HL Deb 06 June 1989 vol 508 cc744-55

4.15 p.m.

The Minister of State, Foreign and Commonwealth Office (Lord Glenarthur)

My Lords, with the leave of the House, I shall now repeat a Statement being made in another place by my right honourable and learned friend the Foreign and Commonwealth Secretary on events in China and their implications for Hong Kong. The Statement is as follows:

"With permission, Mr Speaker, I should like to make a statement about events in China in recent weeks.

"During the last few days units of the Chinese Army have been engaged in the violent suppression of peaceful and popular demonstrations in the streets of Peking. The indiscriminate and unprovoked use of military force has caused the death or injury of thousands of students and other innocent civilians. I am sure that all Members of the House will share the worldwide sense of horror and join in the international condemnation of the slaughter of innocent people.

"I summoned the Chinese chargé d'affaires yesterday. I told him that the British Government and people were united in condemning the merciless treatment of peaceful demonstrators, and deeply deplored the use of force to suppress the democratic aspirations of the Chinese people. I told him that the British Government looked to the Chinese authorities to fulfil their obligations to Hong Kong in the joint declaration.

"I reminded him of the responsibilities of the Chinese Government to ensure the safety of British citizens and Hong Kong residents. I expressed concern at the maltreatment of British journalists, particularly Michael Fathers of the Independent and Johnathan Mirsky of the Observer. We have since seen disturbing reports of the ill-treatment of Kate Adie of the BBC.

"Our ambassador in Peking and his staff have been working round the clock to ensure the safety of British citizens and Hong Kong residents in Peking and as far as possible in other parts of China. The embassy has advised against travel to any part of China. They have also advised those who are concerned about their safety and have no pressing need to remain in China to leave immediately.

"Since the Cultural Revolution there has been a substantial improvement in relations between the United Kingdom and the People's Republic of China as the Chinese Government have sought to broaden their contacts with the international community and to introduce economic and other reforms. Friends of China in this House and around the world must share the hope that sane and balanced government will be swiftly and securely restored in Peking. In present circumstances, however, there can be no question of continuing normal business with the Chinese authorities.

"Her Majesty's Government have therefore decided on the following action. All scheduled ministerial exchanges between Britain and China have been suspended. The visit of the Chinese Minister of Justice, who was due to arrive here tomorrow, has been cancelled. My right honourable friend the Minister of Agriculture, Fisheries and Food has also cancelled his forthcoming visit to China.

"The proposed visit of Their Royal Highnesses The Prince and Princess of Wales to China in November clearly cannot take place so long as those responsible for the atrocities over the past weekend remain in control of the Chinese Government. All high-level military contacts with China have been suspended. All arms sales to China have been banned. At the same time the Government are examining how we can respond to any requests for humanitarian assistance from non-governmental organisations.

"The whole House will share the Government's special concern about the implications for Hong Kong of what has been happening in Peking. The Government understand and share the grave concern felt by the people of Hong Kong. We have all been deeply impressed by the strength and restraint of their response to what has happened.

"Everything that has been accomplished in Hong Kong has been achieved in the unique context of the geography and history of the territory, and by the talent and enterprise of its people. All that underlines the extent to which the future prosperity of Hong Kong must depend upon a successful and secure partnership with the Government and people of China. That objective is enshrined in the commitments made by the British Government and the Government of China under the joint declaration. Those commitments were reaffirmed by the chargé d'affaires when he called on me yesterday. But it is self-evident that if we are to have confidence in the commitment of the Chinese Government to their obligations, there must be a stable and responsible government in Peking. The British Government will stand by its obligations under the joint declaration. The Government and the House look to the Government of the People's Republic of China to live up to that international commitment as well.

"The events in Peking must affect the prospects and procedure for implementation of the joint declaration. Consultations about the second draft of the Basic Law for Hong Kong have been suspended. It is also difficult to see how our own contacts with the Chinese Government about the future of Hong Kong can continue in present circumstances.

"Meanwhile, I can assure the House that we shall be conducting a thorough examination of the programme for advancing and consolidating effective democracy in Hong Kong. We are considering urgently what further steps can be taken to enshrine and protect Hong Kong's freedoms and way of life after 1997.

