§ 1A That the House do disagree with the Commons in their Amendment No. 1.
§ Lord Windlesham
My Lords, I beg to move that the House do disagree with the Commons in their Amendment No. 1. I shall speak also to Amendment No. 2 which deals with the same point.
Let me rehearse briefly the background to these amendments. Earlier in the Session, at Third Reading the House made a small but significant change in the wording of the opening clause of the Bill. The purpose of that clause is to enable a youth court or other magistrates' court to refer certain categories of young offender under the age of 18 to youth offender panels. The new power is not intended to be available where an offence is one for which the sentence is fixed by law, nor where the court is proposing to impose a custodial sentence, or to make a hospital order, or is proposing to make an absolute discharge.
Moreover, to be eligible for referral the young person before the court needs to have pleaded guilty, and never to have been previously convicted of a criminal offence, nor bound over to keep the peace or be of good behaviour. I wish to stress that none of these requirements is affected in any way by the amendment.
It has been made clear that the policy objective of the legislation is one that we can all accept; that is, to prevent reoffending by as many young people as possible who are appearing in court for the first time. Rather than attending the court in a detached, resentful, and often uncomprehending manner, the aim is to divert young first offenders away from the procedural formalities inherent in the penal system. Instead, they will be referred to youth offender panels designed to help young people to understand the effects of their actions on the victims and on a wider community.
The ideals of reparation and taking personal responsibility are far from new. But now, under the general rubric of restorative justice, it is a concept whose hour has come. The proposed referrals 1312 complement the provisions of the Crime and Disorder Act 1998 and form part of what we should acknowledge as a carefully thought-out series of policies designed to combat the widespread harm done by youth offending. All of that is common ground and is welcome.
The only aspect which divided the House on Third Reading was whether the referral orders should be mandatory, provided that certain conditions were met, or the sentencing court should have discretion whether or not to make such an order, taking account of all the circumstances of the actual case once the facts had been established. After a full debate the House agreed, albeit by a narrow majority of four, on a vote in which 293 Peers took part, to an amendment moved by myself and supported by four leading counsel—the noble Lords, Lord Carlisle of Bucklow, Lord Renton, Lord Campbell of Alloway and Lord Thomas of Gresford, from the Liberal Democrat Front Bench. All, save the noble Lord. Lord Carlisle of Bucklow, are present in the Chamber this afternoon, and all have experience of sentencing as Recorders in the Crown Court.
The effect of the amendment was to leave the making of a referral order within the discretion of the court. Other notable speeches in support were made from the Cross Benches by the noble and learned Lord, Lord Lane, former Lord Chief Justice of England, and by the noble Viscount, Lord Runciman, Chairman of the Royal Commission on Criminal Justice.
The debate continued in the House of Commons and covered much of the same ground. It was the subject of a full-day session in Standing Committee and later occupied some two hours of debate on the Floor of the House on Report. On each occasion Ministers declined to make any concession to meet the objections of principle that had been raised towards mandatory sentencing, and the Lords' amendment was reversed on a Division in Standing Committee.
Earlier this month, on 8th July, some carefully drafted alternative wording was proposed from the Opposition Benches for Clause 1. But that, too, was rejected in another place, once again on a Division at the Report stage. In the course of that debate the Home Secretary declared that he accepted the case for flexibility. But his speech concentrated on the way in which referral orders are to be drawn up in the form of a contract with the offender.
These details will be important, especially as it is intended that the duration of the order may vary between three to 12 months, with the actual term being specified by the sentencing court. The noble Lord. Lord Williams of Mostyn, may recall that he used the same example in his unsuccessful attempt to head off defeat the last time we debated this matter.
The Home Secretary took the reasoning further when he replied to the debate on Report in another place. He pointed out that if what he referred to as "unanticipated inflexibilities" should arise, the Secretary of State would have power under Clause 2(3) of the Bill to make such amendments by regulation as he considered necessary to vary the descriptions of the offenders to whom the compulsory or discretionary referral conditions should apply.
1313 But varying the conditions does not go to the heart of this dispute. Whatever criteria are adopted to describe the categories eligible to be referred to youth offender panels, and however carefully constructed the contract that is drawn up by the panel for each individual young person, the reality remains that the court must—not "may"—make a referral order when sentencing any offender to whom the Act applies. This is the central feature of the procedure which remains objectionable for the reasons that have already been comprehensively rehearsed in both Houses.
