HL Deb 01 July 1991 vol 530 cc854-62

5.52 p.m.

The Paymaster General (Lord Belstead): rose to move that the draft order laid before the House on 3rd June be approved [21st Report from the Joint Committee].

The noble Lord said: My Lords, this draft order renews the temporary provisions in the Northern Ireland Act 1974, under which government by direct rule continues in Northern Ireland. In presenting the draft order to the House I owe the House an account of the Government's stewardship in Northern Ireland over the past year, including the progress made in seeking a way to end the need for direct rule and to return a wide degree of responsibility to local elected representatives for their own affairs.

I should like first to turn to the security situation. The bald figures of death from terrorism are that last year 76 people were killed and this year to date the number is 40. However, the terrorists will not succeed because of the resolve of the majority of decent people in Northern Ireland and because of the Government's determination to maintain the rule of law. Once again I should like to take this opportunity to pay a special tribute to the security forces, who, with continuing courage and professionalism, face the unremitting threat to their lives in order to protect the people of Northern Ireland. These men and women deserve the support of everyone in the Province, particularly now when terrorists wish to disrupt the efforts being made to achieve political progress.

The Government will do all in their power to assist and support the security forces. The Northern Ireland (Emergency Provisions) Act, which was recently debated in this House and is now on the statute book, creates a number of new offences and additional powers which will materially assist in the defeat of terrorism. As safeguards for individuals, the Act provides for statutory codes of practice on the exercise of its powers, and creates the new office of Independent Assessor of Armed Forces Complaints Procedures in Northern Ireland to help enhance public confidence in the way non-criminal complaints are dealt with.

The Government also remain determined to improve security co-operation with the Irish Government. Much has been achieved since 1985, but more needs to be done if both Governments are to defeat the terrorist threat to the entire island of Ireland.

Before leaving security related issues, I should like to say a few words about a development in the prison service, which of course has to deal with convicted terrorists. The primary function of the prison service in Northern Ireland is to protect the community from those who have offended against it; but the service recognises also the need to balance security with humanity of treatment and the need to prepare prisoners for return to the community.

During the past 12 months, the prison service engaged in a major consultation exercise involving staff at all levels and representatives of groups with a particular interest in prisons and prison issues. This resulted in the production of a new strategic plan which I was pleased to launch on Friday last. The plan consolidates and builds on the significant progress which the service has made in the past few years and the title of the document—Serving the Community—establishes clearly the wider context within which the service will work to the end of the century.

The debate on the Northern Ireland Appropriation Order last week provided the House with an opportunity to discuss economic matters and I do not propose to repeat now what I said then. At this stage I simply stress the importance of economic development as a factor in promoting a stable society in the Province.

In that, education has a significant role to play. Education standards in Northern Ireland are commendably high. A-level results are better than those in England and Wales and a higher percentage of Northern Ireland pupils achieves good GCSE results. In fact, participation rates in higher education are higher. In the past, an unacceptably higher proportion of school leavers has left with no qualifications but this gap has closed significantly.

The Northern Ireland common curriculum arrangements will ensure that all pupils from five to 16 years old have a broad and balanced curriculum which includes science and technology. There must, however, be clear routes of progression to post-16 opportunities, whether they are in schools, colleges or recognised training organisations. I will be bringing forward proposals later in the summer aimed specifically at curricular provision for the 14–19 age group.

Community divisions are one of the obstacles to establishing a peaceful and stable environment in Northern Ireland. The Government are committed to eradicating the inequality and disadvantage which foster these. To that end, targeting social need is now one of the Government's principal priorities for their expenditure in the Province.

In practical terms, the level of funding for Making Belfast Work—a major initiative which we launched in 1988—has been increased by 22 per cent. to £27.5 million in this financial year. The total allocated to the project over six years will be £123.6 million. This funding is additional to the extensive resources which Northern Ireland departments continue to put into these areas through their normal mainline programmes.

The programme of community relations work undertaken by the Central Community Relations Unit and the Department of Education is another example of our commitment to tackle Northern Ireland's problems. The Government have increased support for community relations through those two channels from £4 million last year to £5.5 million in this financial year for projects designed to create equality of opportunity and equity of treatment for all parts of the community, to promote cross-community contact and to increase mutual respect and understanding of the different cultures and traditions in Northern Ireland. Those policies and many other practical measures will, over time, I believe help both to ensure Northern Ireland's prosperity and to reduce community divisions.