"All of us in this House are acutely conscious of the wish of the people of Hong Kong to secure some form of assurance for themselves and their families. I know that this has been one of the issues studied by the Select Committee on Foreign Affairs. Some commentators have recommended that a right of abode in this country should be given to the 3¼ million people in Hong Kong who hold British nationality. We share the desire of the House to do everything we can to enhance the security of the people of Hong Kong. On that basis, the Government are looking urgently and sympathetically at the scope for flexibility. But the House will appreciate the reason why we could not easily contemplate a massive new immigration commitment which could—and the possibility cannot be disregarded—more than double the ethnic minority population of the United Kingdom. Our overriding aim must be to do everything possible to secure the continuation of those conditions in Hong Kong that have led to its outstanding success over the last century. I hope the House will send a message to the people of Hong Kong, reaffirming our commitment to their secure, stable and prosperous future.

"The Chinese people are seeking from their communist leadership rights and liberties which are taken for granted in the free world. The slaughter in Peking is a tragic setback to the campaign for democracy but I hope this House will send a united message. China cannot ignore the lessons which are being learnt elsewhere in the world. Economic prosperity and personal liberty go hand in hand. People will not forever tolerate government by repression".

My Lords, that concludes the Statement.

4.24 p.m.

Lord Cledwyn of Penrhos

My Lords, we thank the noble Lord for repeating the Statement. As the Statement says, we have all been profoundly shocked by the deplorable and distressing events in Tiananmen Square over the weekend. We condemn such action without reservation. It would be a mistake at this stage to attempt to make any judgment or prediction as to the consequences of recent developments in China. We and other countries must wait to see how matters develop and whether the present government or some other administration emerges from the present chaos. This seems to me to be the only practical and sensible stance at this moment.

We note the advice that the Government are giving to British nationals in China. Can the Minister say what assistance is being offered to them if that may be required? In particular, there is concern about the large number of British students in China. Perhaps the noble Lord could confirm the situation with respect to the students in the light of recent press reports about the dangers to their safety. We also note the remarks in the Statement about British journalists. I should like to pay a tribute to them for their courage in dangerous circumstances and also for the quality of their reporting.

We have noted that President Bush has announced an embargo on the sale of arms and we support the Government's decision to ban arms sales to China as well as the other measures listed in the Statement.

As the Foreign Secretary has said, we are all very conscious of the implications of these events for Hong Kong and for the Sino-British joint declaration. We can understand the natural apprehensions of the people in Hong Kong about their future. I am sure that the Government are studying those implications very carefully indeed. We support the short-term measures which the Government propose in relation to the second draft Basic Law and the undertaking to conduct a thorough examination and programme for advancing democracy in Hong Kong. Can the noble Lord say who will be conducting that examination? Will it involve the Legislative Council as well as the Hong Kong Government and Her Majesty's Government?

We note what the Foreign Secretary says about extending the right of abode and the Government's intention to look at the scope for flexibility. That is a significant part of the Statement and we shall need to return to it in detail in due course.

Finally, we support the Government's message to China. We want to see a resolution of the current crisis there without further bloodshed and we hope that Her Majesty's Government will do everything in their power to facilitate that.

Lord Bonham-Carter

My Lords, I should like to associate myself with what the noble Lord, Lord Cledwyn, has said in response to the Statement repeated by the noble Lord and which was made by his right honourable and learned friend in the House of Commons. We on these Benches should also like to associate ourselves with all those who have condemned the savage killings which have taken place and the tragic state of affairs that we are witnessing.

I should like also to associate myself with what the noble Lord, Lord Cledwyn, said about the courage of British journalists and BBC and other television reporters and the admirable nature of the reports which we have received from them, at great risk to themselves.

As has been said, the situation in China is extremely difficult to read. I think that everyone would agree that it is most unwise to come quickly to conclusions which have to be qualified by the ignorance in which we find ourselves. However, it appears to be clear that there are divisions within the party, and there may be divisions within the army. Therefore all may not necesarily be lost and the sacrifices which have been made may not have been in vain. But it is obviously right for the Government, as the Statement indicates, to take into account the possibility that the situation may not improve. Therefore consideration has to be given to the measures which would have to be taken in those circumstances. I should like to associate myself with the measures which have already been taken and which are set forth in the Statement.

I suppose that we should be considering whether there is any possibility of devising means which would preserve some of the position of Hong Kong in the future, if necessary by means of international safeguards, since it would be in the interests of China for that position to be maintained. I should like to agree with the noble Lord, Lord Cledwyn, on the need to introduce democratic elections within Hong Kong as soon as possible.