As the Bill stands, the first two clauses attempt to define the sort of person it is envisaged should be subject to the new order. The objection is that sentencing in a just society is not, or should not be, directed towards categories of people at all. Once guilt has been established, the court should treat each offender as an individual and decide on the penalty appropriate to the harm done and other relevant factors. Treating people before the courts by category inevitably produces hard cases at the margin.
I submit that we should heed the warning of the noble and learned Lord, Lord Lane, with his great experience of sentencing over a long period of time. In the previous debate he said:the sad fact is that the mandatory sentence or mandatory disposal order will inevitably he a potential miscarriage of justice".—[Official Report, 23/3/99; col. 1159]I beg to move.
§ Moved, That the House do disagree with the Commons in their Amendment No. 1.—(Lord Windlesham.)
§ The Earl of Mar and Kellie
My Lords, I hope that I am allowed to comment at this time. I am concerned about the wording of the Commons amendment; it somewhat blows a hole in the definition of the difference between a sentence and an order with which I grew up. As a social worker in the criminal justice field, I learnt that the difference was that if one was sentenced, that was the end of it; if one was placed on an order. one had to complete a programme. If the programme was not satisfactorily completed, one could be referred back to the court and another punishment imposed. The Commons amendment seems to do away with that definition. Clearly someone who has been placed on a referral order can, under Clause 13, be referred back. Therefore, I make the simple point that if the Commons amendment is included in the Bill, the definition that we have grown up with will no longer be valid.
My Lords, my noble friend Lord Windlesham has put forward the case fully and with great clarity, so one can be brief. Those of us who have had judicial experience know that mandatory sentences and even mandatory probation orders—anything mandatory—fetters the discretion and should be avoided especially when dealing with young first offenders where the circumstances can be very unusual and not necessarily warrant any kind of mandatory sentence.
1314 In case they are wrong I suppose that the Government are relying on Clause 2(3) which enables the Secretary of State to put the matter right and alter the provisions as regards mandatory sentences in Clause 1 by making a regulation. That is a sign of weakness. Bearing in mind the vast experience already obtained in the courts, it is far better that we avoid mandatory sentences and enable the courts, with all the facts before them. including the personality of the accused, to do the right thing. Under the Bill as it stands, a number of injustices occur and that is unfortunate. It would not be worth waiting for a regulation.
In any event, as I have said on previous occasions. it is far better that the Government should get the primary legislation right first time instead of using the power to fall back on regulations which neither House would have power to amend. Therefore, I strongly hope that what my noble friend Lord Windlesham said will be accepted by the noble Lord, Lord Williams of Mostyn. I remember very well the answer he gave at Report stage. I very often agree with him on legal matters. On this occasion I hope that he will realise that it would be unwise for the Government to fetter the courts in the way that the House of Commons was advised to do and to which he was then a party. One of the signs of greatness in our parliamentary system is the ability of Ministers to change their minds. I hope that on this occasion the noble Lord will believe it right to do so.
§ Lord Campbell of Alloway
My Lords, as I have supported this amendment with my noble friend Lord Windlesham on more than one occasion, I compliment him on the way he presented it today. There is very little more one can add. I know that the noble Lord, Lord Williams of Mostyn, understands the argument. We agreed long ago that he could not change his attitude towards it so that the matter should he put to the House. The argument is simply put. There should be some flexibility to avoid injustice, which must occur from time to time if one has a mandatory regime.
As I understand it, the issue brings to light a misconception perhaps on the part of the Home Secretary that inflexibility can be cured by Clause 2(3). I believe that the noble Lord, Lord Williams of Mostyn, will agree that it cannot. It relates to the referral conditions in Clause 2. We are essentially concerned with Clause 1. So we are landed with what is a mandatory regime.
As this matter has been to another place, I do not believe that it will be possible for the noble Lord, Lord Williams of Mostyn, to change tack. I wish that he could and would. I can well understand that he cannot and he will not. As a parting shot over the bows, one can say, as Sir Nicholas Lye11 said in another place when my noble friend's amendment was rejected, it was a constructive amendment to an otherwise thoroughly sensible proposal. That echoes the way in which those who support the amendment put it forward. This matter has been fully debated in your Lordships' House in which the Opposition command no overall majority and in another place where the Government command a massive overall majority. The argument was narrowly 1315 won in fair debate in your Lordships' House, according to the Official Report. However, the amendment was rejected in the other place by 296 votes to 118.
