HL Deb 30 June 1994 vol 556 cc943-54

6.34 p.m.

The Parliamentary Under-Secretary of State, Northern Ireland Office (Baroness Denton of Wakefield) rose to move, That the draft order laid before the House on 24th May be approved [21stReport from the Joint Committee].

The noble Baroness said: My Lords, the purpose of the order is to renew the temporary provisions of the Northern Ireland Act 1974 by which means government by direct rule continues in Northern Ireland. Although this is the first occasion upon which I have stood before the House seeking to renew these provisions, I am aware that it is the custom to give to your Lordships an account of the Government's stewardship in Northern Ireland over the previous year.

The Government's first priority is to bring terrorism to a permanent end. They will continue to exercise their responsibility for ensuring that the law effectively protects its citizens' rights including the right to life.

Terrorists continue to demonstrate their utter contempt for human life with continued attacks on all sections of society, be they members of the security forces, civilians going about their every day lives, the very young or the old and frail. Your Lordships I know will wish to join me in condemning the actions of all those who perpetrate terrorist acts, whichever side of the community they claim to represent. Those who plan and carry out these attacks will be sought out and brought before the courts.

Last year 84 people were killed in Northern Ireland as a result of the security situation—some 70 civilians, 8 soldiers and 6 RUC officers. In the same year 372 people were charged with terrorist-related offences including 58 with murder or attempted murder. The security forces are also achieving very significant successes in pre-empting terrorist action and hence saving many lives and protecting property and businesses from devastation. There is also success in disrupting terrorist racketeering.

Fortunately, terrorism is not the whole story of Northern Ireland. The Government continue to tackle the economic problems which exist there. We aim to increase job opportunities and prosperity across the whole of the community. We are particularly aware of the needs of the long-term unemployed in Northern Ireland. At the same time, we seek to achieve a widely acceptable political settlement. That co-ordinated approach of tackling terrorism, the economy and political settlement remains the basis of government policy. We do not believe that one aspect can be tackled in isolation. The Government's policy is founded upon the firm conviction that there is a need to promote a broad political settlement which will attract widespread support right across the community in Northern Ireland.

Your Lordships will know that talks began in 1991 and were constructed in three strands, according to their relevance to three key sets of relationships involved: those within Northern Ireland; those within the island of Ireland; and those between the two governments. It was agreed by all the parties that nothing would be agreed finally in any single strand until everything was agreed in the talks as a whole.

There are those who suggest that seeking an overall settlement in that way is too ambitious. It is suggested that we should take the process forward one strand at a time. However, our understanding is that the talks' participants themselves wish to achieve certain objectives and that those objectives do in fact involve all three sets of relationships.

The Government recognise that the talks process is not an easy one, but they are adamant that an internal solution, though it might have some short-term appeal, would not be sufficient to guarantee long-term peace and stability in Northern Ireland. Such a short cut would be sure to bring disappointments.

There are many doubts and anxieties on both sides of the community in Northern Ireland as to what the talks process might produce. I would like to repeat my right honourable friend the Secretary of State's reassurance that the future of Northern Ireland lies in the hands of its own citizens. There will be no change in the status of Northern Ireland without the consent of the majority of people who live there. There is no question of imposing a solution upon the people of Northern Ireland. Any new arrangements will work only if there is agreement.

Relations with the Government of the Republic of Ireland continue to be close, strong and practical. Co-operation over a whole range of economic and social issues continues. Perhaps the most significant development in Anglo-Irish co-operation over the past year has been the Joint Declaration. This represents public commitment of the two Governments to a shared understanding of political realities in Ireland today and to a common approach to the problems of Northern Ireland based on the principles of democracy and consent. It has the overwhelming endorsement of the people of Ireland, north and south, and strong support from the British public and our friends overseas.

Perhaps I may stress that a joint authority—that is, British and Irish Governments jointly running the affairs of Northern Ireland over the heads of the people—is not on the agenda of either Government. Neither believes that: it would be acceptable; neither is seeking it.

I would next like to share with your Lordships the good economic news in Northern Ireland. The recession has been weathered well in the Province and we have now seen a steady decline in the number of people out of work. In May 1994 unemployment fell by 5.2 per cent. to 13.1 per cent. That is the lowest level for three years. We are not satisfied with this level and will continue to work to reduce it.