I should now like to turn to the issue of political development. As noble Lords will be aware, my right honourable friend the Secretary of State has been engaged in consultations with the four main constitutional parties in Northern Ireland and the Irish Government for some 18 months. Plenary discussion between the British Government and the four main constitutional parties in Northern Ireland got under way in Parliament Buildings, Stormont on Monday 17th June. I know that your Lordships will want to join me in welcoming this important development. It is far too early to start making claims about where this process might lead us, but the mere fact that, for the first time in 16 years, the main parties in Northern Ireland have come together around the same table to discuss their common future, represents an important step forward.

The talks are designed to focus on three main relationships: those within Northern Ireland, those among the people of the island of Ireland and those between the two Governments. This will ensure that all the relevant issues are properly aired. Strand One is under way. It is also a pleasure for me to confirm in the House that Sir Ninian Stephen, an eminent Australian with a distinguished history of public service in that country, including as Governor General, has agreed to chair the discussions in Strand Two.

I can assure your Lordships that substantive work is being conducted and that all the participants remain fully engaged in the process. It will be self evident that, although it has taken an immense effort on the part of all concerned to reach the current stage, many different issues remain to be addressed. The Government's main preoccupation will be to continue to work towards consensus in the hope that agreement will emerge. In the meantime, the business of government must go on and it is inescapable that the present arrangements for direct rule must be renewed. The order before your Lordships is therefore essential and I commend it to the House.

Moved, That the draft order laid before the House on 3rd June be approved [21st Report from the Joint Committee].—(Lord Belstead.)

6 p.m.

Lord Prys-Davies

My Lords, the meaning and significance of this thinnest of orders would not be apparent to the casual reader. But the Minister explained it fully. It renews the arrangement for the government of Northern Ireland by direct rule for the next 12 months.

Direct rule was introduced to the Province by the Northern Ireland Act 1974; it was introduced initially for an interim period of 12 months beginning with the passage of the Act. At that time hardly anyone would have envisaged that the interim period would extend for 17 years, and for the people of the Province they have been long years.

It is common ground that direct rule is unsatisfactory. It is not good enough for the government of England, Wales and Scotland respectively and should not be good enough for the government of Northern Ireland. Direct rule usually means government by edict which is unamendable by Parliament. It is also unsatisfactory because it means government by a regional executive doing the best it can but nevertheless not accountable to a locally elected representative body.

With reluctance we must accept that at least for the time being there is a need to renew the current arrangements for the government of Northern Ireland. The whole House will be grateful to the Minister for his review of the background and the main policies pursued by the Government during the past 12 months. As the Minister explained, they are designed to defeat terrorism, to strengthen the economy and, particularly last year, to find a sound basis for political agreement. I shall come to the latter in a moment.

During the past 12 months there have been a number of cross-community achievements which I was glad to acknowledge and welcome in the course of the appropriation debate last week. There have been general improvements in Belfast and Londonderry, and the Minister referred to those in the debate last week. I was glad to hear from the Minister this afternoon that the Government propose to pay special attention to those young people in Northern Ireland who leave school without obtaining qualifications. That has been a problem area and I am glad that it is now receiving the attention of the Government.

On the other hand, it is fair to say that there have been disappointments. For my part I was saddened that the Government found it necessary to introduce one or two of the new emergency powers without stronger safeguards. It is also bitterly disappointing that the grim catalogue of violence, suffering and disrupt ion of family life mentioned by the Minister continued throughout the year.

We are always conscious of the contribution of the security forces. On behalf of the official Opposition I want to join with the Minister in paying a special tribute to the courage and determination shown by members of the security forces in the discharge of their duty. I pay tribute also to the civilians of Northern Ireland, who have suffered grievously, and I express sympathy for the families of soldiers and policemen who have been lost, and the families of the victims of violence. There has been immense suffering, which, sadly, is being added to as each week goes by. It is therefore not lost on us that the renewal of direct rule, notwithstanding the best efforts of the security forces, has not led to normalisation.

The Minister dwelt at some length on the current political talks in search of a workable and durable political framework. We recall that the talks were launched in the face of suspicion and scepticism. The fact that they have survived is due primarily to the present Secretary of State, his determination, patience, hard work and profound desire to help the people of Northern Ireland. But I believe we all agree with the Minister that the fact that the talks are continuing is itself a sign of progress.

