HL Deb 14 December 1978 vol 397 cc795-812

3.14 p.m.

Lord GORONWY-ROBERTS rose to move, That the draft Saint Lucia Termination of Association Order 1978, laid before the House on 5th December, be approved. The noble Lord said: My Lords, the order will be made under Section 10(2) of the West Indies Act 1967. It will terminate the status of association between the United Kingdom and Saint Lucia, and Saint Lucia will then be a fully independent sovereign State. It is proposed that the order should come into effect on 22nd February 1979. The West Indies Act requires that any order made under this section must be laid in draft before Parliament and approved by a Resolution of each House of Parliament. Saint Lucia is the third Associated State to move to complete independence. The House will recall approving the Termination of Association Order for Dominica on 24th July, and Grenada moved to independence in 1974.

The West Indies Act 1967 introduced a totally new status for our dependent territories, that of Associated State. Under this Act, the Government of the territory concerned acquired total autonomy over all its internal affairs, the British Government retaining responsibility for foreign affairs and defence. This new concept seemed appropriate for the needs of the time and corresponded to a situation of very small territories which did not themselves wish to move to full independence. In 1967, it was still our hope that some new form of regional political association would emerge in the wake of the defunct West Indies Federation. For this reason, it was made easier for the Associated States to move to independence in association with other Commonwealth countries in the region than to move to separate independence. However, the West Indies Act made it clear that the relationship was to be entirely voluntary, and prescribed means for achieving separate independence.

Attitudes among people and Governments in the area have now changed. All the Governments concerned recognise that there is no immediate prospect of a basis for close regional integration. Meanwhile, since the passage of the Act territories of similar or even smaller size and resources in other parts of the world have moved to separate independence, and have even been admitted to the United Nations. It is, therefore, entirely understandable that the Governments of the Associated States are beginning to feel that the time has come when they should assume full responsibility for their external affairs and defence, and re-engage in a modern relationship with the United Kingdom.

Saint Lucia is well-qualified to move to independence. The economy is one of the more secure and diversified in the region. The recurrent budget is running substantially in surplus; and it attracts considerable overseas investment. Its outstanding natural beauty makes it a very popular tourist resort. The present Government of Saint Lucia are well aware of the potential for development, and they have an impressive programme for future development which will not disturb the essential character of the island and its people.

There are three main methods by which Associated States can pass to independence under the West Indies Act. Under Section 10(1), each Associated State has the power to terminate association with Britain, either in association with another Caribbean Commonwealth country or on its own. Under Section 10(2) of the Act, the British Government are empowered to terminate association unilaterally. There is, of course, nothing in the Act to stop an Associated State from moving to independence by mutual agreement with the British Government. Although no conditions are laid down for the use of this latter procedure in the Act, both this Government and their predecessor have taken the necessary action only when they felt confident that they were acting in accordance with the wishes of the Government and the people of the territory concerned. It is this procedure which the Saint Lucia House of Assembly, in a resolution dated 24th October, have asked us to follow. We therefore need to consider whether conditions exist in Saint Lucia which would make it right for us to agree to the termination of association.

The first question we have to consider is whether the Saint Lucia Government have a mandate to ask for independence. The present Government, under its Premier, Mr. John Compton, have been in office continuously since 1964. He has always stressed the voluntary nature of the status of association, and has indicated his eventual intention of seeking full independence. At the last General Election in May 1974, his Party's manifesto included an undertaking to seek independence after their return to office, either in association with another Assoicated State or, if it should be in the best interests of the people, on their own. His Party was returned to office with 10 out of 17 seats in the House of Assembly and 51.6 per cent. of the popular vote, as against the 7 seats and 43.4 per cent. of the vote gained by the opposition Saint Lucia Labour Party.