The Industrial Development Board has had a successful year and two major projects have been announced offering jobs in Londonderry and Belfast, two cities with great need. The Northern Ireland Electricity Company has been successfully floated and has performed well.

Turning now to the Government's social policies, I can report on a number of positive developments. For example, total spending on the health and personal social services in Northern Ireland in 1994–95 will be £1.4 billion. That represents an increase in real terms of almost 3 per cent. on the previous year's outturn, and almost a 40 per cent. increase in real terms since 1980–81. The new £47 million Antrim Hospital was opened for business in April. A £7 million facelift for Altnagelvin Hospital in Londonderry is under way and will be completed in early 1996. The construction of a new £6.5 million regional facility on the Belfast City Hospital site for the Northern Ireland Blood Transfusion Service will be completed this financial year.

I can also report progress in reducing hospital waiting lists. Between September 1991 and March 1994 the number of patients waiting more than two years across all specialties fell from over 5,000 to 600. That means that there are still 600 who we must ensure come off the list. The expansion in the number of cardiac surgeons at the Royal Victoria Hospital has also considerably reduced the waiting lists for heart surgery. Between December 1992 and March 1994 the numbers waiting for more than two years fell from 279 to 38. Over 1,000 cardiac operations were carried out in Northern Ireland in 1993 compared with 830 in the previous year. We are improving our service to the patients.

The implementation of the Government's new community care arrangements in Northern Ireland is proceeding well. In the nine months to the end of December last year, around 5,000 people benefited from the new community care management arrangements. An additional £29 million was allocated to the health and social services boards for community care in 1993–94. A further £41.2 million will also be made available this financial year.

In Northern Ireland we have health and social services combined. I believe that that gives us a very strong safety net. We should be able to produce the best community care programme in the whole United Kingdom.

On the education front, the Government remain committed to maintaining and improving education services in Northern Ireland. To that end, my honourable friend Michael Ancram published this month a strategic document, The Education Service in Northern Ireland: A Strategic Analysis. This document sets out our understanding of the key issues to be addressed in the education sector, and we have invited from interested parties comment on our plans and targets for the entire education service until the end of the decade. The document spells out the need for even greater partnership within the education service so that we can develop and promote the key aims of raising education standards and helping all individuals to reach their potential.

The Government remain committed to encouraging and facilitating the development of integrated education in response to parental demand from those who believe that children learning together will help foster understanding and reconciliation within a divided society. Substantive progress has already been made. We now have 21 integrated schools in Northern Ireland, with further proposals for new schools coming forward this year and next.

The Government continue to see positive results from their community relations initiatives in Northern Ireland. There is growing support for the measures which have been put in place in recent years. The "Making Belfast Work" initiative, which began in response to serious deprivation in parts of Belfast, continues to provide employment and training opportunities. On Monday, it gave me great pleasure to open the Shankill Family Centre. It provides evidence in physical and emotional form of the working together of the trust, the community and the voluntary groups. Nowhere have I seen the commitment from voluntary groups that I witnessed in Northern Ireland.

I would suggest that despite the tragedies that we have suffered in Northern Ireland over the past 12 months and the difficulties that many people face, the news, I am pleased to say, is not all bad. The economic situation continues to show promise and social development continues apace, often setting standards for the whole United Kingdom.

The political process continues. There are some grounds for hope in Northern Ireland. Until such time as these direct rule provisions are no longer necessary the Government will continue to seek to govern through consent and democracy. However, until that day Northern Ireland must remain under direct rule. I commend the order to the House.

Moved, That the draft order laid before the House on 24th May be approved [21st Report from the Joint Committee].—(Baroness Denton of Wakefield.)

6.47 p.m.

Lord Cooke of Islandreagh

My Lords, I listened with great interest to the comprehensive review of the past year in Northern Ireland. I am with the Minister in many of the good things that she reported. Progress has been made in a number of directions. However, I wish to concentrate on the political aspect—or perhaps the absence of it—and, in the order which follows, to mention some of the economic matters which the Minister mentioned.

