Sitting of 25 March 1805

MINUTES.
A message from the lords announced their lordships' assent to the Irish Customs bill, Excise bill, Stamp Duty bill, the Postage bill, the Malt and Spirits bill, the Sugar Drawback bill, the English Exchequer Bills bill, the English Sugar Drawback bill, the Promissory Notes bill, and the Expiring Laws bill, all without any amendment. Soon afterwards, the gentleman usher of the black rod appeared at the bar, and summoned the speaker and house to attend in the house of lords, to hear his majesty's assent given, by commission, to certain bills. The Speaker and members accordingly attended; and on his return he acquainted the house, that he had heard the royal assent given, by commission, to several public and private bills, among which were those above enumerated, as also the Irish Warehousing bills.—A person from the Stamp-office presented an account of stamp duties and balances in the hands of the collectors at this present period.—Mr. Bagwell, after obtaining leave to withdraw the Irish Election bill which he had lately brought in, moved for leave to present one more perfect. Agreed to.—Mr. Fitzgerald moved for leave to bring in a bill for regulating the Right of Common in Ireland, in the same manner as in England. Leave given—Mr. Fitzgerald, also moved, that there be laid before the house copies of the patents under which the commissioners of the treasury in Ireland held their offices, at the time of making their returns; and the warrant or warrants issued for paying their salaries, also a list of the several persons appointed commissioners of the treasury, and the funds out of which the several payments have been made. Ordered.

REPORT OF THE SUPPLEMENTARY BUDGET.
Mr. Alexanderbrought up the report of the committee of ways and means. The several resolutions with respect to the new taxes were read, and when the clerk came to that relating to the proposed tax upon auctions.
Lord Henry Pettyrose, and after admitting that the other taxes proposed, were as unobjectionable as under the circumstances could be well expected, animadverted on the tax just referred to as likely to bear with peculiar hardship upon a very distressed part of the people, and therefore irreconcileable with the principle which the right hon. the chancellor of the exchequer had himself laid down on a former evening. The noble lord pressed upon the consideration of the house, that auctions were already subject to a tax of from 10 to 12 per cent. and that small traders, who generally disposed of their goods in that way, and distressed persons who were often obliged to have recourse to it, would be much affected by the proposed addition. He recommended an exemption in favour of such persons, on the same principle on which an exemption was granted under the property and other taxes.
The Chancellor of the Exchequersaid, that he should not at present enter into a discussion of the merits of this proposition. He should only observe, that, if the noble lord's argument were adopted, it would be impossible to bring forward a tax that should be received; for no tax, however generally good, could be free from some particular objections. The objections, however, stated by the noble lord were not applicable to the general principle of this tax.—Upon the resolution being read relating to the tax on cider And perry,
Mr. Bastardstated, that, according to information which he had received this day, cider was, in consequence of an alteration made by the excise in the course of the last year, raised from the nominal duty of 20s, to 24s. per hogshead. With the proposed addition, therefore, it would be subject to 36s. per hogshead. He hoped, however, that the new duty would not attach to the stock on hand. If it should be so proposed, he declared his intention to oppose it.—The resolution was agreed to, as were the others, and bills ordered accordingly.

ROMAN CATHOLIC PETITION.
Mr. Foxprevious to bringing up this Petition, addressed the house, and said, that he
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never rose with more satisfaction in the whole course of his life, than at this present moment, in being the instrument of presenting the Irish Catholic Petition to that house of parliament. Whatever might be the discussion which the subject of this petition was likely to give rise to, he was convinced it would afford a most satisfactory proof to every feeling mind, that the great body of Catholics in Ireland had to complain of numerous grievances, and that they meant to adopt the moss respectful manner of procuring redress, by this humble application to parliament. He did not think that the present would be a proper time to make any further observations upon the subject, and he should therefore only move for leave to bring up the petition. He then stated shortly the substance of the petition;. and leave being given to bring it up, Mr. Fox appeared at the bar, and brought up the petition, which was then read by the clerk (see p. 97). After it was read, Mr. Fox moved that the petition do lie on the table. On this motion being put from the chair,
Mr. Cartwrightrose. He said it was not his intention on that occasion to enter into the merits of the question, but he could not help expressing his regret, that the subject of the petition was likely to be brought to a discussion under the present circumstances of the country. Much as he lamented what did pass upon the subject not long since, and much as he lamented the importance attached at that time to the immediate concession of the privileges withheld from the Catholics, he was in hopes no further steps would have been taken to accomplish that object, till at least there was some reason to suppose no insurmountable difficulties stood in the way of its attainment; and he could not help expressing his surprize, that the advocates for these concessions should be so anxious for a discussion, knowing as they do all the circumstances of the case, and the certainty of no success. He could not comprehend the policy or patriotism of creating a discussion, if not likely to go further, and of thus unseasonably agitating a subject of such general expectation and importance, on which the feelings of the inhabitants of Ireland were so unhappily alive, and which may lead to no small fermentation and disturbance in that country.
Mr. Foxsaid, that the hon. member had alluded to an insurmountable obstacle; but what that obstacle was, the hon. gent.