I speak only for myself, as usual, but it would seem ridiculous to jeopardise a good Bill by insisting on the amendment today. But it leaves a slight on the magistracy. It calls into question their experience, dedication and general competence. If the matter were put to a vote, I would abstain. Your Lordships have done a great service through this amendment and in supporting my noble friend Lord Windlesham today. In the course of time and in the light of experience, the Home Secretary may wish to recognise that.
§ Baroness Carnegy of Lour
My Lords, on this occasion, as when your Lordships last discussed this issue, I disagree with my noble friend Lord Windlesham and other noble Lords and agree with the Government in their approach to this amendment.
In my view, the Government are not in any way casting a slight on magistrates, as my noble friend has just suggested. They are trying to widen the procedures we use beyond the present system. I believe that as the system develops, magistrates would understand that very well. Whether the new system will work, we do not know. That will be proved only over a period of time by trying it out. However, we do know that despite the best efforts of caring and experienced magistrates, who put everything they have into making judgments, the present system does not work as well as anyone would like, and far too many young people reoffend. Surely it is well worth trying a different approach.
The Government know that many young offenders continue to have what is the awesome experience of appearing in court. However, they will then have the very different experience of appearing before a panel. The panel will require a great deal of them and will involve such young people in committing themselves. If they fail in what they undertake, they will then return to the court.
My noble friends have explained that they are happy with the panel procedure itself but feel that the magistrates should have it simply as an option among other sentencing procedures. For most offences I would agree with that. Magistrates are the people on the spot. They have experience and skill and they should decide in their different jurisdictions. I have taken part in that procedure, and I have carried out a great deal of youth work. I know that while sometimes it does work, too often it does not.
However, we must look at this matter from the point of view of young people themselves. When they talk over with their friends what happens when one is caught for the first time, the change, if the magistrate is to decide what happens, will not be great. Young people will know that another possible sentence will be added to the existing possibilities they will face. For the scheme to work, young people will need to see certainty in it—the certainty of appearing in court and then, for most of them, before a panel. The panel will have a list of unattractive elements to which those young people 1316 will have to agree and stick over a period of time. The news will soon get out among young people likely to offend as to what happens when one appears before the panel and if one fails to do what one has agreed to do. One will go back to court and even worse will follow.
Whether it is left to the magistrates to choose the panel most of the time, one cannot tell. One simply does not know. However, what is important is that young people should know that the automatic procedure for most people will be to appear in the court, then face the panel and agree to all the elements set down by it. If they do not succeed, such young people will have to go back to the court. I do not call that mandatory sentencing. It is an extension of the possibilities for dealing with young people. I am sorry that great lawyers are so conservative that they cannot see this measure from the point of view of young people. They cannot admit that the present system does not work and they are being difficult about it. I hope that on this occasion the Government will stick to their guns.
§ 5 p.m.
My Lords, before my noble friend sits down, does she realise that we are not trying to defend the present system? We are saying that the Government are not correcting the present system in a rational way.
§ Lord Campbell of Alloway
My Lords, before my noble friend sits down, we are not trying to be difficult merely because she disagrees with us.
§ Lord Dholakia
My Lords, I listened with great care to the noble Lord, Lord Windlesham. He brings to the debate his vast experience of the criminal justice system. I have always admired his work in this field but on this occasion I part company with him. I support very much the views expressed by the noble Baroness, Lady Carnegy of Lour.
Noble Lords will recall that during the passage of the Youth Justice and Criminal Evidence Bill through your Lordships' House, I said that there was a need to introduce a little flexibility to the lower tariff of sentencing in the magistrates' courts. When at that time I spoke of flexibility, I sought not simply to restrict the provision to cases of absolute discharge. I was trying to ensure that people conditionally discharged were not referred to the youth offenders panel. The purpose of the amendment was to avoid, in almost all cases, the need for referral to the youth offenders panel. The amendment tabled by the noble Lord, Lord Windlesham, is designed to introduce a discretion in the process. I believe that discretion at the lower end of the sentencing process was, and perhaps is, appropriate. Unfortunately, that is not being offered today.