This order is very important to us all in Northern Ireland as it is necessary in order to ensure the continuation of direct rule in its present form. But it is an interim period extension order which has been reviewed each year since 1974. It appears absurd that in the 20 years since 1974 something more permanent has not been developed and agreed. By far the greater number of people in Northern Ireland wish to be governed as an integral part of the United Kingdom, as set out in Section 1 of the Northern Ireland Constitution Act 1973, to which the Northern Ireland Act 1974 is subordinate. But democracy in local matters must be restored. Unfortunately, today we seem as far away as ever from any form of devolution.

The Minister set out the Government's commitment to the three-strand process and the belief that that is the way forward. Unfortunately, very few people believe that it is practical to expect to reach agreement on all three strands at once. It is fairly obvious to the man on the street that agreement on that is as far away as ever. I am one who believes that we should move step by step with some local democracy and then move on to the other steps. I certainly do not suggest that we stop at the first step, but the hope of progress will be much greater if we move steadily from one step to the other.

Unfortunately, in the political field things are not well. In some respects the Province is in a sorry mess at present. Many are frightened of being caught up in a shooting or bombing and we have had more than enough such atrocities recently. More generally, people are worried. They are fearful of the future and even angry. As the only native of Northern Ireland who is to speak this evening, I must try to describe some of the thoughts and feelings of the people as a whole because, as the Minister will know, people in Northern Ireland communicate well, one to another, and feelings spread about. It is not difficult to gather what are their thoughts.

In that context, I wish to apologise to the Minister on behalf of the noble Viscount, Lord Brookeborough. He wanted to be here this evening to speak in the debate but, unfortunately, he has an engagement in France which he cannot break.

To many people in Northern Ireland it does not appear that there is any government—and I do not mean the various departments which are working well and normally and which have made much progress. But people ask what is the Northern Ireland Office doing. Towards the end of last year it was suggested that some progress would be made with devolution in the Province. Dublin protested that that was outside agreed policy, and nothing more was heard of that. We were just told that talks were proceeding.

On the other hand, statements from Dublin have been made on an almost daily basis since the beginning of the year. We are told that it is engaged with London in discussing a framework for a "balanced constitutional settlement". People ask what on earth that might be. Mr. Reynolds, the Taoiseach, has also said that he will insist that that framework includes statutory cross-border institutions with executive powers. Mr. Reynolds has told us that the Government of Ireland Act 1920 will be on the table. The effect of those statements is similar to throwing a can of petrol on a smouldering fire.

It has now been reported that recruitment for the so-called Loyalist paramilitaries is better than ever; that their capability is rapidly growing. What horrors are in store if things go on as they are? The Provisional IRA campaign continues unabated. The Downing Street Declaration was a praiseworthy attempt to persuade the IRA to forsake violence for good, but unfortunately and clearly it has not been successful. I am sorry to have to report that in Northern Ireland more and more people believe that violence pays.

Everywhere people are talking and asking what will happen next and what is going on. People are asking what sort of people are in government and whether they are all stupid. They ask whether they can see straight. They say, "A friend down the road says that they are just 'incompeetent'"—and I shall await with interest to see how the record spells "incompeetent". The people then remember that our Government are headed by Ministers, and even Cabinet Ministers. It is believed that they must have some ability; they cannot all be stupid. They ask what on earth they are up to.

The people then remember 1985 and the Anglo-Irish Agreement —not that it is ever forgotten—when the Unionist community was totally ignored and Dublin was given a right to interfere in the affairs of the Province. The people ask what the Northern Ireland Office is up to at present. They wonder whether the Northern Ireland Office believes that, if it allows things to get in a total mess, people will become so fed up with it that a majority will say that they would prefer to be governed by Dublin. I have heard many people discussing and debating those matters. As your Lordships can imagine, that merely indicates the absence of confidence generally, and it is not good for morale and is not good for a stable community.

Your Lordships will be shocked to hear that many sensible, law-abiding people are no longer blaming the Loyalist gangs for their activities. They are blaming the Government for their inaction and for their inability to see what seems to be obvious to so many. Fresh steps are urgently needed to deal with all paramilitaries. Time is not on anybody's side. The paramilitaries have been at it for so long that they have become institutionalised. Racketeering, sheltered by the gun, is widespread and complex. The substantial cash-flows from those activities permit criminals to live in a life-style to which they have become accustomed and political motivation may no longer be paramount.