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had not mentioned. He should wait to hear, upon the discussion of the measure to which the petition referred, what the nature of that obstacle was, and then he should take occasion to state his opinion respecting it. At present he should only say, that it was his intention to appoint a day for the discussion of a proposition founded on the petition. From information received, he understood that the Irish members were for the most part at present in Ireland, upon the business of the assizes, and that they could not conveniently return for some time. It was his wish to fix upon as early a day as possible; he should mention the 9th of May, but in the course of the ensuing week he should be able to state the precise day.
Dr. Duigenanurged the propriety of ascertaining with precision the day on which the motion of the hon. gent. would be brought forward, and hoped he would positively fix on the 9th of May for that purpose.
Mr. Foxhad no objection whatever to that day himself, but until he had consulted those who were more immediately interested, he did not feel entitled to say that that should certainly be the day on which he would make his motion.—Adjourned.

ROMAN CATHOLIC PETITION.
Lord Grenvillerose, and said, that agreeably to the notice he had given, he was about to offer to their Lordships a petition from certain of his Majesiy's subjects in Ireland, professing the Roman Catholic religion. He now held the Petition in his hand, and in the first place desired that it might be read. The Clerk then read the Petition, of which the following is an authentic copy.
The humble Petition of the Roman Catholics of Ireland, whose names are hereunto subscribed, on behalf of themselves and of others his majesty's subjects professing the Roman Catholic Religion,
"SHEWETH—That your petitioners are steadfastly attached to the person, family, and government, of their most gracious sovereign; that they are impressed with sentiments of affectionate gratitude for the benign laws which have been enacted for meliorating their condition during his paternal reign; and they contemplate, with rational and decided predilection, the admirable principles of the British constitution.
"Your Petitioners most humbly state, that they have, solemnly and publicly, taken the oaths by law prescribed to his majesty's Roman Catholic subjects, as tests of political and moral principles; and they confidently appeal to the sufferings which they have long endured, and the sacrifices which they still make rather than violate their consciences (by taking oaths of a religious or spiritual import contrary to their belief), as decisive proofs of their profound and scrupulous reverence for the sacred obligation of an oath.
"Your Petitioners beg leave to represent—that by those awful tests they bind themselves, in the presence of the All seeing Deity, whom all classes of Christians adore, "to be faithful and bear true allegiance to their most gracious sovereign lord King George the Third, and him to defend to the utmost of their power against all conspiracies and attempts whatsoever that shall be made against his person, crown or dignity; to do their utmost endeavours to disclose and make known to his majesty and his heirs all treasons and traitorous conspiracies which may be formed against him or them; and faithfully to maintain,
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support, and defend, to the utmost of their power, the succession to the crown in his majesty's family against any person or persons whatsoever."—"That, by those oaths, they renounce and abjure obedience and allegiance unto any other person claiming or pretending a right to the crown of this realm; that they reject and detest, as unchristian and impious, to believe that it is lawful in any ways to injure any person or persons whatsoever under pretence of their being heretics; and also that unchristian and impious principle—that no faith is to be kept with Heretics—that it is no article of their faith—and that they renounce, reject, and abjure, the opinion, that princes excommunicated by the pope and council, or by any authority whatsoever, may be deposed or murdered by their subjects, or by any other person whatsoever;—that they do not believe that the pope of Rome, or any other foreign prince, prelate, state, or potentate, bath, or ought to have, any temporal or civil jurisdiction, power, superiority, or pre-eminence within this realm;—that they firmly believe, that no act in itself unjust, immoral, or wicked, can ever be justified or excused by or under pretence or colour that it was done for the good of the church, or in obedience to any ecclesiastical power whatsoever; and that it is not an article of the catholic faith, neither are they thereby required to believe or profess, that the pope is infallible, or that they are bound to any order, in its own nature immoral, although the pope or any ecclesiastical power should issue or direct such order; but that, on the contrary, they hold, that it would be sinful in them to pay any respect or obedience thereto—that they do not believe that any sin whatsoever, committed by them, can be forgiven at the mere will of any pope or of any priest, or of any person or persons whatsoever, but that any person who receives absolution, without a sincere sorrow for such sin, and a firm and sincere resolution to avoid future guilt, and to atone to God, so far from obtaining thereby any remission of his sin, incurs the additional guilt of violating a sacrament; and," by the same solemn obligation, "they are bound and firmly pledged to defend, to the utmost of their power, the settlement and arrangement of property in their country