As on previous occasions, I cannot support the total flexibility proposed by the noble Lord, Lord Windlesham. That would completely negate the primary aim of this imaginative new development by starving the new panels of referrals. I believe there is clarity in Clause 1. It clearly describes offences which do not require referral to the youth offenders panel: 1317 sentences that are fixed by law, sentences where a custodial option or a hospital order is envisaged or where an absolute discharge is appropriate.
There is considerable variation in sentencing in magistrates' courts. Some are more punitive than others, despite sentencing guidelines which have been recommended by the Magistrates' Association. Such variation often brings the sentencing process into disrepute. For example, a court in East Anglia may sentence a young person to a conditional discharge whereas a London court may give an absolute discharge for the same offence. The effect of that is striking. In one case the individual will be referred to the youth offenders panel, while in the other that would not be required. The weakness of the present provision lies in the way magistrates exercise sentencing discretion, thus allowing some to form part of a contract with the young offenders team while others are exempted under Clause 1 of the Bill. A law is a bad law if it does not treat individuals with equity when they commit the same or a similar offence.
The Government should look seriously at these variations in practice. Of course I appreciate that there is no single yardstick by which one can establish a uniform method of working in the courts and so allow trivial cases to be dealt with without having to refer them to youth courts. A little leeway at the lower end of the sentencing tariff will allow the use of discretion and thus introduce a more balanced approach to sentencing. Furthermore, it will reduce the workload of the youth offenders team. We must accept that some offences do not require youngsters to enter into a contract. I shall watch carefully the working of that part of the Act, and, if appropriate, shall return with amendments to future criminal justice legislation.
I accept that it is not the intention of the noble Lord, Lord Windlesham, to undermine the youth referral panels. However, there is a real risk that more magistrates than we care to imagine will dislike the idea of losing control of the disposal of young offenders to a panel, and may not use the referral process as envisaged in the Bill. If that were to happen, it would undermine the aim of Clause 1, which is to provide a more suitable form of sentencing for most young offenders who appear in court for the first time than could be provided in court.
Let us remind ourselves again of what would be lost if the proposed youth panel system were to be jeopardised by magistrates choosing to keep most cases in the youth court. The panel would be better able fully to involve the young person and the parents in discussing the offence, its impact on the victim and the steps that should be taken to make amends and ensure that there was no repetition. In the formal proceedings of the youth court, young offenders and their parents often fail fully to understand what is happening. The legal procedures can hinder the process of young people and their parents speaking and contributing fully to the discussion. A contract could be drawn up to concentrate on the best course of action to prevent reoffending, including attention to the welfare needs of the young 1318 person and his or her family; for example, family counselling, educational measures, and help to overcome drug abuse.
§ Viscount Brentford
My Lords, I have found this a difficult question to which to return. However, I have been fully persuaded by my noble friend Lady Carnegy of Lour that the amendment proposed by my noble friend Lord Windlesham should not be accepted.
Referral to a youth offender panel should be obligatory in the circumstances and situations set out in Clauses 1 and 2 because I fear that magistrates might be unwilling to use the new scheme to the full. As I have said previously, I am very keen on this new proposal. It has been in the pipeline for several years and, at last, we are placing it on the statute book. Every encouragement needs to be given for the referrals to be made.
Magistrates do not always make the right decisions. I was in a police car earlier this year and watched a criminal event taking place. I recently heard that what I regarded as criminal behaviour was not so accepted by the magistrate and the person was let off. Therefore, I come down strongly on the side of acceptance of the Commons amendment, which I back, for the reasons more fully and eloquently explained by my noble friend Lady Carnegy.
§ Viscount Runciman of Doxford
My Lords, I shall be brief. I was mainly in agreement with the noble Lord, Lord Windlesham. However, I wholly accept that there are arguments on both sides and I am sure we all support the objective of the legislation. I merely want to ask the Minister whether he will make clear what seems to be the strongest grounds on which the Government are insisting on maintaining their position; namely, not that they do not trust magistrates to do what they are there to do, but that in this particular instance the Minister is afraid that for some reason magistrates will be unwilling to use a power that has been placed in their hands precisely to meet the kind of cases in which we all agree that it should be used. It has not been clear to me in any of the previous discussions why it is the Minister's belief—which must be the case to be consistent with his position—that he does not think that magistrates will do what he feels the interests of justice require.