We should be foolish if we did not recognise that the going may get even tougher as further unforeseen questions and problems surface—as they almost certainly will. Some may do so before this week is out. Yet it is barely conceivable that the talks should be allowed to collapse. I echo the hope expressed by all right-thinking people that the leaders of all the constitutional parties will ensure that the talks go forward to a successful conclusion.

I believe that the vast majority of people in Northern Ireland, the rest of the United Kingdom, the Republic and throughout the world want the leaders of the constitutional parties to go a long way to meet the Secretary of State and to make accommodation. We hope that, with the support of the two governments and with the guidance of the eminent Sir Ninian Stephen during the Strand Two talks, they will do so.

It has often been said in your Lordships' House that the only people who would gain from the failure of the talks are the paramilitary organisations. In every passing week they have shown their ruthless determination to undermine and subvert the talks. We must show that terrorism will be denied its victory.

Lord Holme of Cheltenham

My Lords, I warmly thank the Minister for the way in which he introduced the order. He is never less than careful and courteous to the House, but today his exposition of the need for the order was particularly interesting and welcome. I thank also the noble Lord, Lord Prys-Davies. It is my misfortune to follow him from these Benches, in that he often says before me what I had planned to say rather better than I had planned to say it. I shall content myself with what is left after his exposition.

Both the Minister and the noble Lord, Lord Prys-Davies, have gone out of their way—as is quite right—to thank the security services. From these Benches I should like to say how strongly we associate ourselves with the thanks that are due to the soldiers and policemen in Northern Ireland, who, in extremely difficult and dangerous conditions, pursue their lonely duties in an extremely steadfast way. The vast majority, for the greater part of the time, show the greatest possible patience and control in a difficult situation, and they have our gratitude.

On this occasion I wish to say something about the question of human rights in Northern Ireland. We all know and acknowledge that the Government have an extremely difficult balance to strike between the claims of security on the one hand and the maintenance of a civil society based on liberty and a respect for human rights on the other. We are fortunate indeed in the thoroughness and vigilance of Northern Ireland's watchdog, the Standing Advisory Commission on Human Rights, and its chairman, Sir Oliver Napier. Most of the time the Government listen when the dog barks, but not invariably. We have just received the report of the commission for 1990–91.

In most areas the Government have followed the recommendations of the commission, but in some we have yet to see what their attitude will be. It is a pity that the Government have dismissed the commission's views both on the video recording of interviews with terrorist suspects and on the new clause in the Northern Ireland (Emergency Provisions) Act on directing activities against terrorist organisations. Both those points were made in the debate in this House from the Labour Benches and from these Benches.

I particularly commend to your Lordships Chapter 4 of the excellent report from the Standing Advisory Commission on the problem of disclosure of confidential information obtained under the Fair Employment (Northern Ireland) Act 1989. I look forward very much to seeing the Government's amendment to the Act, which I gather they propose to bring forward as an order in council.

Over and above the work of the standing commission there is the question of a Bill of Rights for Northern Ireland. I hope that this question will form part of the talks and that any new constitution Act for Northern Ireland will include some provision for an enduring canon of human rights in Northern Ireland. In that respect I commend the appendix to the report and Sir Oliver Napier's paper. Why should we not consider the incorporation of the European Convention on Human Rights into domestic law? I understand it is one of the matters on which all parties in Northern Ireland agree.

That brings me to the question of the talks themselves. I join in the congratulations to the Secretary of State. He brings to these talks qualities which might be described as both imaginative and phlegmatic. That is a useful combination when dealing with the situation in Northern Ireland. He deserves our thanks and congratulations for having got so far and our good wishes for what lies ahead.

I wish to make two points about the talks. The Minister is right to say what an historic step forward is the mere fact of the talks. I believe that in many ways it is the role of public opinion operating on the parties in Northern Ireland which is the key to the parties staying in the room and moving ahead constructively with the process that has started. It is public opinion not only in Northern Ireland but in the Republic also which shows a new determination for peace and a new flexibility as to the means of achieving it. I hope that public opinion will be enabled by these talks fully to express itself so that those who take a more traditional and rigid view than the parties can feel the hot breath of public opinion down the back of the neck.

As regards the terrorists and paramilitaries, they will intensify their efforts. The more they see the possibility of constitutional and peaceful resolution to the problems of Northern Ireland the more they will intensify their wretched efforts. I believe that they will be seen increasingly to be spitting into the wind of history as the agenda moves away from any possibility of violence providing a solution.

