The Middle East (Hansard, 28 November 1990)

The Minister of State, Foreign and Commonwealth Office (The Earl of Caithness)
My Lords, with the leave of the House, I shall now repeat a Statement being made in another place by my right honourable friend the Secretary of State for Foreign and Commonwealth Affairs. The Statement is as follows: "With permission Mr. Speaker, I should like to make a Statement on developments in the Middle East since my Statement on 24th October.
"The international coalition is holding firm. Our objectives remain: the full and unconditional withdrawal of Iraqi forces from Kuwait; the restoration of the legitimate Government of Kuwait; and the release of all hostages. President Saddam Hussein continues to show little sign that he intends to comply with the will of the international community and withdraw. He continues to rebuff the United Nations, to strengthen his military position in Kuwait, to destroy Kuwait's fabric and national identity, and to manipulate the fate of British and other citizens trapped in Iraq and Kuwait.
"Only by intensifying all the pressures at our disposal—diplomatic, economic and military—can we persuade Saddam Hussein that he has no alternative to withdrawal. Sanctions are being applied rigorously. We hope that the existing pressures will be sufficient to persuade Saddam Hussein to withdraw. If they are not sufficient we need to convince Saddam that the military option is a serious one. The option for peace is in his hands. No one does any service by blurring the choice before him.
"For that military option to be fully credible, the international community must show that it has the political will to exercise it. The Security Council is expected to meet at ministerial level within the next few days and vote on a resolution authorising "all necessary means"—that is to say, including force—to be used to ensure Iraqi compliance with Security Council Resolution 660 and later resolutions. The resolution will include a date—probably in the first half of January—by which time Iraq is required to comply in full with these resolutions. It does not follow from this that military action will follow immediately thereafter—nor indeed that military action will necessarily take place at all. Rather, the purpose of the grace period is to allow Saddam Hussein an opportunity in which he can safely withdraw from Kuwait and 995 release the hostages. If he does not do so, he must face the possibility of military action and certain defeat.
"We remain anxious for the well-being of the many hundreds of British hostages who remain in Iraq and Kuwait. Some have been released through the intervention of political figures and relatives. We understand the suffering of the families and the humanitarian motives of those who go to Iraq. But Saddam Hussein exploits these visits for his own unacceptable ends. The international community is united in resisting that blackmail.
"With tension increasing in the region we are keeping under constant review our advice to British communities in other parts of the Gulf. We advise those living in the eastern region of Saudi Arabia, Qatar and Bahrain with children in Britain not to bring them to the area, but to spend the Christmas holiday here, and for dependants to remain outside the Gulf until the situation becomes clearer. This does not mean that we foresee hostilities around that time: but it is sensible to minimise the number of dependants when we are entering such a critical phase.
"I am able to report some positive political steps. On 27th September we announced the resumption of relations with Iran. Today I can tell the House that we are resuming relations with Syria with immediate effect. The respective heads of the Interests Sections in London and Damascus will be chargés d'affaires pending the exchange, as soon as practicable, of ambassadors. We have received from the Syrian Government assurances that Syria will continue its strenuous efforts to obtain the release of Western, including British, hostages in Lebanon and confirmation that Syria rejects acts of international terrorism and will take action against the perpetrators of such acts which are supported by convincing evidence, and a confidential account of the Syrian position on the Hindawi affair. I am glad that it has proved possible to overcome the differences between the UK and Syria."
My Lords, that concludes the Statement.