§ Lord Cope of Berkeley
My Lords, the main issue is the simple one of the discretion of magistrates. We all support restorative justice and concur with the setting up of the new panels. We hope that they will he as successful as we all believe they may be. We should have preferred magistrates to preside over the panels and for the police always to be represented on them. However, we are not arguing about those matters today.
The noble Earl, Lord Mar and Kellie, pointed out that the description in the amendments before the House has altered slightly, so as to make this an act of sentencing, which previously it was not. That seems to be a secondary order point or, if anything, lower in the hierarchy of points that might be made. Nevertheless, I welcome the change of wording. Being sent to a panel, which can result in a loss of freedom for the young 1319 offender, or in that person having to pay money, will be seen by the young person as a sentence, and that is the correct description. The question that we are considering today is whether magistrates should be obliged to send young first offenders to the new panels in most cases, subject to the exceptions that have been set out. We should much prefer it to be an option for magistrates.
There are two arguments in the opposite direction. The first is that some magistrates will not be happy with the idea of panels and will use any option that is given to them so as never to send young offenders in this category to the panels. Personally, I doubt that that will happen. My noble friend Lady Carnegy is right to say that we cannot be sure at this point whether the panels will do the job that we hope that they will do, or whether they will work as well as we hope in the form in which they are being set up. But if they do work, I believe that magistrates will be keen to send young offenders to them. They will not hold back from doing so if it is in the general interest that they should; namely, if it leads to less offending, particularly among youths—and we are all worried about the amount of youth crime and the way in which some youths move from small to larger crime. I do not believe that magistrates will in general hold back, provided that the process is seen to work. Of course there will be Benches of magistrates who will be keener on the idea from day one. If the process does not work very well, other magistrates will hold back from sending youths to the panel. But if the process works as we hope it will, magistrates will use it. That is one of the reasons why it is important to provide an option.
The second argument is about sending a message to those who are likely to offend for the first time. I doubt whether the question of whether it is statutorily essential for magistrates to send young people to a youth panel or have an option to send them to the panel will be weighed in the balance with an first offender. I do not believe that appearing before a panel would be so much of a deterrent as would a conventional sentence. In any case, I do not believe that the nice point with which we are dealing will be weighed heavily in the balance.
We on these Benches prefer this to remain an option in the way in which your Lordships changed this aspect of the Bill. This is not a party point. We support my noble friend Lord Windlesham.
§ Lord Williams of Mostyn
My Lords, once more I am most grateful for the way in which the noble Lord, Lord Windlesham, introduced this matter with his usual courtesy, accuracy and lucidity, which makes my task much easier. He set out the store so plainly that there is nothing I need add about the consequences of the order.
I have thought carefully about these matters. It is plain that there is a division of approach. Fundamentally, on all sides of the House everyone is agreed that the new referral order should be supported. Therefore, the question on which we disagree is what should be the triggering mechanism. The more I have reflected on what has been said the more I have concluded how lamentably little sentencers know in an area where they could know more. When one is at the point of sentence, the material available will necessarily 1320 be limited. That is not the fault of magistrates but a necessary consequence of the way that we sentence young people.
It was said that a number of your Lordships who had spoken, from the former Lord Chief Justice down, for whom I have the greatest respect, had had great legal experience as sentencers. I agree. However, that body of past sentencing experience has not been enormously productive in the outcome experience of young first-time offenders who plead guilty. One needs to focus with great care on the component population of which we are speaking. We are concerned with young first-time offenders who have pleaded guilty. If we fail that component we know what will happen. Those young people will have arid and wasted lives, the prison population a few years later will rise and they will end up with unproductive, unhelped lives.
The heart of the dispute has already been defined. The question is whether or not this target group should have referral orders in virtually every case. The exceptions have been properly described: custody; obligatory sentences in the circumstances described by the noble Lord, Lord Windlesham, or absolute discharge. In answer to the noble Lord, Lord Runciman, we want to ensure that every one of the target group I have defined is given the opportunity that attendance at a youth offender panel offers. We say that in those circumstances it should be virtually automatic.
Very often the court system, particularly for young children who enter it for the first time, does not assist at all. The processes, structures, delays and procedures often militate against a young first time offender having the informed assistance and help that he or she wants. It is said that the magistrates have all the facts at their disposal when they come to pass sentence. In a deeper sense I do not believe that that is true. They are aware of the immediate circumstances of the offence, and they should retain responsibility in terms of proportionality in deciding whether custody or an absolute discharge should be imposed. As indicated earlier, they decide the length of the order.