The Saint Lucia Government, therefore, could certainly be said to have a mandate to request independence. However, the Opposition have maintained that Mr. Compton does not have a mandate to seek independence and that there should be an election first, arguing that the people of Saint Lucia should be consulted directly about independence. While not necessarily accepting the Opposition's point of view, the British Government believed that they should take serious account of the attitude of a Party which won a substantial share of the seats in the House of Assembly and of the popular vote at the last election. At talks that my honourable friend in another place (Mr. Rowlands) held with the Saint Lucia Government and Opposition in April 1977, the Premier agreed to publish a consultative Green Paper setting out the advantages his Government saw in independence and, after a due interval for the public discussion of the document in Saint Lucia, it was envisaged that a further meeting would be held in London to review the outcome of the discussion. The Green Paper was published in August 1977, widely circulated, and the public were invited to submit their views to the Select Committee of the House of Assembly. A number of organisations and individuals did so and the report of the Select Committee was approved by the House of Assembly in November 1977.

My honourable friend the Minister of State held a further round of talks in London in March this year with the Government and Opposition, to consider the outcome of the public discussion of independence and the proposed amendments to the constitution. At the talks it was agreed that the process of consultation would be further consolidated and as a part of this that the Government of Saint Lucia should publish for public discussion a draft constitution for an independent Saint Lucia. Subject to the outcome of these processes my honourable friend said that he would be prepared to call a constitutional conference within four months.

My Lords, 12,000 copies of a draft constitution and 14,000 copies of a Layman's Guide were published shortly afterwards and a wide range of organisations and invididuals submitted their comments to the Select Committee, who tabled a further report to the House of Assembly in July. In view of the evidence of a wide measure of support shown for independence and the constructive comments made on the draft constitution, my honourable friend decided to convene a constitutional conference which was held at the end of July at which a constitution was drafted. A large measure of agreement was reached on the constitution at that conference. However, the Opposition continued to maintain that there was insufficient evidence that the people of Saint Lucia wanted independence. They also reserved their position on whether Saint Lucia should be a monarchy as the Government proposed, or a republic and they were unable to agree that there should be a nominated as against an elected Second Chamber. During the debates in the Saint Lucia House of Assembly in October, the Opposition maintained their stand. However, in the votes on the resolution seeking independence and the promulgation of the new constitution they did not formally divide the House.

I think the House will agree that there has been a serious attempt by the Saint Lucia Government to consult the people and promote public discussion of the issue of independence and an independence constitution. The discussion has been intensive since May 1977. The British Government are not aware of any significant opposition to independence. Even the Opposition do not dispute the principle of independence. They have simply argued that the people should be consulted directly, preferably at a general election. The Premier of Saint Lucia does not, however, intend to hold an election before it is due, which is by September 1979. He argues that it would not be possible to hold an election on the independence issue alone since people vote not on single issues but on a whole range of issues at elections. There is also the point that the Saint Lucia Opposition do not oppose the principle of independence. If there were to be an election it is not clear on what basis it would be held and what the situation would be if the Opposition Party won. For example, would this be a vote against independence? In the opinion of the British Government the picture would be even more confused. In any case, the British Government cannot force the Saint Lucia Government to hold an election. This is entirely a matter for the Premier and the Government of Saint Lucia.

We have, therefore, made a decision to recommend the termination of association based on the evidence available to us. We believe that the Saint Lucia Government have a mandate to ask for independence and that they have done all in their power to ascertain the wishes of the people. All the evidence points to the majority of the people of Saint Lucia supporting the Government in their policy.

We also consider that the constitution which has been proposed is a very good one and although there is not complete agreement between the Saint Lucia Government and Opposition on all of its provisions, I am satisfied that it reflects the wishes of the majority of the people of Saint Lucia. I should add that many of the new provisions such as that for the Parliamentary Commissioner, the Electoral Commission and the Constituencies Boundaries Commission have been included at the specific instigation of the Opposition. I should like to pay tribute to the Opposition for the important and constructive role they have played in the formulation of the Constitution. At the same time I must record the British Government's appreciation of the generous attitude of the Saint Lucia Government both at the constitutional conference and in discussions on the draft constitution since the conference. They have been flexible and open-minded and although they were not prepared to accept all the Opposition's proposals, the resulting document is an impressive one, reflecting a wide measure of consensus between the Parties.