The most urgent question which arises is the need to give reassurances to the inhabitants of Hong Kong as to their future. While recognising the difficulty of opening the gates to all, once again perhaps I may suggest to the Government that this is a case in which the problem can only be dealt with by international action; namely, by gathering other states together to express a willingness to take in quotas of inhabitants of Hong Kong. We should take the lead by expanding and liberalising our attitude to those people, as some of us have been urging in this House these last few months.

I am most grateful to have had this Statement. As the noble Lord, Lord Cledwyn, said, we shall want to consider it in more detail when the situation becomes clearer.

4.30 p.m.

Lord Glenarthur

My Lords, perhaps I may first respond to the noble Lords, Lord Cledwyn of Penrhos and Lord Bonham-Carter, and thank them both for their comments in support of the Statement that I have repeated and, indeed, the steps contained within it. I am grateful for that support. Like the noble Lord, Lord Cledwyn, I believe that, at what amounts to a fairly early point in this tragic tale, it is difficult, and would be a mistake, to make judgments about what is likely to happen in the future or to try to predict a scene which changes more or less by the minute.

However, perhaps I may try to give some reassurance to the noble Lord, Lord Cledwyn, about assistance that is being provided. I realise that the House will be concerned for the safety of British citizens in China and of British students in China to whom the noble Lord particularly referred. The embassy has put great efforts into establishing contact with all British nationals and Hong Kong people in Peking. There have been no difficulties involving British citizens or Hong Kong people so far, apart from the manhandling by Chinese security personnel of British journalists to which I referred. I explained that our very firm advice is that all travel to China should be postponed until the situation becomes clearer.

So far as concerns evacuation, we have already advised British nationals and Hong Kong people in those areas where there has been trouble and who are concerned for their safety to take the opportunity to leave by commercial means. Arrangements have been made for special flights to evacuate British and Hong Kong people. We shall keep under review the need to charter further aircraft to help ease the pressure that exists on ordinary commercial flights.

So far as concerns students, a special British Airways flight is due to arrive in Peking at 2300 hours local time and leave at midnight local time, today, 6th June, for Hong Kong. A convoy with some 120 British and Commonwealth students on board has been dispatched to the airport to catch that plane.

There are about 860 British subjects in China, nearly 500 of whom are in Peking and Shanghai. We do not know how many Hong Kong people there are in China because they rarely register with the British embassy.

I certainly agree with both noble Lords that the reporting that we have all seen on the BBC and in the papers has been absolutely first-class. I too join with those who praise the bravery of those journalists who have undertaken that reporting.

So far as concerns further consideration of the position of Hong Kong, I note what the noble Lord, Lord Bonham-Carter, suggests about an international mechanism to look at the process for taking Hong Kong forward in the light of recent developments. I believe that there are difficulties in that respect because, irrespective of what has happened over the last few days, both sides are committed to the joint declaration and to how that should be taken forward.

So far as concerns the right of abode here or anywhere else—another point raised by the noble Lord, Lord Bonham-Carter—we all sympathise deeply with the people of Hong Kong at this particularly worrying time and understand their anxiety to secure some form of ultimate assurance for themselves and their families. So far as concerns the establishment of some sort of wider international mechanism to take those people, that is an interesting proposition, but it nevertheless poses problems. We shall have to consider that matter, as we consider other matters, during a period of careful and sympathetic consideration as to whether anything can be done to meet those concerns.

So far as concerns the review of the Basic Law and other aspects which the noble Lord, Lord Cledwyn, raised, these are matters that we shall have to look at in the light of the circumstances that prevail. Naturally, we shall need to consult the governor—who has postponed his visit to this country but may nevertheless be able to come in the not too distant future—before any mechanism can be established. But I assure the noble Lord that the point that he has made will be fully taken on board.

Lord Wyatt of Weeford

My Lords, perhaps I may thank the noble Lord for his welcome indication that there will now be greater flexibility in granting passports with the right of abode to Hong Kong citizens. However, will he bear in mind that it is quite absurd to suppose that 3.2 million people would come here? They want those passports with the right of abode as an insurance against the Chinese turning nasty. Is the noble Lord aware that the possession of those passports will be a great bar to the Chinese turning nasty and that they may never be used at all? They are only an insurance policy. It is not an opening of the flood gates to mass immigration here.