We believe that the present system denies sentencers the deeper understanding of the needs of children and young people. As a consequence, sentences have not been appropriate. Sometimes, the sentences have not been firm enough, not in the sense of being punitive but in the sense of giving directed assistance and support, which is the critical aspect of the new scheme. The referral order has built-in flexibility, as the noble Lord, Lord Dholakia, pointed out. It requires the offender to attend meetings and agree a programme of activity. Many of them have never had any structure to their lives at all. The terms of the contract can be infinitely flexible so that it is suited to different offenders and offences. We seek to take away the present limiting straitjacket from the sentencing process.
It is interesting to see how views have crystallised. Everyone who has spoken has a deep involvement and interest in these matters, and there has been a virtually even—not in numerical terms—division in the way that we propose to proceed. The more I have thought about it the more certain I have become—not because we have 1321 said it once and, therefore, to say it three times makes it acceptable—that the views expressed by the noble Baroness, the noble Lord, Lord Dholakia, and the noble Viscount, Lord Brentford, among others, are right.
There is one other minor point. It is always the one that is not of the greatest importance. I must remind the House that the amendment to Clause 1, which we agreed by a majority of four, was flawed in that the references to compulsory referral orders remain throughout Part I of the Bill. I simply put that to the House because it is my duty to do so. It does not bear on the validity of the argument. The more I have reflected on this matter the more I am convinced that the views expressed by the noble Lords I have mentioned are right.
§ Lord Windlesham
My Lords, I am sure that the whole House is grateful to the noble Lord for the way he has worded his reply. I suggest that here we have an instance of good intentions, which are not denied and have been expressed articulately, that can have adverse consequences. The Minister spoke about the target group being young first-time offenders who plead guilty. He said that every one of that group should be given an opportunity to take part in youth offender panels where they would receive informed assistance and help. Does not the expression "given an opportunity" suggest an element of free choice? Yet, there is no free choice in this instance. On the contrary, there is an intentional element of compulsion.
If we consider young first-time offenders who plead guilty, is it fanciful to believe that there could be pressure brought to bear to plead guilty when the circumstances of the actions that brought them before the court might not result in a criminal conviction? But the good-intentioned people who believe in the value of the panels have decided that those young people will be eligible only if they plead guilty. That will mean a conviction, and criminal record with which a young person must live for the rest of his or her life. That is a very serious matter.
Conversely, the insistence on first offenders will make ineligible those who have previously been bound over for a lesser offence. Why can they, too, not benefit from referral to a panel? Because in attempting to define eligible persons by category they have been excluded. Consequently, human nature will continue to defy categorisation and definition in the way we see it set out in the first two clauses of the Bill.
Contrary to what has been said by some speakers in the course of the debate, initially there were signs that the Government might be considering accepting the amendment tabled in this House. The Explanatory Notes that accompanied the Bill in the House of Commons stated that the drafting of Clauses 1 and 2 was under review. Yet that was not the response of the Home Secretary in moving the Second Reading in another place. He was the first speaker in the long drawn-out proceedings in the Commons. He stated bluntly that the Government would seek to reverse the Lords amendment which made referral discretionary rather than mandatory.
1322 There were lengthy exchanges in Standing Committee, and approximately two hours of debate when the Bill returned to the Floor of the House of Commons. But none of it counted for anything as the Home Secretary had already made clear that the Government intended to reverse the amendment.
I remain convinced that this is a wrong turning of some significance in criminal policy. I accept that the issue divides opinion. Nowhere was the division more clearly demonstrated than on the Liberal Democrat Benches. On the previous occasion one of the sponsors of the amendment carried by the House was the Liberal Democrat Front Bench spokesman, but I shall embarrass him no further. As I do not intend to press the matter, he will not have to vote one way or the other.
We have had a lengthy and valuable debate. It raises issues of principle. It is right that we should explore them again, as we have done today. However., I do not intend to press the motion. I beg leave to withdraw the motion.
§ Motion, by leave, withdrawn.
§ Lord Williams of Mostyn
My Lords, I beg to move that the House do agree with the Commons in their Amendment No. 1.
§ On Question, Motion agreed to.
§ 5.30 p.m.