As the British general election approaches we must be vigilant to see that the domestic concerns of a Westminster election do not spill over into the delicate process of the talks. There is multi-partisanship both in another place and in this House on these issues. However, in 1974 we saw the effect that a British general election can have on the parties in Northern Ireland. The greatest possible effort is demanded from all of us in order to make sure that that is not repeated.

In the context of economic development, about which the Minister spoke—he talked wisely about that and also about education and skills—the whole of the island, including the Republic, is part of the European Community and 1992 approaches fast. In planning the economy, which is an option open to the Government in Northern Ireland in a much more proactive way than is the case in the rest of the United Kingdom, I hope that they will bear in mind how greatly the transport and telecommunication needs of Northern Ireland require attention as we move closer to economic integration in Europe. Northern Ireland must not become one of the less developed outlying parts of the European Community. It must be given every help to become firmly integrated with the right infrastructure into the European dream.

I hope that the day will come before too long when the people of Northern Ireland, through their elected representatives, can do for themselves what we in this House and the Government are now doing on their behalf.

6.15 p.m.

Lord Belstead

My Lords, I am grateful to both the noble Lord, Lord Prys-Davies, and the noble Lord, Lord Holme of Cheltenham, for their response to what is a crucial order. If your Lordships and the other place agree to it, it is the order which will continue direct rule in Northern Ireland. Both noble Lords are assiduous in always being here when the considerable amount of Northern Ireland legislation is taken. I am extremely grateful to them for the way in which they have responded to the order. I say that not out of mere politeness. Both noble Lords have made extremely pertinent points this evening.

In a gentle way the noble Lord, Lord Prys-Davies, said what a pity it is that we deal with legislation in this way and also what a pity it is that we have direct rule in Northern Ireland. I thoroughly agree with him. These arrangements are temporary and therefore each year the Government have to return to Parliament for their renewal. As regards the orders they are laid in draft there is considerable consultation in Northern Ireland so that politicians there can give their views before they come to both Houses of Parliament. That does lot alter the fact that the noble Lord is quite right in the points that he made.

Both noble Lords were extremely generous in their remarks not only about the security forces but also, as the noble Lord, Lord Prys-Davies, said, about the long-suffering general public of Northern Ireland. When one looks at society in general there, it is quite remarkable how much generosity of spirit there is in Northern Ireland. Let us hope that it will be rewarded in the end.

Both noble Lords were extremely generous to my right honourable friend concerning his efforts in the talks. In different ways both noble Lords made the point that public opinion is having its effect. I thoroughly agree; public opinion in different ways and in different parts of the islands of the British Isles is having its effect on the thoughts process. I join with the noble Lords, Lord Prys-Davies and Lord Holme, in hoping that that will have its effect in a fruitful ending to the talks.

The noble Lord, Lord Holme, made points about the Northern Ireland (Emergency Provisions) Bill. There are issues which still arise from the report of my noble friend Lord Colville which still need looking at for the future. We continue always to keep under review even things which we have already looked at in the House. I say that in the context that I know that there was no agreement between the Government and the noble Lord on the two issues that he raised concerning the Northern Ireland (Emergency Provisions) Bill. The noble Lord said that he would be interested to see the next move on the fair employment aspect of the draft order. We hope to lay this before Parliament as soon as possible.

What has been particularly helpful and valuable about the short exchange which we have had this evening is that both the noble Lords who responded have given support and encouragement in the talks. This is also a clear signal to people outside this Chamber—in Northern Ireland and elsewhere—that there is a common resolve underlying a shared commitment to the democratic process. I hope that that will bring home to those who use other means to try to impose their opinions and aspirations how brutally wrong they are. The right way to influence people is by persuasion and not by coercion.

Today we have been considering government stewardship of Northern Ireland over the past year. Our aim, as has been the aim of other governments who have formed direct rule in Northern Ireland over the past 20 years, has been to try to provide good, fair and effective government for all people in Northern Ireland. It is widely understood, however, that the best government of all will be delivered when the local people play a leading part in their own affairs. It has been with that thought in mind that successive governments have tried to return greater accountability to political representatives in Northern Ireland and why we all hope that the current talks will continue to make progress. For the present, however, direct rule has to continue. The order before your Lordships' House will give effect to that. I therefore once again commend the order.

On Question, Motion agreed to.