§ 3.39 p.m.
§ The MINISTER of STATE, FOREIGN and COMMONWEALTH OFFICE (Lord Goronwy-Roberts)My Lords, with your Lordships' permission, I shall repeat a Statement on Rhodesia made today in another place by my right honourable friend the Secretary of State for Foreign and Commonwealth Affairs. The Statement is as follows:
"With your permission, Mr. Speaker, and that of the House I should like to make a Statement on my recent visit to eight countries in Africa. My main purpose was to see whether it would he possible to resume progress towards a peaceful settlement of the Rhodesian problem. As the House knows, violence has been increasing, and while a long and bloody struggle might in the end produce an independent Zimbabwe it will do so only at grave cost. Many lives will be lost, the economy will be destroyed, there will be severe damage to the stability of the neighbouring States and it will leave a legacy of lasting bitterness between the races. We are all well aware of the immense difficulties of resolving this problem.
"I was encouraged to attempt a new approach by the support of the US Government, with which there has been the closest possible co-operation. It is our joint determination to work for reconciliation in Southern Africa, on the firm basis of majority rule, the fullest regard for human rights, and the ending of racial discrimination.
30 "The starting point for the present initiative goes back to the Statement of my right honourable friend the Prime Minister on 22nd March 1976 and the crucial achievement of Dr. Kissinger when Mr. Smith spoke of majority rule within two years. It is true that Mr. Smith's speech mentioned other conditions which were not subsequently realised, but I believed that his statements then and since suggested that he might be persuaded to accept the objective of majority rule in 1978.
"The Geneva negotiations stalled, not over majority rule, though there were doubts as to the extent to which this had been agreed by the Rhodesian Front, but on the powers and composition of the interim Government which was to draw up the independence Constitution.
"In March, on my visit to Washington with the Prime Minister, I suggested to the United States Administration that we should work jointly on a strategy to promote a peaceful transition to majority rule, and this they readily agreed to do. On my visit to Africa I was able to discuss the possibility of the United Kingdom and the United States co-sponsoring a conference to develop a clear timetable for achieving majority rule in 1978. Such a conference would draw up a Constitution protecting basic human rights and define an acceptable democratic process for an automatic transfer to an independent nation. It would also discuss the establishment of an international development fund to help promote the economic stability of an independent Zimbabwe, and encourage the minority white population to stay and contribute to the country's future. The Constitution would aim to be broadly acceptable to 6 million people, black and white, who would actually live under its provisions; but, as chairman of the conference, I would retain the final responsibility for bringing any constitutional Bill to this House for its approval. The British Government's proposals of January for an interim Government remain open for discussion. It may be that there is more likely to be agreement to a caretaker Government which would be responsible for the conduct of elections prior to the granting of independence.
31 "If Mr. Smith's administration did not accept the Constitution and the arrangements leading up to it, no immediate progress would be possible, sanctions would continue and so would the war, but I suspect at an increased tempo. If there was agreement, Mr. Smith's administration would resign, the caretaker Government would supervise the elections, and anyone participating in the election would have to forsake violence; sanctions should also be lifted. I am convinced that many of the Africans who currently believe that the armed struggle is the only way forward are essentially men of peace. It is not difficult to understand the motives of those who feel they have no recourse but to arms. Much as we all wish violence to stop, we cannot immediately expect it to stop while the wall of scepticism and disbelief (which I met all over Africa) remains about the intentions of the Smith administration. Until those who currently carry arms are convinced that they will have majority rule, I regret that it looks inevitable that violence will continue. The reactions to this strategy have been sufficiently encouraging for me to feel it right, in close consultation and cooperation with the United States Government, to continue discussions with the various parties. I hope to be in a position fairly soon to inform the House whether we and the Americans feel it would be worthwhile to co-sponsor a conference.
"My visit to Africa lasted only eight days. But I am convinced even more than before I left of the urgent need to end the war in Rhodesia. Genuine concern about the dangers of the continued confrontation was clearly expressed to me by the five Front Line Presidents, by Mr. Vorster and by the Rhodesian leaders, black and white. I found a widespread belief in the necessity for a non-racial majority Government. There is, however, a desperate lack of trust, which must be rebuilt"
My Lords, that is the end of the Statement.
§ 3.47 p.m.
§ Lord CARRINGTONMy Lords, the House would wish to thank the noble 32 Lord, Lord Goronwy-Roberts, for repeating that Statement. I think your Lordships on all sides of the House will welcome it and will wish to congratulate the Foreign Secretary on his visit. He started with very little prospect of success. All parties were saying different things and laying down all sorts of conditions. I know, because I met them all just before. And yet in a comparatively short time he seems possibly, to have managed to do three things: first, getting all parties to sit down together at a conference and to agree to not just a Constitution, but a way of getting to that Constitution; secondly, getting all parties to agree that all the other parties should be prepared to sit at this conference (and that looked very unlikely before the Foreign Secretary's visit); and, thirdly, he has continued to keep the United States Government involved, which I think is very important.
My Lords, of course we must all of us be sorry that the guerrilla fighting is going to continue, and would continue, I suppose, during the period of this conference, if it takes place. I am afraid that the truth of the matter is that whether or not we like it, the guerrilla fighting will continue, and it is a question of having a conference in these conditions or not having a conference at all.
My Lords, I think it should be said, and I think it is indeed implicit in the Foreign Secretary's Statement, that it will be necessary, after the caretaker Government is formed or whatever interim Government is arranged, for there to be, before independence, a free choice by the Africans of their own leaders in an election which is internationally supervised. I think it would be quite wrong and damaging to overestimate what has so far been achieved, because nothing has been achieved in that sense. We do not yet know whether a conference will take place, and we have all of us seen this kind of situation too often; indeed, we have seen it many times before. But at least, my Lords, there is hope, and we on this side of the House certainly share the objectives of the Foreign Secretary and the Government.