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as established by the laws now in being; —that they have disclaimed, disavowed, and solemly abjured any intention to subvert the present church establishment for the purpose of substituting a catholic establishment in its stead;" and that they have also solemnly sworn, "that they will not exercise any privilege, to which they are or may become entitled, to disturb or weaken the protestant religion or protestant government in Ireland."
"Your Petitioners most humbly beg leave to shew, that however painful it is to their feelings, that it should still be thought necessary to exact such tests from them (and from them alone of all his majesty's subjects), they can with perfect truth affirm, that the political and moral principles, which are thereby asserted, are not only conformable to their opinions, but expressly inculcated by the religion which they profess; and your Petitioners most humbly trust, that the religious doctrines, which permit such tests to be taken, will be pronounced by this honourable house to be entitled to a toleration, not merely partial, but complete, under the happy constitution and government of this realm; and that his majesty's Roman Catholic subjects, holding those principles, will be considered as subjects upon whose fidelity the state may repose the firmest reliance.
"Your Petitioners further most humbly shew, that 26 years have now elapsed since their most gracious sovereign and the honourable houses of parliament in Ireland, by their public and deliberate act, declared, that, "from the uniform peaceable behaviour of the Roman Catholics of Ireland for a long series of years, it appeared reasonable and expedient to relax the disabilities and incapacities under which they laboured, and that it must tend not only to the cultivation and improvement of this kingdom, but to the prosperity and strength of all his majesty's dominions, that his majesty's .subjects of all denominations should enjoy the blessings of a free constitution, and should be bound to each other by mutual interest and mutual affection;" a declaration founded upon unerring principles of justice and sound policy, which still remains to be carried, into full effect faithough your Petitioners are impressed with a belief, that the apprehensions which retarded its beneficial operation previous to the union cannot exist in the parliament of the united kingdom).
"For your Petitioners most humbly shew, that, by virtue of divers statutes
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now in force, his majesty's Roman Catholic subjects, who form so great a proportion of the population of Ireland, and contribute so largely to the resources of the state, do yet labour under many incapacities, restraints, and privations, which affect them with peculiar severity in almost every station of life; that more especially they are denied the capacity of sitting or voting in either of the honourable houses of parliament; the manifold evils consequent upon which incapacity they trust it is unnecessary to unfold and enumerate to this honourable house.
"They are disabled from holding or exercising (unless by a special dispensation) any corporate office whatsoever in the cities or towns in which they reside; they are incapacitated and disqualified from holding or exercising the offices of sheriffs and sub-sheriffs, and various offices of trust, honour, and emolument in the state, in his majesty's military and naval service, and in the administration of the laws, in this their native land.
"Your Petitioners, declining to enter into the painful detail of the many incapacities and inconveniencies avowedly inflicted by those statutes upon his majesty's Roman Catholic subjects, beg leave, however, most earnestly to solicit the attention of this hon. house, to the humiliating and ignominious system of exclusion, reproach, suspicion, which those statutes generate and keep alive.
"For your Petitioners most humbly shew, that in consequence of the hostile spirit thereby sanctioned, their hopes of enjoying even the privileges, which through the benignity of their most gracious sovereign, they have been capacitated to enjoy, are nearly altogether frustrated, insomuch that they are, in effect, shut out from almost all the honours, dignities, and offices of trust and emolument in the state, from rank and distinction in his majesty's army and navy, and even from the lowest situations and franchises in the several cities and corporate towns throughout his majesty's dominions.
"And your petitioners severely feel, that this unqualified interdiction of those of their communion from all municipal stations, from the franchises of all guilds and corporations, and from the patronage and benefits annexed to those situations, is an evil not terminating in itself for they beg leave to state, that, by giving an advantage over those of their communion to others, by whom such situations are ex-