Her Majesty's Government have weighed all these matters carefully and they concluded that they should agree to the request of the Saint Lucia Government to recommend that the status of association should be terminated. Association State- hood has served us well but there is now a clear movement among the Associated States towards independence and this is supported by other Commonwealth Governments in the Caribbean. In fact these Governments have urged the British Government to expedite the independence of the Associated States by the use of Section 10(2) of the West Indies Act. They have made it clear to us that they would not understand any attempt to place unreasonable obstacles in the way of the independence of Associated States which are not imposed on dependent territories whose constitutional relationship with Britain is not as advanced as that of the Associated States. Insistence on the use of Section 10(1) which would involve a referendum would be regarded as such an obstacle. We see no reason for further delay in the case of Saint Lucia. I am sure that the House will join me in wishing the Government and people of Saint Lucia well at this important moment in their history and to look forward for continued co-operation between us and them in the future as in the past. I seek the approval of the House for the draft order in council terminating the status of association with Britain. I beg to move.

Moved, That the draft Saint Lucia Termination of Association Order 1978 laid before the House on 5th December, be approved.—(Lord Goronwy-Roberts.)

3.28 p.m.

Lord ELTON

My Lords, it is always a pleasure to welcome an approach to independence of a people in association with this country. The noble Lord, Lord Goronwy-Roberts, has given us a full and illuminating account of the stages by which it has been sought to ensure that the nature of the independence constitution shall be in accord with the general wishes of the population of Saint Lucia. None the less, there are quite a number of substantial points outstanding: the question as to whether there is to be a monarchy or republic; whether the Senate is to be appointed or elected; whether the prerogative of mercy is to be exercised in accordance with or merely following advice from a specialist Committee; and the means by which the Governor General shall be appointed. These are not insubstantial questions and one hopes that they can be resolved to the satisfaction by the Government and the people of Saint Lucia before the operative date of the Instrument, 22nd February next year.

One would, in the normal course of things, suggest that the noble Lord's honourable friend the Member for Merthyr Tydfil should make another visit to that charming place and happy people to bring this about. However, the expense of bringing him back for an Election which is perhaps due to occur in the interim might make it more prudent for a delegation to come in the opposite direction. I am sure the Members of Saint Lucia who would form the delegation will regard a few days of English February weather a small price to pay for ultimate independence.

It is a pity that we cannot refer to this as the independence instrument rather than a termination of association instrument which sounds prosaic. It is a pity, too, that we could not have passed this yesterday which I believe I am right in saying was the National Day of Saint Lucia. However, we shall forgive the Government for that because they made such efforts to get the Wales Referendum Order through on St. David's Day.

In wishing the population of Saint Lucia well, one ought to offer them words of advice. In the first instance, I would say that their small population of 114,000 only is not a large one in a predominantly hostile world in large groupings. I hope that not only will they look to us in friendship in the future, such as we have always shown them in the past, but that they will consider the great advantages to be gained from co-operation in larger associations, particularly for small territories scattered in areas of the world which may yet prove to have temptingly wealthy resources hidden below the seas around their coastlines. After all, even if oil is now being developed around the world, there are many forms of mineral extraction which have not yet fallen within the grasp of modern technology. They may find themselves coveted in the future and I trust that they will look not only to us but also to their neighbours for friendly support in these circumstances. It remains only to thank the noble Lord for bringing this instrument to the House and to wish Saint Lucia well when it is finally independent.

3.31 p.m.