§ Lord Cledwyn of Penrhos
My Lords, we are grateful to the noble Lord for repeating the Statement. As the House knows, we have broadly supported the Government's handling of the crisis throughout. We appreciate this further clarification of policy. We note with great interest that a new resolution is to be considered shortly in the Security Council with a view to ensuring Iraqi compliance with Resolution 660 and the other resolutions. We also note the important new element in it; namely, that a date by which Iraq is required to comply with the resolutions will be set. We further observe that it is still hoped that existing pressures will suffice to persuade Saddam Hussein to withdraw, and that military action need not necessarily take place on the appointed date. Can the Minister say whether any further diplomatic action is proposed in order to underline the determination of the United Nations to secure the withdrawal? We 996 know that Mr. Perez de Cuellar has visited Baghdad on one occasion. Is there any arrangement for him to visit Iraq again?
We note that the Statement says, sanctions are being applied rigorously". Can the noble Lord say whether they are working, and working in such a way as to bring the maximum pressure upon Saddam Hussein? Are the Government satisfied that the reality of a military operation and the consequences of military action are fully appreciated by Saddam Hussein and his regime?
We agree entirely with the Statement in its reference to hostages and the disgraceful way in which they are being manipulated. We further note and support the advice to British communities in the area, and also the steps taken to resume diplomatic relations with Iran and Syria. We welcome the Syrian assurances about hostages elsewhere.
Finally, is the Minister able to tell us whether the representative of the Soviet Union who has been travelling back and forth between Moscow and Baghdad has also conveyed to Saddam Hussein the implications of his continuing obduracy with all the consequences of that obstinacy?
Once more, we support the United Nations initiative and the Government's approach to this grave problem.

§ Lord Tordoff
My Lords, from these Benches also we thank the Minister for repeating the Statement. It is a very serious Statement. Can the Minister be more specific about the date to be included in the proposed United Nations resolution than "probably in the first half of January"? I take it that negotiations are still taking place between the members of the Security Council, but a more specific date would be helpful. Once such a resolution has been passed we could find ourselves engaging in military activity very quickly afterwards. Can the Minister say what further steps will be taken to involve Parliament before such action was taken, and indeed to involve the United States Congress?
I draw the attention of the House to the comment made by my noble friend Lord Mayhew in the debate on the Address to the gracious Speech that: there may also come a time when we have to remind ourselves that sanctions are a merciful alternative to war".—[Official Report, 13/11/90; col. 310.] It is in that spirit that I hope that the timing and the usefulness of sanctions will be viewed. In other words, sanctions must be pursued for so long as possible. Nevertheless, one understands the need to make it quite clear to the Iraqi dictator that we are serious about a military option at the end of the day when all other avenues have been fully explored.
The resumption of relations with Syria will bring considerable relief in many quarters. However, I am quite sure that it will be criticised because Syria has been accused of supporting terrorism and that there will be some dubiety as to whether Syria has pulled back fully from that position. Nevertheless, one welcomes the assurances contained in the Statement 997 that Syria now rejects acts of international terrorism and will take action against the perpetrators of such action. I am very pleased that that is happening.
As one of the four Members of the United Kingdom Parliament who went to Teheran four years ago to attempt, among other things, to seek the release of hostages held in Lebanon, I am now convinced that if Syria will use its good offices and Iran continues to use its good offices there is a reasonable chance that our hostages may be released in good time. If this is a step in that direction everyone will be pleased. To renew diplomatic relations is a positive step. I take it that the restoration of diplomatic relations signifies a return to the traditional British practice of regarding diplomatic relations not as a matter of approval or disapproval of a particular regime but as a matter of fact.
With those qualifications and comments I welcome the Statement.

The Earl of Caithness
My Lords, I am grateful to the noble Lord, Lord Cledwyn, the Leader of the Opposition, and the noble Lord, Lord Tordoff, for the welcome that they have given to the Statement. The noble Lord, Lord Tordoff, said that it was a serious Statement. Indeed it is. We are in serious times. I am grateful for the support that the Opposition have given to the Government on this matter. As I said at an earlier date, we shall keep Parliament informed, as we are doing today.
The noble Lord, Lord Cledwyn, asked about further diplomatic action. Yes, we shall take whatever action we can to bring reality to Saddam Hussein. But sometimes it is quite difficult if he does not want to receive the information.
With regard to sanctions and whether they are working, we believe that they are beginning to bite in Iraq. All the oil outlets are effectively blockaded. The neighbouring countries of Syria, Iran, Saudi Arabia and Jordan have announced that they are implementing sanctions. But on the evidence available it is hard to argue the sanctions alone will reverse Iraqi policy.
I agree with the noble Lord, Lord Cledwyn, about the appalling way in which members of the British community and others are being treated as hostages. I am grateful to both noble Lords for their welcome to the opening up of diplomatic relations with Syria. The noble Lord, Lord Tordoff, asked whether I could be more specific about the date. No, I cannot. That is still, as he so rightly said, a matter for discussion. On the question of terrorism from Syria, we believe that the assurances given on Syria's future conduct are indeed satisfactory.