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clusively possessed, it establishes a species of qualified monopoly, universally operating in their disfavour, contrary to the spirit, and highly detrimental to the freedom of trade.
"Your Petitioners likewise severely feel, that his majesty's Roman Catholic subjects, in consequence of their exclusion from the offices of sheriffs and sub-sheriffs, and of the hostile spirit of those statutes, do not fully enjoy certain other inestimable privileges of the British constitution, which the law has most jealously maintained and secured to their fellow subjects.
"Your Petitioners most humbly beg leave to solicit the attention of this hon. house to the distinction which has conceded the elective, and denies the representative franchise to one and the same class of his his majesty's subjects; which detaches from property its proportion of political power under a constitution whose vital principle is the union of the one with the other; which closes every avenue of legalized ambition against those who must be presumed to have great credit and influence among the mass of the population of the country; which refuses to peers of the realm all share in the legislative representation, either actual or virtual; and renders the liberal profession of the law to Roman Catholics a mere object of pecuniary traffic, despoiled of its hopes and of its honours.
"Your Petitioners further most humbly shew, that the exclusion of so numerous and efficient a portion of his majesty's subjects as the Roman Catholics of this realm from civil honours and offices, and from advancement in his majesty's army and navy, actually impairs, in a very material degree, the most valuable resources Of the British empire, by impeding his majesty's general service, stifling the most honourable and powerful incentives to civil and military merit, and unnecessarily restricting the exercise of that bright prerogative of the crown, which encourages good subjects to promote the public welfare, and excites them to meritorious actions, by a well regulated distribution of public honours and rewards.
"Your Petitioners beg leave most humbly to submit, that those manifold incapacities, restraints, and privations, are absolutely repugnant to the liberal and comprehensive principles recognized by their most gracious sovereign and the parliament of Ireland: that they are impolitic
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restraints upon his majesty's -prerogative—that they are hurtful and vexatious to the feelings of a loyal and generous people—and that the total abolition of them will be found not only compitible with, but highly conduci to, the perfect security of every establishment religious or political, now existing in this realm.
"For your Petitioners most explicitly declare, that they do not seek or wish, in the remotes degree, to injure or encroach upon "the rights, privileges, immunities, possessions, or revenues appertaining to the bishops and clergy of the protestant religion, as by law established, or to the churches committed to their charge, or to any of them"—the sole object of your petitioners being an equal participation, upon equal terms with their fellow-subjects, of the full benefits of the British laws and constitution.
"Your Petitioners beg leave most humbly to observe, that although they might well and justly insist upon the firm and unabated loyalty of his majesty's Roman Catholic subjects to their most gracious sovereign, their profound respect for the legislature, and their dutiful submission to the laws, yet they most especially rest their humble claims and expectations of relief upon the clear and manifest conduciveness of the measure which they solicit to the general and permanent tranquillity, strength and happiness of the British empire. And your Petitioners, entertaining no doubt of its final accomplishment, from its evident justice and utility, do most solemnly assure this hon. house, that their earnest solicitude for it, at this peculiar crisis, arises principally from their anxious desire to extinguish all motives to disunion, and all means of exciting discontent.
"For your Petitioners humbly state it as their decided opinion, that the enemies of the British empire, who meditate the subjugation of Ireland, have no hope of success, save in the disunion of its inhabitants; and therefore it is, that your Petitioners are deeply anxious, at this moment, that a measure should be accomplished which will annihilate the principles of religious animosity, and animate all descriptions of his majesty's subjects in an enthusiastic defence of the best constitution that has ever yet been established.
"Your Petitioners, therefore, most humbly presume to express their earnest, but respectful hope, that this hon. house will in its wisdom and liberality, deem the se-