Lord Glenarthur

My Lords, the noble Lord, Lord Wyatt of Weeford, has made that point on a number of occasions and I am well aware of it. As I have said to him in the past, and while not failing to grasp for one moment the significance of what has happened in recent days, it is difficult to contemplate legislation on the basis that it would never be used. That is the point that I hope the noble Lord will understand. I think that my right honourable friend's Statement is quite clear as to the views which will be taken and have been taken over successive Parliaments of the immigration policies that have been pursued and the significance of the fact that the proposal would more than double the ethnic minority in this country. Nevertheless, as I have said, we shall have to consider in the light of the circumstances that prevail whether or not something else can be done to meet the concerns of the Hong Kong people. I hope that the noble Lord will take that assurance as it is meant.

Lord Walston

My Lords, perhaps I may first thank the noble Lord for repeating the strong and forthright Statement of his right honourable and learned friend; it is good to listen to it. Perhaps I may also support the plea of the noble Lord, Lord Wyatt of Weeford, concerning the right of abode in this country. There is a great deal of force in what he says. I am quite sure that the granting of the right of abode would have a significant effect upon the way that the Chinese will treat the Chinese residents of Hong Kong.

At the risk of perhaps speaking unduly frankly, I cannot help feeling that the statement that: We share the desire of the House to do everything we can to enhance the security of the people of Hong Kong", verges on the hypocritical. They are not doing "everything we can". To do "everything we can" would be to grant the right of abode. The Statement would perhaps be more accurate if it were to say that we share the desire to do quite a lot of things that we can, but not all of them. I urge upon the noble Lord the arguments of both the noble Lords, Lord Wyatt and Lord Bonham-Carter, to look seriously and urgently at the possibility of making some serious concession in that direction.

I should like to ask the Minister one rather small question which he may or may not be able to answer. I do not know whether he or other noble Lords watched breakfast television on the BBC this morning in which there was a short interview with a Chinese student from Hong Kong who had serious complaints about the failure of the British embassy in Peking to help her when she appealed to it for help. I am well aware of the enormous burden that must be placed on the embassy and its staff, and I am sure that they are responding admirably. However, it is disturbing when somebody from Hong Kong comes on television in this country and says that she met with far less help than she had hoped for when she was in dire difficulties. Perhaps the noble Lord could take a look at that matter if, as I suspect is the case, he does not know about it already.

Lord Glenarthur

My Lords, on the first point which the noble Lord raised, I do not think that I can add to what I have already said in answer to the noble Lord, Lord Wyatt of Weeford. As is made plain in the Statement, the granting of right of abode to all those whom the noble Lord wishes to see with that right of abode means more than doubling the ethnic minority population of the United Kingdom. As he will be aware, there has been an expression of view by successive governments on immigration matters which encompasses that wish which the noble Lords, Lord Walston and Lord Wyatt of Weeford, have just expounded. There is a very real practical difficulty involved which I do not think anyone minimises. It is important to see whether or not we can find other means of reassurance for the Hong Kong people, the plight of whom under present circumstances I certainly appreciate.

At the same time, it is extremely important to bear in mind the need to secure the future of Hong Kong as the thoroughly outstanding place that it has been over the years, and which we sincerely hope we can bring about in the future, post-1997.

The noble Lord, Lord Walston, mentioned somebody claiming to have been turned away by the embassy in Peking. Perhaps I may reassure the noble Lord that that is not in fact the case. There was no truth in that report or in what was said. The individual concerned, Mabel Chan, who is a Hong Kong TV reporter, was not told that the embassy could not accept her. She was advised to stay in her hotel until the situation on the streets improved slightly, and other British people staying in the same hotel were given the same advice; Mabel Chan and other Hong Kong journalists would be able to make their way safely to the airport and to other places of safety once the immediate threat had lifted.

Lord MacLehose of Beoch

My Lords, I should like to thank the Minister for the excellent statement, for the horror that he has expressed about events in China, for his sympathy for the people of Hong Kong, and for his detailed account of the action which the Government have taken.

With the rapidly changing events, the exact details of which we do not know at present, I am sure that he is absolutely right to have held fast to the very detailed international agreement, the whole sense of which is to ensure that what has happened in China, what has happened in the past and what is happening today, does not happen in Hong Kong. It is very wise to have acted in that way and not to have followed the advice which some have given, in dismay, to tear up that excellent agreement.