§ Lord Boyd-Carpenter
My Lords, will my noble friend clarify one matter? In view of the fact that it appears that Saddam Hussein has removed from Kuwait much of that country's wealth and many of its assets, would it be regarded as compliance with the United Nations resolution if he simply withdrew but did not restore the stolen property?

The Earl of Caithness
My Lords, my noble friend takes the debate further than the withdrawal of Saddam Hussein from Kuwait. The first and most important matter is that complete and utter withdrawal. As regards the other matters, I should like to think about them a little further.

§ Lord Monson
My Lords, while obviously the restoration of diplomatic relations with Syria is to be welcomed in principle, can the noble Earl confirm that Her Majesty's Government are totally satisfied that the Syrian authorities bear no responsibility whatever, either direct or indirect, for the Lockerbie disaster?

The Earl of Caithness
My Lords, police investigations are continuing with regard to Lockerbie. I know that the noble Lord will understand that I am limited in what I can say. But let me reassure him and the House that the Syrians have said that they will take action against the perpetrators of any acts of terrorism where there is convincing evidence.

§ Lord Hatch of Lusby
My Lords, every Member of this House and of another place agrees that the withdrawal of Saddam Hussein from Kuwait is an essential element in reinforcing the authority of the United Nations. Indeed some argue that the authority of the United Nations should have been reinforced earlier over many other aspects. The object of the United Nations is to solve international problems by peaceful means, is it not? In that case, as mentioned by the noble Lord, Lord Tordoff, when he quoted the noble Lord, Lord Mayhew, the use of sanctions is the alternative to the use of military force, which would be disastrous not just for Saddam Hussein but for the whole of the Middle East and probably for the whole world.

§ Lord Tordoff
My Lords, I am grateful that the noble Lord has given way. I did not say that sanctions were the alternative. I said that sanctions and other means should be used to the ultimate before force is used. I was not suggesting—and I am sure that my noble friend Lord Mayhew was not suggesting—that sanctions were the alternative force.

§ Lord Hatch of Lusby
My Lords, I accept that correction. It was a misunderstanding. I intended to convey exactly the same meaning as the noble Lord, Lord Mayhew. However, if that is the case, does the noble Earl agree, on behalf of the Government, with the wise words spoken recently by the most reverend Primate the Archbishop of Canterbury to the effect that sanctions should be given a period of around 12 months to prove themselves before military action is taken?

The Earl of Caithness
My Lords, I repeat that on the evidence available it is hard to argue that sanctions alone will reverse Iraqi policy. We need every means at our disposal to make Saddam Hussein realise that he has the opportunity to maintain peace by withdrawing all his troops fully and completely from his invasion of a fellow member of the United Nations. It was he who perpetrated that act. It is up to him now to withdraw.

§ Lord Kennet
My Lords, does the noble Earl remember in the memoirs of his noble friend Lord Carrington an interesting passage about sanctions in 999 Rhodesia? The noble Lord describes how he went there two years after the beginning of UN sanctions against Rhodesia and found that only then were they beginning to bite. He was surprised that anyone should have been so foolish as to think that they could bite earlier.

The Earl of Caithness
My Lords, I recall those words well. I hope that the noble Lord's noble friend listened to those words.