§ 3.49 p.m.
§ Lord GLADWYNMy Lords, we must certainly all be grateful to the Minister 33 for repeating this clear and very welcome Statement. Though there are obviously still very great difficulties in the way of successful transition to majority rule in Rhodesia, the situation is now clearly more encouraging than it was, thanks largely, as I think we must all admit, to the personal initiative of our new and very vigorous Foreign Secretary, to whom all our sympathy and good wishes must certainly go out in his most difficult task; and thanks also, I suppose, to the apparent willingness of the United States Administration to take part in and co-sponsor a conference. Have they in fact agreed to co-sponsor such a conference, or is it simply something that might happen in the event?
The attitude of Mr. Smith also appears to be slightly more forthcoming than it has been in the past, but we have had so much experience of this astute politician's habit of taking one step forward and two steps backwards that we cannot be too optimistic. It seems that one of the chief objects, if not the chief one of the forthcoming conference—if indeed it ever assembles—is to reach agreement on a caretaker Government. That is an essential feature of the landscape. Can we assume that both Mr. Smith and the Front Line Presidents, as they call themselves, favour this particular concept? I ask the Government specifically whether it would be a sine qua non that all Rhodesian political Parties should be suitably represented in this caretaker Government, if it is ever formed. Moreover, was that specifically accepted by President Neto of Angola?— because that seems to be an important point. Could we have any further information on what actually happened when Dr. Owen saw President Neto? Those are all the observations that I should like to make at present. I suppose that we shall have a debate on the matter in the near future?
§ 3.52 p.m.
§ Lord GORONWY-ROBERTSMy Lords, I think that the House will wish to join me in expressing very great appreciation of the tone and content of the two statements to which we have listened. Both noble Lords generously and very appropriately extended congratulations to my right honourable friend for the undoubted success that has so far attended his initiatives. I particularly 34 appreciate that the objectives which he has in mind are shared by everyone in this House—by all Parties and by independent Members. I am sure that that is true of the other place and, indeed, of the country as a whole.
I noted with particular interest the points made by the noble Lord, Lord Carrington, which of course my right honourable friend will examine with great care. Similarly, I noted the speculative but important points about the nature of the caretaker Government, how it will be constituted and so forth, which the noble Lord, Lord Gladwyn, raised. He will not expect me today to go beyond the limitations of the Statement made by my right honourable friend. However, I think that both noble Lords would wish me to be absolutely clear on one point. We have every reason to expect that the Government of the United States and the Front Line Presidents will co-operate in discussing how best to move on these lines—that is, the possibility of convening this kind of conference. No one can prophesy the success of this initiative. We are all cautiously hopeful that this may prove to be the successful way, but no one can be absolutely certain. However, we are certain of the promises of support and co-operation from the quarters which the noble Lord, Lord Gladwyn, mentioned.
§ Baroness GAITSKELLMy Lords, although we can salute our Foreign Secretary for achieving what is really a small miracle, should we not beware of becoming dizzy with success? The Foreign Secretary is about to embark on the most difficult part of his mission—not only that of reaching an understanding with Mr. Ian Smith but of reaching an understanding with the black leaders. Because of all the guerrilla activity that is taking place they now have the taste of blood, and in some ways it will be more difficult to come to terms with them than with anyone else.
§ Lord GORONWY-ROBERTSMy Lords, I am sure that my right honourable friend would agree with my noble friend. I thank her for her references to him personally and to his efforts. It is absolutely true that whatever success has so far been recorded is due to the 35 absolute integrity and clarity with which my right honourable friend has impressed both black and white leaders in Africa.
§ Lord BARNBYMy Lords, do I understand from the Statement that has just been made that the Foreign Secretary brought back from his visit to Southern Africa agreement from the heads of the delegations which were invited to Geneva that they would sit in at a conference that would be organised or chaired both by the United Kingdom and the United States of America? Secondly, do the Government believe that the precedent of the Turnhalle conference on South West Africa, where apparently agreement between all previously warring ethnic groups was finally arrived at, should or could be applied in order to achieve a similar result in Rhodesia?
§ Lord GORONWY-ROBERTSMy Lords, the noble Lord will not expect me at this juncture to deal with Turnhalle or any aspect of the Namibian question, except to note what he said about the possibilities of strengthening the delegatory nature of any conference on Rhodesia that proves to be possible in the future. I have noted what he said. I assure him that the comprehensive nature of the delegations attending the next conference, if it proves possible to hold one, will certainly not he less than that of Geneva.
§ Lord HARMAR-NICHOLLSMy Lords, is the noble Lord aware that everyone subscribes to a worthwhile outcome of this preliminary discussion? However, for the sake of the record, the noble Lord, Lord Gladwyn, said that he hoped the astute politician, Mr. Smith, who was sometimes capable of taking two steps backwards and one step forward, is not just one-sided in his attitude. It may be helpful for it to be known that we are not naive on this matter. If any good is to come from these preliminary discussions, neither side there must want to take two steps forward and one step backwards in order simply to satisfy local aspirations. The two sides must genuinely want to reach a fair decision. We must not give the impression at this early stage that one side is more intransigent than the other.
§ Lord GORONWY-ROBERTSMy Lords, that is fair enough. My right honourable friend went to Africa with an attitude of co-operative inquiry and suggestion to black and white equally and in no way in an abrasive and polemical mood. I am sure that that is the mood in which he would hope to move forward to a conference of the kind he describes in his Statement today.