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veral statutes, now in force ainst them, no longer necessary to be re tined; and that his majesty's loyal and dutiful subjects, professing the Roman Catholic religion, may be effectually relieved from the operation of those statutes, and that so they may be restored to the full enjoyment of the benefits of the British nstitution, and to every inducement of achment to that constitution, equally in common with their fellow subjects throughout the British empire. And your Petitioners will ever pray, &c. Signed Shrewsbury, Waterford, and Wexford; Fingal, Kenmare, Gormanstown, Southwell, Trimlestown, &c. &c."
Lord Grenvilleagain rose, and moved, that it do lie on the table. He said, it was not his intention to make any other motion at present, on a subject of so much importance; much deliberation was necessary previous to any notice being given of a motion for the consideration of the petition. When it should be thought fit to submit that proposition to the house, he assured their lordships that ample notice would be given.
Lord Aucklandfelt himself bound to say a few words before the petition was laid on the table. He declared that the nature of the petition, until this moment, had been perfectly unknown to him. He had, however, listened attentively to it while reading, and, from what caught his ear, it appeared to him that the petitioners claimed a full participation of all the rights and privileges of the other subjects of his majesty. That was a claim which merited the most serious consideration. If it were to be conceded, the consequence would be that their lordships would see a protestant king, in this country, maintaining the protestant religion here, while it was losing its ascendency in Ireland. In Ireland, their lordships would see the protestant religion established by law, while the magistrates and legislators of the country would be Roman Catholics. He regretted that this subject had been brought forward, but since it had come under the notice of their lordships, he trusted that the question would be fully investigated. Their lordships could not now let the subject pass over, but must feel it to be their duty to discuss it minutely, calmly, and dispassionately. He would give no opinion at present; but he must confess that he saw nothing in the signs of the times that would induce him to break down the barriers,
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and undermine the fortifications which had been raised for the protection of the church and state. He must use these words church and state, because they presented an idea to his mind, which he never could separate from that of the constitution of the country. Having said thus much, be again expressed his hope that the business would not be suffered to lie over, but that it would be brought forward as speedily as possible.
Lord Grenvillewould not use one word of argument in support of the petition. He should only observe, that so far as it was in his power to expedite the business, it would be forwarded, and he was anxious that no unnecessary delay should take place. He also assured their lordships, that when the subject was brought forward, it should, as far as depended on him, receive a deliberate, calm, and dispassionate discussion. With regard to the merits of the petition, he would say nothing now; that was what he wished to avoid at present, even if any thing could have induced him to offer any observations on a motion for laying this petition on the table.
Lord Hawkesburyafter what had passed, could not permit the petition to be laid on the table, without taking the opportunity of saving a few words upon the motion. The right of petitioning he held to be so sacred a privilege, that nothing could excuse their lordships from receiving petitions from any description of his majesty's subjects. To this general proposition he knew only two exceptions: 1st, when the grievance complained of was one over which their lordships had no jurisdiction, and which they therefore could not redress. 2d, when there was something disrespectful in the form or language of the petition. The present petition, however, came not within either of these exceptions, and he therefore should not object to its being laid on the table. He concurred with the noble baron who had introduced the petition, in deprecating all premature discussion; but, if it was that noble baron's intention to bring the subject again before the House, he thought it but justice now to declare, that if any motion should be made for carrying into effect the prayer of the petition, he should then, but not till then, state his reasons for opposing any such measure.
Lord Grenvillesaid, he only rose, that it might be distinctly understood, that it was his intention to bring forward the sub-

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ject of the petition and its prayer to the consideration of the house, and that with as little interval of delay as the circumstances of the case would admit.—The petition was then ordered to lie on the table.
The Duke of Norfolkrose, to move that the Petition should be printed. He was not aware whether such a motion was conformable to the custom and usage of the house; but when he considered the importance of the subject, and the variety of assertions made in the Petition, all of which it was indispensably necessary their lordships should thoroughly investigate, he wished, if there was no order against it, to press upon the attention of the House a motion for printing the petition. He at the same time regretted, that a noble lord, holding a high situation in his majesty's most intimate councils, should have prematurely expressed an opinion inimical to the prayer of the petition.
The Lord Chancellorsaid, he believed it would be found, on the one hand, that there was no order against printing a petition, and that, on the other, there was no example of any petition having been printed. He thought that the importance of the petition demanded that it should remain on the table, for the examination of every one of their lordships, instead of being sent out of the House to be printed.—motion was negatived.

