vital interests might be deeply affected. He then alluded to a noble duke who seldom came to the house, and confessed that he was unable to determine whether that noble duke possessed the influence attributed to him or not.—The observations of the noble earl did not meet with any answer.

THE LORDS COMMISSIONERS' SPEECH.
About a quarter before four the archbishop of Canterbury, the lord chancellor, the lord president of the council, the lord privy seal, and the duke of Montrose, took their seats as his majesty's commissioners. Mr. Quarme, the deputy usher of the black rod, was sent to the house of commons to desire their attendance. The Speaker, and a considerable number of members, shortly afterwards came to the bar. A commission for giving the royal assent to certain bills was read by the clerk, by virtue of which the royal assent was given to several bills. After which,
The Lord Chancellor, in his majesty's name, delivered the following Speech.
"My Lords and Gentlemen,
"We have it in command from his majesty to express to you the great satisfaction which he derives from being enabled, by putting an end to the present session of parliament, to terminate the laborious attendance which the public business has required of you.—The measure which you have adopted for the improvement of the military force of the country, promises to lay the foundation of a system of internal defence eminently useful, and peculiarly adapted to the exigences of these times.—The sanction which you have given to those measures of defensive retaliation, to which the violent attacks of the enemy, upon the commerce and resources of this kingdom,
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compelled his majesty to resort, has been highly satisfactory to his majesty.—His majesty doubts not that in the result the enemy will be convinced of the impolicy of persevering in a system which retorts upon himself, in so much greater proportion, those evils which he endeavours to inflict upon this country.
"Gentlemen of the House of Commons,
"We are commanded by his majesty to return his most hearty acknowledgments for the cheerfulness and liberality with, which the necessary supplies for the current year have been provided.—His majesty directs us to assure you, that he participates in the satisfaction with which you must have contemplated the flourishing situation of the revenue and credit of the country, notwithstanding the continued pressure of the war; and he congratulates you upon having been enabled to provide for the exigences of the public service, with so small an addition to the public burthens.—His majesty commands us to thank you for having enabled him to make good his engagements with his allies; and to express to you the particular gratification which he has derived from the manner in which you have provided for the establishment of his sister, her royal highness the duchess of Brunswick.
"My Lords and Gentlemen,
"His majesty has great satisfaction in informing you, that, notwithstanding the formidable confederacy united against his ally the king of Sweden, that sovereign perseveres, with unabated vigour and constancy, to maintain the honour and independence of his crown; no effort has been wanting on the part of his majesty to support him in the arduous contest in which he is engaged.—The recent transactions in Spain and Italy have exhibited new and striking proofs of the unbounded and unprincipled ambition which actuates the common enemy of every established government and independent nation in the world.—His majesty views, with the liveliest interest, the loyal and determined spirit manifested by the Spanish nation, in resisting the violence and perfidy with which their dearest rights have been assailed.—Thus nobly struggling against the tyranny and usurpation of France, the Spanish nation can no longer be considered as the enemy of Great Britain; but is recognised by his majesty as a natural friend and ally.—We are commanded to inform you that communications have been made to his majesty from several of the

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provinces of Spain, soliciting the aid of his majesty. The answer of his majesty to these communications has been received in Spain, with every demonstration of those sentiments of confidence and affection which are congenial to the feelings and true interests of both nations. And his majesty commands us to assure you that he will continue to make every exertion in his power for the support of the Spanish cause; guided in the choice and in the direction of his exertions by the wishes of those in whose behalf they are employed.—In contributing to the success of this just and glorious cause, his majesty has no other object than that of preserving unimpaired the integrity and independence of the Spanish monarchy. But he trusts that the same efforts which are directed to that great object, may, under the blessing of Divine Providence, lead in their effects, and by their example, to the restoration of the liberties and the peace of Europe."
A commission being read for proroguing the parliament, the Lord Chancellor, in his majesty's name, and by virtue of the said commission, declared the parliament to be prorogued to the 20th of August next, to be then and there holden.