It is interesting to note that more people on this side of the water seem to be reaching an understanding of our problems. Recently relevant articles have appeared in the serious weeklies and daily press. The first leader in 77K? Times on 22nd June expressed the matter very well and ended by stating: Imaginative security measures and swift devolutionary reform would contribute far more than the spent rhetoric of the Downing Street declaration". Another leader in The Times on 27th June ended by stating: The Government remains committed to the belief that the problems of Ulster can be resolved by Anglo-Irish diplomacy, and to a fatalistic acceptance that the IRA can never be beaten. The first assumption is manifestly mistaken; and the second, contrary to ministers' assertions, has yet truly to be tested". Again, there are articles which suggest that a number of options to deal with terrorists, which have proved effective in other countries, are open to the Government. Those suggestions include changes, some of which may erode areas of civil liberties and may not receive support from the legal profession. But temporary infringement of civil rights seems a small price to pay if the steps taken would enable the courts to take the gunmen and bombers out of circulation. Proposals along those lines have been made repeatedly to the Northern Ireland Office but without effect.

On Saturday last, the Prime Minister, after meeting Mr. Reynolds in Corfu, said that there would be no joint sovereignty in Northern Ireland now or in the future. That statement has been welcomed strongly but confidence in the Northern Ireland Office is so low that we need more than statements; we need action. That action must include steps which would show a much greater determination and political will to make clear to terrorists that they have no future. The police and security forces are doing all that is possible within their present remit.

Our local councils are restricted to emptying "wheelabins" and managing library boards. Most councils are working together well and more work should be passed to them without delay.

The continuation of direct rule is essential for the time being. I support the order this evening and I can only hope that the Government will wake up and take action which will restore confidence and give hope to the people in Northern Ireland.

7 p.m.

The Viscount of Falkland

My Lords, I rise with some diffidence as my noble friend Lord Holme of Cheltenham would normally be dealing with such an order. Indeed, this is only the second time that I have spoken on Northern Ireland and, on the first occasion, I was also standing in as a substitute. We on these Benches take a position nearer to that of the noble Baroness than that of the noble Lord, Lord Cooke, who has just spoken. The noble Lord made an interesting speech, but I must say that I was somewhat depressed by the pessimistic note that he sounded, although I can well understand the origins of such pessimism.

Nevertheless, we on these Benches as a body believe that a solution must be found. We owe it to the people of Northern Ireland, to ourselves and to our descendants to solve the problem. It is not conceivable that we can hand on to future generations the kind of situation which has maintained, and continues, in Northern Ireland. We believe that the future of Northern Ireland must be determined by the people of the Province That is a view shared by Her Majesty's Government. The order to extend direct rule is, by its very nature, unfortunate but necessary. We support it reluctantly, with the hope that, as an interim measure, it will indeed be interim; although, as such, it has been continuing for a long time.

Political progress, and productive political progress, must be sought with all the energies at the disposal of the Government and all those who are involved in the process. We would support any alternatives to direct rule that had the support of the majority of Nationalists and Unionists. From these Benches, we have offered our contribution by way of solutions which we thought would constitute steps towards fulfilling those criteria. We know that the Government strive in the same direction. We wish them every success.

Obviously, the Joint Declaration was clearly the most important part of the Government's aims as set out in the Queen's Speech. It put the Northern Ireland peace process at the top of the political agenda. We congratulated the Government at that time and kept any reservations that we may have had quiet in an attempt to keep a united front which might help to persuade those who advocate violence. There again, the noble Lord, Lord Cooke, has told us that, unfortunately, those who support violence on both sides are increasing in number. That is most disturbing. Nevertheless, we must do all that we can to persuade the advocates of violence to adopt the democratic process in the way that the Government are moving.

The increased frequency of violence is both disturbing and upsetting as it represents a terrible and continuing blight on the lives of people in Northern Ireland. All of us who now watch television, listen to the radio or read newspapers, and know that there is violence not only in Northern Ireland but also all over the world, are becoming more and more concerned by the fact that this is the world in which our children will have to live.