With regard to the concern that I have expressed in your Lordships' House before, and which the noble Lord, Lord Wyatt, has expressed today, about reassuring the Hong Kong people about their future, about nationality or other arrangements in the United Kingdom, I ask the Minister to reconsider whether a home of last resort is not a rather different proposition from the issuing of British Nationality to 3½ million people. The circumstances in which that would arise would be quite different and I think would be better understood in this country.

Having said that, I realise that this is an issue which will have to be discussed on another occasion and as events unfold. Meanwhile, I should like to congratulate the Minister and thank him for his Statement.

4.45 p.m.

Lord Glenarthur

My Lords, I am grateful to the noble Lord, Lord MacLehose, for those comments, and particularly for his support of the main issue, which is that tearing up the agreement would really be disastrous. Whatever the circumstances, it is much better to do all that we can to build upon what has been achieved, which has been so widely acclaimed in the past. That does not lead me to underestimate the difficulties in taking matters forward.

So far as the question of reassurance to the people living in Hong Kong is concerned and the idea of a home of last resort, which is very much picking up the theme of the noble Lord, Lord Bonham-Carter, of course I take that point. The noble Lord will not be surprised if I point out to him the difficulties that such a proposition brings forward, but nevertheless these and other issues will have to form part of our consideration over the coming weeks.

The Earl of Onslow

My Lords, I should like to ask one question, and also to thank my noble friend for something. First, does the Minister not recall, when Amin was particularly brutal, that ultimately we had to take British passport-holders from East Africa? Surely that is a parallel to the home of last resort. Surely that is the precedent. It would be much better to admit them now rather than when everything has gone totally wrong. Let us hope that matters will not go totally wrong, but if there were to be large numbers of people floating about the China Sea clutching worthless British passports we should have to take them in anyway. Is it not better to do that before rather than after it becomes inevitable, because then one gets the reputation for being statesmanlike?

Secondly, I should like to thank his office for being so kind and helpful with regard to my daughter. She has now sent me a telegram that she is safe and well in Xian.

Lord Glenarthur

My Lords, I am glad to hear from my noble friend that his daughter has reported that she is safe and well. I am glad that we were able to help over that.

So far as comparison with other events are concerned, whether it be Amin or anybody else, it is easy to draw those sort of comparisons but the fact is that the figures that we are talking about are quite colossal. While not wishing to develop the theme in too great a detail because it is really impossible to do so at present, all I can say to my noble friend is that he must be aware of the fact that some might not find it as easy to accept those large numbers as he might be. Nevertheless, as I have said, we shall look at everything and see what can be done.

Lord Molloy

My Lords, will the Minister not agree that the free world will now know the grave concern that this nation has for the people of Hong Kong? That being so, ought we not to hasten to pursue all the measures that are required to make Hong Kong a member of the comity of free nations so that democracy can be introduced there? I am sure that the Hong Kong people and the free world will appreciate that, and it will be one of the best things we could do to safeguard Hong Kong, particularly in regard to future relationships with China.

Lord Glenarthur

My Lords, so far as the introduction of a greater degree of democracy into Hong Kong is concerned, over recent months we have been trying to introduce representative government in Hong Kong at a pace which commands the widest possible support in that territory. Clearly opinion in Hong Kong is now evolving. We shall need to respond to that. A number of suggestions have been made. Under the present circumstances we could not ignore a clear call from the community there for a faster pace of development than that which has hitherto been envisaged.

Lord Elwyn-Jones

My Lords, in addition to the actions that the Government have outlined, which we on this side of the House fully support, has consideration been given to the involvement of the United Nations in this matter? What has happened in China is a flagrant and outrageous breach, not of ordinary basic human rights of protest but the right to live. The turning of tanks and guns against students in peaceful protest has outraged the conscience of the world, I venture to think.

China is a member of the United Nations; I am not sure that it is not a member of the Security Council. Accordingly, is it not imperative now that instead of the deafening silence from the United Nations, we should enlist and seek the involvement of the UN itself in this grave current crisis in world affairs? That is what it is.

Lord Glenarthur

My Lords, I certainly agree with all that the noble and learned Lord says about the conscience of the world being outraged by what has been seen. I can tell him that a Statement was issued on 5th June on behalf of the United Nations Secretary-General which I shall certainly read out if that would be the noble and learned Lord's wish.