Lord McNAIR

My Lords, I too, would like to thank the noble Lord, Lord Goronwy-Roberts, for the very able summary which he has given us of the events leading up to this order. I have done the same research as the previous speaker and I could tell your Lordships how many square miles the island covers, but I suspect that the people of Saint Lucia know these facts much better than we do. One curious fact came to light in my researches and that concerns the earlier inhabitants of these Windward Islands back in the 16th and 17th centuries. The ferocious and indeed voracious Caribs, according to an ancient historian, used to find Frenchmen far more digestible than Spaniards. This gave me, as a lifelong francophile, some food for thought, if I may put it that way.

More relevantly, my Lords, I have no wish to delay the approval of this order or the departure of the few remaining of your Lordships for your Christmas holidays. Therefore there is nothing more to say, except that the Liberals in this country, like everybody else, wish Saint Lucia a very peaceful and prosperous future—eventually, I hope, in voluntary association with some of their island neighbours.

3.33 p.m.

Lord WALSTON

My Lords, may I add my own good wishes to those which have already been expressed. I am perhaps more closely associated with Saint Lucia than any other Member of your Lordships' House. In fact, when I first came here it was suggested to me by some leading politicians at the time that I might take as my designation the name of their island. I thought there might be a certain amount of arrogance in doing so, and I did not do it. But for all that, I have a very great affection for the island and a good many years of experience of it.

When I was first thinking of expanding my farming operations to the Caribbean, I considered many different islands and I took the advice of a very experienced senior official of one of the banks who knew the Eastern Caribbean very well. When I mentioned Saint Lucia to him, he said: "Ah yes, that is a most beautiful island. Scenically it is the loveliest of them all; culturally it is the most fertile of them all, and touristically it is completely unspoiled". He then looked me straight in the eye and said: "But you would not like it at all". I said: "Why not?" He said: "The trouble of it is that the population is 95 per cent. Roman Catholic, and it is run by a set of damned Socialist politicians".

My Lords, that did not seem to me any disincentive at all and I have never regretted my association with it. As my noble friend has said, it is a very beautiful island and, more than that, it is an island inhabited by some very fine people indeed. It has a political system which I think is the envy of all the other islands of the Eastern Caribbean. It has a most responsible Government and a most responsible Opposition. I am certain that its future is a bright one. I am delighted that it is now about to receive what, in fact, is its own complete independence—if I may say so, somewhat overdue independence. I hope that it will remain an important and valuable member of the Commonwealth. I am sure that its association with this country will always be close and valuable, and I join in the wishes which have already been expressed for a very happy future to all its inhabitants.

3.36 p.m.

Lord AUCKLAND

My Lords, anybody who has had the pleasure and privilege of visiting Saint Lucia, as I did six years ago on a business visit, will always remember this island as the epitome of friendliness and beautiful scenery, and as a place in which to relax, although not such an easy place in which to do a job of work, for the purpose of my visit was to look at the Rodney Bay scheme.

There are a number of people on the island to whom tribute should be paid at this stage. The honourable John Compton, the Prime Minister, whom I had the privilege of meeting over there, is one. As other noble Lords have said, he has done an extremely fine job on the island. I should also like to pay tribute to the honourable Nicholas Taylor, who some years ago was the High Commissioner for Saint Lucia over here, and who, since I visited the island, has been a very firm friend of mine.

I echo one or two of the reservations which have been mentioned. Of course, the island of Dominica, which received its independence a few weeks ago has, as I understand it, half the population of Saint Lucia, and rather less in the way of mineral resources, and of that very important aspect, tourism. After the unfortunate experiences which Saint Lucia recently had with an air line that had its problems, the island is now recovering, and is getting back to being a very good, inexpensive and delightful tourist area.

As I understand it, the Queen will have sovereignty over the island, subject to ratification by the other Commonwealth countries. This, I believe, is eminently desirable. I hope, too, that we in this country will continue to trade with Saint Lucia. I am thinking particularly of the banana trade between the port of Barry and that very fine harbour at Castries. One hopes that that will continue, and that whatever form of association is eventually agreed, as apparently an election is not to take place, the harmonisation between this country and that lovely island will not only be continued, as it goes on its way to independence, for which we all send it every good fortune, but will be very heavily cemented.

