§ 3.1 p.m.
§ Lord Avebury asked Her Majesty's Government:
§ What action they took, as holders of the presidency of the European Union, to persuade the Serbian authorities to honour their international obligations under the Code of Conduct on Politico-Military Aspects of Security of the Organisation for Security and Co-operation in Europe.
§ The Parliamentary Under-Secretary of State, Foreign and Commonwealth Office (Baroness Symons of Vernham Dean)My Lords, the Federal Republic of Yugoslavia is not a participating state in the OSCE. As presidency of the EU, the UK has therefore not specifically raised compliance with the Code of Conduct on Politico-Military Aspects of Security with the Federal Republic of Yugoslavia. However, we have frequently reminded the Yugoslav authorities of their need to show commitment to the process of democratisation, respect for human rights and the rule of law.
§ Lord AveburyMy Lords, is not the code simply a restatement of customary international law? Is it not a gross breach of customary international law to kill several hundred civilians and forcibly displace 60,000 people from their homes? Does the Minister agree with the five-point plan announced by the German Foreign Minister this morning as the basis for discussion at the Contact Group meeting which is to take place in Bonn on 8th July? Are we, like the German Foreign Minister, having intensive discussions with the Russians to see whether they can be persuaded to come round to this sort of action, including the possibility of military intervention as a last resort?
§ Baroness Symons of Vernham DeanMy Lords, the noble Lord often poses important questions and I shall try to deal with them. The Code of Conduct on Politico-Military Aspects of Security is politically binding. It enshrines a number of international agreements and conventions, mainly concerning the democratic control of armed forces. Since the Fry suspension from the OSCE, there is no mechanism available to ensure compliance with the code.
670 The noble Lord raised specific points made by Mr. Kinkel this morning. I have seen only scant reference to those in papers which I received immediately before I came into the Chamber. As I understand it, Mr. Kinkel suggests that the political solution is the one that should be pursued; and that the best opportunity for so doing will be at the next meeting of the Contact Group in Bonn on 8th July. That will consider to what degree President Milosevic met the demands set out by the Contact Group when it met in London on 12th June.
Without detaining the House too long, perhaps I may state four aims in that regard: first, a ceasing of all action by the security forces which affect the civilian population; secondly, enabling effective and continuous international monitoring; thirdly, facilitating the full return to their homes of refugees and displaced persons; and, fourthly, making rapid progress in the dialogue with the Kosovar-Albanian leadership.
§ Earl RussellMy Lords, does the Minister agree that we must either make it easier for the inhabitants of Kosovo to live in their own country or make it easier for them to claim asylum in other countries, including their own? Can Her Majesty's Government promise that if they fail to do the first, they will do the second?
§ Baroness Symons of Vernham DeanMy Lords, the right way to approach this is as I outlined in the supplementary answer that I gave to the noble Lord, Lord Avebury: that this must be allowed to go forward on the basis of the Contact Group's next meeting in Bonn and on the basis I outlined to your Lordships. We all understand that the situation is increasingly tense as both sides show evidence of preparing for increased fighting over the summer months. Indeed, we learnt from reports coming in this morning about Serbian forces having taken a mine at Belecevac. The important point at the moment is to urge restraint on all sides and to look to a political dialogue to remedy these difficult problems.
§ Lord ReaMy Lords, can my noble friend say what the Government are doing to put pressure on President Milosevic to allow human rights monitors to be set up in all parts of Kosovo? Also, what pressure are they putting on him, together with the Russians rather than apart from them, to restore the autonomy that he took away from Kosovo in 1989?
§ Baroness Symons of Vernham DeanMy Lords, we welcome the undertakings which President Milosevic made in Moscow on 16th June to allow unimpeded access to international monitors and humanitarian organisations. We are currently seeking alternative ways to establish an increased European monitoring presence in Kosovo by bringing in six extra monitoring teams—two in each team—to supplement the existing five monitors who are already in the Federal Republic.
671 In relation to the ambitions of the various parties, I am afraid that I must remind the House that we want to pursue political dialogue and that will next have an opportunity of being aired when the Contact Group meets on 8th July.