Northern Ireland is so very close to us. The violence is a sign that the search for a breakthrough has unfortunately stalled. As an individual watching and listening to news programmes, and so on, it seems to me that the characteristic of recent months has been the increase in Loyalist violence. It seems that the Loyalists are vying with the Nationalists and the IRA for the publicity which they think will give them the position of setting the agenda. It is sad to note that the increasing violence does not seem to attract the publicity that those people would probably like. That is even more disturbing.

Of course, constitutional parties should form the focus of all negotiations and certainly not the agenda of either the IRA or the Loyalist extremists. Those who accept that that is the only way, ultimately, to achieve a peaceful solution are more likely to make progress than those who do not. I believe that recent events in South Africa and in the Israeli-Palestinian conflict show us that progress is achieved by talks between moderates. Indeed, it is the moderates on opposing sides who, if they make sufficient progress, bring along the obstructive and destructive elements in the final stages. Unfortunately, it does not seem that that stage has yet been reached in Northern Ireland. However, we on these Benches would support anything that the Government introduce to bring us closer to that stage.

Obviously, the addressing of political problems is the answer to the ultimate aim of an enduring peace. I accept what the Minister said; namely, that all the news is not bad. Indeed, how can all the news be bad when steps have been taken to increase employment wherever possible and to introduce social measures in the way outlined by the noble Baroness? Therefore, we accept the interim order reluctantly and—it is to be hoped— with some optimism.

7.7 p.m.

Lord Williams of Mostyn

My Lords, it is a matter of regret that we are here again debating the extension of direct rule in Northern Ireland. In principle, it seems to us that no one can defend it, but it is recent history that has driven that course upon us. Therefore, once again, we are simply renewing the status quo after 20 years. We are obliged to do so by terrorist activity which, as the Minister rightly said, we all abominate.

The recent spate of killings to which the noble Lord, Lord Cooke, referred, seems to us to highlight the need for a political settlement. We support the British and Irish Governments in continuing to try to agree a joint document to be put to the constitutional parties in Northern Ireland. We believe that it is vital that both Governments remain united in pursuit of a settlement which gives parity of esteem to the aspirations and beliefs of both sections of the community in Northern Ireland. If at all possible, it would be helpful if the Minister would give some indication in her reply of the timetable for the expected summit and also some indication, if she thinks it appropriate—as always, on such occasions, if the Minister says that it is not appropriate, I shall accept that—as to what agreements have been reached so far on the nature and powers of cross-Border constitutions.

It is now well known that our policy on these Benches has been for many years to support a united Ireland achieved on the basis of consent freely given. We would—as, indeed, we have always said—accept any agreement which had the support of the people of Ireland, both north and south. It was for that reason that we welcomed the assertion in the Joint Declaration that no impediment would be put in the way of free agreement, freely arrived at without outside coercion or interference.

We urge the resumption of inter-party talks as soon as possible on the basis of the three-strand structure of 1991 to which the Minister referred. I support the remarks made by the noble Lord, Lord Cooke. We favour, as soon as possible, devolved power-sharing in Northern Ireland in the context of a wider constitutional settlement. As the noble Lord rightly observed, there is little direct accountability and virtually no power locally exercised by local authorities. Therefore, the quality of those willing to serve in local authorities remains sometimes modest because they have no effective powers. I entirely endorse what the noble Lord said about that being in part the way ahead.

Our policy is that there can be no likely purely internal settlement in Northern Ireland. The majority in Northern Ireland at present define themselves as British citizens, but in the recent European elections almost 40 per cent. of Northern Ireland voters voted for nationalist parties. As has been said earlier, Articles 2 and 3 of the Irish constitution and Section 75 of the Government of Ireland Act are now on the negotiating table. That is a significant change from the past and offers a degree of hope.

I was not proposing to deal with questions of economic detail on this occasion but would reserve that for the second order with which we shall deal this evening. We reaffirm of course that the Unionist population in Northern Ireland has the cast-iron guarantee—which I repeat again on behalf of the Labour Party—that Northern Ireland will not be united with the Republic without the majority assent in Northern Ireland. What we need to look for—again I respectfully endorse what the noble Lord, Lord Cooke, said —is some indication as to what is in the Government's mind as to the next step. For my own part, I can readily understand and sympathise with the nature of the suspicions to which the noble Lord, Lord Cooke, referred. We need to have some indication as to what the Government are looking to. What are they thinking of in terms of a timetable? Is there any indication as to when a final response is likely to come from Sinn Fein or the Provisional IRA?