3.40 p.m.

Lord SEGAL

My Lords, may I from these Government Benches also express my own congratulations to the island of Saint Lucia on attaining its independence, and join in extending to its Government and all its inhabitants our good wishes for a happy and prosperous future.

Everyone who, like myself, has had the good fortune to visit this beautiful island, both in an official capacity as the leader of a Parliamentary delegation and in a private capacity while holidaying in the Caribbean, can have only feelings of admiration and affection for the good people of Saint Lucia. It is an island which always makes a warm appeal to the visitor, and fortunately its many scenic charms, its wonderful beaches and its excellent hotels have enabled countless thousands to visit its shores, whether on cruising Cunardars, on banana freighters, or by direct flights to the island, especially from Britain and Canada.

With so much talk of independence now floating over the Caribbean, I feel that Saint Lucia—if, indeed, any order of priorities can be claimed for independence —ought to have staked its claim long ago, certainly as early as any other island whose claim for independence is still in the pipeline. For Saint Lucia has enjoyed a progressive Government, and wise and steady leadership under the premiership of John Compton—as several Members of your Lordships' House have already mentioned, he is one of the great figures of the Caribbean area—that have evoked the admiration of all who are concerned with the future of the West Indies, and the envy of many of its less fortunate neighbours.

My interest in Saint Lucia was first aroused as long ago as 1943 when I was staying on the Island of Mauritius with Edward Twining, as he then was—later to become a Member of your Lordships' House—and one of the great patrician figures of Britain's old colonial empire, as Governor of Borneo and later as Governor of Tanganyika. I recall his delight on hearing the news of being promoted from Labour Adviser to the Government of Mauritius to become Administrator of Saint Lucia. Since those days, Britain has maintained the warmest political and economic ties with the island and, on the whole, has deserved well of its inhabitants. Especially since Saint Lucia was granted associate status in 1967, these links have been steadily forged and strengthened.

Now in full maturity, Saint Lucia has more than justified its right to independence. It celebrates its freedom not so much in a mood of euphoria (although that is abundantly merited) but in a steady, sober evaluation of the problems that still lie ahead. For independence, newly won, can be a heady wine for the uninitiated. In parts of Africa it has meant heavier burdens, heavier responsibilities and harder work than ever before. But Saint Lucia enters on its independence with many advantages. It is progressive and outward looking. It has an industrious population. It is comparatively free from the eroding influences of corruption. It has already established a tradition of integrity and good government. It can easily become a leader in that part of the world, with the ultimate vision of a Confederation of the Caribbean Islands working towards mutual consultation and mutual assistance. I believe that independence can be a great step forward towards that goal.

Meanwhile, we in Britain must not opt out of our responsibilities towards Saint Lucia. I hope that aid, both technological and financial, will be given to Saint Lucia in the future even more generously than in the past so that we can launch the island safely and happily towards its destiny. But there is one special plea that I would make to the island today. On our visits to Saint Lucia, we were enormously impressed by its up-and-coming young men. We found many of them full of vision, idealism and enthusiasm. I hope that they will be given every opportunity to share in the responsibilities of self-government, so that they can feel not confined and frustrated, casting longing glances overseas, but that they will be enabled to assume the mantle of government in due course, when their time will come. It is sad to reflect on how many of the most gifted young men of the Caribbean leave their shores to seek their future in colder climes. We hope that independence may give them wider opportunities towards a fuller and more creative life and better prospects of self-fulfilment.

Having said all that, I should like to reiterate all our good wishes to Saint Lucia on achieving full independence. We shall watch its progress with the liveliest interest and with a glowing sense of pride. I also hope that we shall do our utmost to ensure for it a propitious future.

3.46 p.m.