The Statement states: The Secretary-General is greatly saddened that it was felt necessary to resort to force in Beijing over the weekend and that, as a result, many civilian lives were lost. The Secretary-General is most mindful of the Charter's requirement that the United Nations should abstain from intervention in regard to matters that are essentially within the domestic jurisdiction of states. He very much hopes, however, that utmost restraint will be exercised in the difficult situation that prevails". I believe that that is the answer to the noble and learned Lord, although I understand the force of the point that he raises: that normally the Security Council addresses itself only to conflicts between states which might lead to a threat to international peace and stability.

Lord Geddes

My Lords, I warmly welcome and fully endorse the remarks by my right honourable and learned friend in another place as repeated by my noble friend this afternoon.

The word that comes to my mind, as indeed it came to the mind of the Governor of Hong Kong on Sunday, is horror at the appalling performance by the troops of the People's Republic of China last Saturday and Sunday and subsequently.

The point on which I wish to dwell extremely briefly is the very positive comment that my noble friend repeated in the Statement—I hope that I have his words correctly—of there being scope for flexibility regarding the right of abode of BDTC and BN(O) Hong Kong citizens. Several comments have been made by noble Lords this afternoon regarding right of abode. I am not trying to go on to too fine a point of law. However, I am aware that Mr. John Swaine of Amalco, in evidence to the Foreign Affairs Committee in Hong Kong, put forward the proposal that holders of those passports should have the right of multiple entry into the United Kingdom, thereby giving them the opportunity to acquire the residential qualification for full British citizenship.

Indeed, my noble friend (in col. 880 of Hansard) on 23rd March stated—and this is perhaps significant in this context: By far the most common basis for granting British citizenship is that the people concerned are already resident in Britain and have met the residence requirements set out by law". Is this perhaps an area where—again if I have his words correctly—there is scope for flexibility regarding right of abode? It is of enormous importance to the citizens of Hong Kong to give them, in particular at this time, this lifeline on which to cling.

Lord Glenarthur

My Lords, yes. I note the views of my noble friend on that. I can tell him that his memory of the words used in the Statement is correct. We shall look urgently and sympathetically at the scope of flexibility. I am quite sure that the question of multiple entry is a matter that can form part of that examination.

Lord Morris

My Lords, I thank my noble friend for repeating the Statement. Is there any truth in reports that there have been attempts to block broadcasts by external services of the BBC—that is the World Service, and in the vernacular—by the Chinese authorities? Is my noble friend aware that on my numerous visits to the People's Republic of China these broadcasts count as a critically important window to the outside world? Will my noble friend do everything that he possibly can to ensure that these broadcasts are heard as audibly as possible?

Lord Glenarthur

My Lords, there were earlier reports that there had been some jamming. I believe that these have not been validated. I can also tell my noble friend that the external services of the BBC have increased the amount of broadcasting in Mandarin that is taking place at the moment.

Lord Parry

My Lords, before the House leaves this very important Statement about this awful international event, is the Minister able to give us a little more information about a very important aspect of the Statement which talked about the Government's intention to see how they could co-operate with humanitarian agencies in relieving the immediate pressures? Will he accept that quite often in these situations it is what one is able to do immediately and practically that achieves the general aim more quickly than the policies that are sometimes outlined?

Lord Glenarthur

My Lords, I am afraid that I cannot give the noble Lord chapter and verse on precisely where we stand. That is obviously a most important matter. We shall be considering ways of trying to meet the concern that he raises.

Lord Fanshawe of Richmond

My Lords, will my noble friend again consider the point made by the noble and learned Lord, Lord Elwyn-Jones, about the United Nations? This is not just an internal matter that is taking place in Peking. There is a fall-out in a wider field. We have seen events taking place in Tibet in the past six months. This could also fall out in a major way on the position of Hong Kong which has been indicated by previous questions put to my noble friend this afternoon. I should be grateful if he could consult with his right honourable friend the Secretary of State to see whether or not further measures can be taken to follow up the point made by the noble and learned Lord, Lord Elwyn-Jones.

Lord Glenarthur

My Lords, I certainly shall do that. As I said, the Security Council normally addresses itself only to conflicts between states. Of course it is a fact that China is a permanent member of the Security Council and could exercise her veto against any attempt by that body to criticise her action. However, action in the United Nations human rights machinery is another matter. We shall certainly be considering that with our European Community colleagues.

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