CONDUCT OF JUDGE FOX.
Lord Aucklandagreeably to the notice he had given, brought forward some farther propositions in reference to the pending case of this magistrate. After some general observations, as to the peculiar importance of the case, the necessity which existed for their lordships deciding upon it with the utmost caution and deliberation, with a view equally to the correctness of their own proceedings, as well as to the importance of the case in the way of precedent, and, adverting to the circumstance of the proceedings in the committee being adjourned till the beginning of May, against which period their lordships might be furnished with the necessary information of advice upon the point, moved to the general effect, that "the case against Mr. Justice Fox, the charges alleged, and steps taken in consequence, be referred to the consideration of the judges for their opinion of the same; and whether the case, as it stood, could, consistently with the relevant acts and usage of parliament, be
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farther proceeded in that house, and in that manner."
The Lord Chancellordid not then wish to offer any opinion as to the substance of his noble friend's motion, but he recommended that the consideration of such a proposition should be deferred for a few days. On the first view of it, they should hesitate ere they agreed to put such a proposition to the judges, as containing points upon which he, for one, perhaps, could have no doubt. He should, however, in the interval he meant to propose, pay a most sedulous attention to the precedents, and to the records on the journals. It certainly required some deliberation, as possibly, by taking such a step precipitately, they might advance further in error. After considering the proposition in a variety of legal points of view, in the course of which he deprecated the putting such questions to the learned judges without further inquiry and deliberation; he moved, that the further consideration of the motion be adjourned till this day se'nnight.
Lord Grenvilledid not mean to oppose the amendment of the noble and learned lord, but agreed in favour of a great deal of what fell from the noble lord who opened the discussion. He contended, that sooner than persist in error, they should, if found necessary, tread back their steps; and he hoped, that no fear of imputed inconsistency would deter them from doing that which they should find to be right. He thought it would be proper to take the opinion of the judges on the occasion, who, it should be recollected, had, officially, seats in that house. No objection would be urged, he thought, to the noble and learned lord's amending the language of the proposition, as he should deem proper; and, after adverting to what he conceived a difference in the line of argument then adopted by the learned lord, and what he had urged on former occasions, observed, that he should not hesitate to follow that line of conduct adopted by lord chancellor Clarendon, on an occasion nearly similar, who resorted for information and advice to that quarter, which the usage of that house, and the constitution, equally pointed out as the most eligible in such cases.
Lord Hawkesburyconceived, that the proceedings then before their lordships were not upon an address to his majesty, for the removal of a judge; but the question was, what proceedings should be had

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previous to such an address? Those proceedings, so far as they had gone, he conceived, must be either substantially right, or formally wrong; and the very learned and elaborate argument of the noble baron (lord Grenville), and the several cases which he had cited in support of that argument, were by no means in point, but were quite distinct and separate from the question before their lordships. With great respect and deference to the noble baron, he considered it rather a quibble upon the question, than an argument grounded upon sound principles and the strict justice of the case. He contended, that the proceedings hitherto had been regularly and formally right. Their lordships could pursue no other course; he, therefore, thought the consideration of the question should be postponed for some days, in order to afford an opportunity of digesting the subject.
Lord Ellenboroughconceived that the question before the house was, not whether their lordships were to address his majesty for the removal of one of the judges, but whether their lordships would take the opinion of the learned judges, as to the manner of their future proceedings? His lordship had no objection to his learned friend's wish to postpone the consideration of the question for some days, as in truth he thought it but right they should take time upon so important a proceeding; but the impression upon his mind was that, before any address should be presented to his majesty, the question should be tried by a court of law, and Mr. justice Fox should be either found guilty, or acquitted, of the charges laid against him, by the verdict of 12 honest, and upright men. The regular proceedings should be had upon that verdict, a writ of error should be brought, and the verdict either affirmed or reversed; if the former, then the matter would come properly before their lordships. His lordship then went into some observations of considerable length, upon proceedings by impeachment, which he considered would be the most preferable mode. He expressed a strong desire that the opinion of the learned judges should be taken upon the question. It was by no means beneath the dignity of that house, or at all derogatory to their lordships' privileges, to take such an opinion. It was for such purposes the learned judges sat in that house, and he trusted their lordships would resort to them, who
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were so very competent to give their lordships the necessary assistance.
Lord Grenvillethen read the case of Bridgman against lord Chief Justice Holt, for the satisfaction of lord Ellenborough, which case his lordship had chiefly relied upon. The cause originated in the refusal of the Chief Justice to receive a bill of exceptions which had been tendered to him.—The question for postponing the further consideration of the matter until this day se'nnight was then put, and carried.—Adjourned.