Lord PITT of HAMPSTEAD

My Lords, I wish to join in welcoming this order and in wishing Saint Lucia the very best now that it has terminated its association with this country. In answer to the noble Lord opposite, I would say that the point about termination of association rather than independence is that of course these territories were virtually independent before. They all had internal self-government. What is more, it was always hoped that the vast majority of them would cease association with Britain and would become associated with one of the larger West Indian islands. Unfortunately, these are dreams which do not always come true, and now it is generally accepted that in the Caribbean the territories will all have to become independent and then subsequently try to build something. They have been trying in the economic field. There is "Carecon", and one hopes that it will blossom forth later on into something in the political field.

In welcoming Saint Lucia's acceptance of its responsibility for external affairs and defence (because that is all it is) I am very pleased for Saint Lucia because in John Compton we are welcoming one of the most reasonable-minded of Caribbean leaders. Therefore we may hope that, now that Saint Lucia can speak for itself when it deals with the other territories, it will give a real push towards integration. I know that it has already started because in fact Saint Lucia, St. Vincent, Antigua and St. Kitts and Nevis, when they reach that stage, have already agreed to a large number of common services and joint posts after independence. What is more, Barbados has indicated that it would join in supporting them and in sharing many of the services with them. So there is already a move on a smaller scale in that direction, and in fact the independence of Saint Lucia gives it just that impetus that is required.

I am grateful to the noble Lord the Minister for dealing with the two very serious points about which the Caribbean leaders have always been worried: the question of forcing any of the territories to go to independence through a referendum. I shall not dilate on that, but I am glad that the point was made because it would be a grave mistake for this country to force any Caribbean territory to go to independence through a referendum. Let us remember that these territories are already independent; what exists is only an association with Britain. Britain is merely responsible for their external affairs and defence. If we are in fact to ask the man in the street to vote in a referendum as to whether Britain should continue to represent him, or that he will represent himself, I hope it will be realised what type of campaign would have to be waged. I am glad the Government understand that and do not run that risk; and I am very grateful to the Minister for making the point to the House so that Members in fact recognise it too.

I am also very glad that the Government have avoided allowing themselves to be drawn into the internal politics of any of these territories. There is not much doubt about what has been going on in Saint Lucia; the Opposition think they may win the next Election and they want independence to be granted under them, and therefore they are playing "keep it going for as long as possible until it is our turn". I am very glad the Government did not allow them to land the island in that kind of nonsense—because it would have been nonsense. I noticed that the petition which the Opposition tried to sponsor against independence got 1,090 votes. I have just come from an island, which has half the population of Saint Lucia, and they managed to get 13,000 votes on a petition to stop two men from being hanged. So if somebody says that having got 1,100 or 1,200 or 1,500 or 2,000 votes out of a population of 114,000 he is showing that there is some opposition to something that is taking place, if there was that opposition he would get a lot more votes than that and many more signatures on a petition.

My Lords, it is important to the Caribbean—and I am glad the Minister made the point—that all these territories move briskly to independence, because it is only after they are all able to talk as equals that they will be able to do something for the area. While I am on my feet I want to throw out a suggestion which the Minister might wish to bear in mind. I think the time has come when Britain, the United States, Canada and Trinidad should jointly work on a sort of Marshall Plan for that area. Those are the three outside countries and the one internal country that can afford to do it. I am sure Barbados would play its part in that; the Barbados contribution will, of course, be mainly in the field of technical support. It is one of the areas with the highest literacy, and therefore it can make a good contribution in that respect. But in terms of finance it is Trinidad that will have to make the financial contribution. If those metropolitan countries, Britain, the United States and Canada, in cooperation with Trinidad, could work out a form of Marshall Plan for developing the area, that would be a great step forward. But, as I said earlier, the first step is independence, and we must welcome today the order that will move Saint Lucia along that road.

3.53 p.m.