If there is any prospect of some indication of what is likely to be the Government's plan for the next six to 12 months, it would be helpful because what causes the suspicions to endure is a feeling sometimes, right or wrong —that does not matter for my present purposes —that those who live in Northern Ireland are not always kept as fully informed as they could reasonably expect. Therefore, with the regret to which I referred earlier, we accept the necessity for this renewal and hope that we shall not be meeting here year in year out on a similar such melancholy occasion.

7.12 p.m.

Baroness Denton of Wakefield

My Lords, I thank noble Lords for their concerned and committed contributions this evening. I share, too, the hope of the noble Lord, Lord Williams of Mostyn, that this is not an annual programme that will last for ever and ever. We work very hard to try to move Northern Ireland into peaceful water.

I appreciate some of the anxieties which the noble Lord, Lord Cooke of Islandreagh, identified. I hear them myself from the people of Northern Ireland. I know, too, that he has made the Secretary of State aware, both through a meeting and through correspondence subsequently, of the anxieties which he highlighted tonight. I assure him that they were taken very seriously indeed.

It is a clear objective of Government policy to return greater power and authority to Northern Ireland's own elected representatives. My right honourable friend the Secretary of State has long made it clear that he holds too many of the reins of power in his hands. In making public appointments in my own areas of responsibility I take great care to try to ensure that in doing so we are giving experience to the people to whom we hope the reins can be handed.

However, if greater responsibility is to be given to local institutions, that should only be done by agreement with those who would have to work the new arrangements. In our view, therefore, this is an issue which would best be addressed in the context of the political talks where the participants are considering all the aspects relevant to a political accommodation in Northern Ireland.

The noble Lord, Lord Cooke, suggests that seeking an overall settlement is far too ambitious and that the process should move forward one step at a time. However, it is quite clear to us that because of the differing ideals and ultimate objectives of those whom the talks' participants represent, agreement on one set of relationships is only likely to be reached if the context for it is provided by agreement on the three sets of relationships as a whole. We believe this to be a political reality which cannot be wished away, and one which all of us involved in the process must recognise and work with.

Perhaps the noble Lord would be interested in this year's successes of the security forces. In my opening speech I referred to last year's successes. So far this year 233 people have been charged with serious terrorist offences—compared with 185 in the same period last year—including 54 who have been charged with murder or attempted murder, compared with 39 in the same period last year. However, we must take those figures in the context of the escalating violence to which the noble Viscount, Lord Falkland, referred. I know that the noble Lord, Lord Cooke, understands that the security forces and the police offer no let-up at all.

The noble Viscount, Lord Falkland, rightly reminded us of our responsibility to future generations—that is something that we are indeed conscious of. I thank him for his support for our aims. While the noble Lord, Lord Holme, has a great depth of knowledge about the Province, his absence today did not, I believe, leave a gap in our debate.

The noble Lord, Lord Williams, asked where we are, what the state of play is at the moment and what we are looking forward to. I am delighted to say that in Corfu the two Prime Ministers were able to review the progress made so far, which has been substantial, and to give a clear direction for the further work that needs to be done in a number of areas on which officials will continue to work. There are no fixed deadlines because it is important that solutions should be the correct ones. The noble Lord will not, I am sure, be surprised if I can claim no knowledge whatever of Sinn Fein's intentions. However, I would mention the joint institutions and the examples of working together. I know through my own departments that there is cross-border work on the Foyle fisheries commission which results in benefits to people on both sides of the border, as indeed did the opening this year of the Shannon canal which should bring economic tourist benefit to the people of that region.

I confirm—I cannot do so too strongly—that violence is unacceptable and has no rewards It distresses me that there may be people in Northern Ireland at the moment who think, perhaps for the first time, that it has rewards. But it has no future. The Government have an absolute commitment no work towards peace. We are not, as the noble Lord, Lord Cooke, suggested, asleep. We ceaselessly work to find a right solution which is acceptable to the majority of people in Northern Ireland.] regret that until that can be achieved I must commend this order.

On Question, Motion agreed to.