Lord GORONWY-ROBERTS

My Lords, this has been an agreeable debate, and I am particularly grateful to the official spokesmen for the Conservative and Liberal Parties for their contributions. The noble Lord, Lord Elton, mentioned certain outstanding matters. I am very glad to assure him that we have no reason to think that such outstanding matters, many of them matters of minor and drafting importance, will not be disposed of satisfactorily before February. He also mentioned the procedure of the Prerogative of Mercy Committee. This will be exercised by the Governor-General on advice of the appropriate Saint Lucia Minister, and there is no dispute on this matter since the House of Assembly amended the Section of the Constitution in accordance with the wish of the Opposition.

As to the hope he expressed, on behalf of us all, that in due course there should be the right sort of regional co-operation, we believe that moves towards regional co-operation will gather momentum as the associated States move to independence. Other Governments in the area, including Barbados, have been considering ways of sharing common services, such as defence, coastguards service and the like. We hope that this trend will continue. This was very powerfully reinforced by what my noble friend Lord Pitt said on this question of looking forward to co-operation, and, who knows, possibly integration, certainly on a service basis, possibly on a broader political basis. It is for the peoples of the Caribbean to decide among themselves at what pace and in what manner to achieve the closer relationship.

The noble Lord, Lord McNair, made an informed and graceful speech welcoming the new Member of the Commonwealth, if I may slightly anticipate the event. I think that that was echoed by other noble Lords who took part and I join with them. The Commonwealth is a unique organisation. There has not been, there is not and I doubt whether there will ever be, an association of free and independent peoples of varying sizes, natures, colours, creeds and languages, who come together in this way under one head—the Commonwealth. Whether as members they have opted for a Monarchical system or for a Republican system, they all agree that the Queen shall be the head of the Commonwealth. If there is one argument for the Commonwealth in this turbulent world of disorganisation it is that this organisation works. I have yet to see an aspiring so-called dependent territory coming to independence which has not of itself said: "How do we become a Member of the Commonwealth?". It gives me deep delight as a Minister to assist in the implementation of this freely expressed choice.

The noble Lord, Lord Walston, reminded me a moment ago that he almost included Saint Lucia in his title. I wish that he had done so. His speech would then have been even more memorable. He referred to the beauty of the island. I have not had the privilege of visiting Saint Lucia but I am told by everyone who has been there that it is a breathless beauty. He also reminded us of the quality of its people—a very fine people. That was echoed by my noble friend Lord Segal who referred to the number of young men and, one presumes, young women in the island—because where there are young men or young women they are usually both together. There is a beauty of attitude of the people of these islands which the modern would outside these islands would do well to emulate. I echo what he has said about the development programme which we shall promote and sustain. There are encouraging figures—which I may make available in the normal way in the Official Report—which we shall also promote and sustain. I hope that these developments project will help those young people to achieve in their own country work and sustenance which too many of them now, for various reasons, seek outside their own country.

The noble Lord, Lord Auckland, expressed the general feeling that there may be difficulties facing a small country. However, I think that he and I would agree that Saint Lucia is perhaps more than marginally better placed to look to the future than some of its neighbours. Indeed, he mentioned one of two. He agrees that the form of government is a matter for Saint Lucia's Government and people. It is clear that they have chosen a monarchical system, but even if they had not done so, as I said earlier, then their claim and title to membership of the Commonwealth would be in no way impaired.

I close on a note sounded by my noble friend Lord Pitt of Hampstead who has perhaps very special qualifications for speaking on these occasions and whose recent contributions to our better understanding and the better development of affairs in this part of the world we all admire so much. He said that the time had come for a number of countries—and he named them—to consider whether they should be special friends of the area. I do not want to prejudge even as attractive a proposition as he made. I should like to speak for a moment not as a Minister but as a friend of the area, and certainly as a friend of my noble friend. I was very glad that he reminded us of the rather special relationships which Canada has with the Caribbean. This is not always known or appreciated. I know how proud our cousins in Canada are of the long tradition of service to the Caribbean, or better still the long tradition of co-operation with the people and the countries of the Caribbean. Therefore, it is on a very hopeful note that I repeat the Motion which I made at the beginning of my remarks. I beg to move.