Lords Sitting of 29 October 1974

THE QUEEN'S SPEECH
The QUEEN, being seated on the Throne, and attended by Her Officers of State (the Lords being in their robes), Commanded the Gentleman Usher of the Black Rod, through the Lord Great Chamberlain, to let the Commons know, "It is Her Majesty's pleasure they attend Her immediately in this House."
Who being come, with their Speaker:
Her Majesty was pleased to speak as follows:
"My Lords and Members of the House of Commons,
"My Husband and I look forward with pleasure to our visits to Bermuda, Barbados, Bahamas, Mexico, Hong Kong, Japan; and to the meeting of Commonwealth heads of government in Jamaica.
"My Government will give their full support to international efforts to solve the world-wide problem of inflation and will play a full part in international discussions to solve the problems created by higher oil prices. They will continue the policy of strengthening the United Nations, its agencies and other international institutions dedicated to the peaceful settlement of disputes, the promotion of human rights, the rule of law and the improvement of the quality of life. In the effort needed to deal with world problems, they attach high importance to the Commonwealth association.
"My Government will energetically continue their renegotiation of the terms of the United Kingdom's membership of the European Economic Community. Within twelve months the British people will be given the opportunity to decide whether, in the light of the outcome of the negotiations, this country should retain its membership.
"My Government recognise the economic problems confronting developing countries, and will seek to increase the provision of aid. They
8
will promote international efforts to establish a more liberal pattern of trade.
"My Ministers will continue to support the search for a just and lasting peace in the Middle East and to work for a satisfactory solution to the problems of Cyprus.
"My Government will oppose racial discrimination at home and abroad. In Rhodesia, they will agree to no settlement which is not supported by the African people of that country.
"My Government will continue to give full support to the maintenance of the North Atlantic Alliance. They will regard the North Atlantic Treaty Organisation as an instrument of détente as well as of defence. In consultation with their allies and in the light of a searching review of our defence commitments and forces they will ensure the maintenance of a modern and effective defence system while reducing its cost as a proportion of our national resources.
"My Ministers will support the policy of détente between East and West. They will continue to play a full part in international efforts to achieve general disarmament and to prevent the spread of nuclear weapons. They will participate fully in the negotiations for force reductions in Central Europe and in the Conference on Security and Co-operation in Europe.
"My Ministers will continue to work for a political solution in Northern Ireland. The proposed Constitutional Convention will provide a means by which those elected to it can consider what provision for the government of Northern Ireland is likely to command the most widespread acceptance throughout the community; any solution must, if it is to work, provide for some form of genuine power-sharing and participation by both communities in the direction of affairs in Northern Ireland. My Ministers will continue to act decisively against terrorism and lawlessness. They attach particular importance to co-operation with the Government of the Republic of Ireland in the field of security and in other matters of mutual interest.

9
"Members of the House of Commons,
"Estimates for the public service will be laid before you.
"My Lords and Members of the House of Commons,
"At home, My Government, in view of the gravity of the economic situation, will as its most urgent task seek the fulfilment of the social contract as an essential element in its strategy for curbing inflation, reducing the balance of payments deficit, encouraging industrial investment, maintaining employment, particularly in the older industrial areas, and promoting social and economic justice.
"The use of subsidies to keep down prices of certain foods will be continued. Further measures for the protection of consumers will be brought forward.
"My Ministers will pursue their aim of achieving a fair redistribution of income and wealth. A measure will be brought before you for the introduction of a tax on capital transfers. My Ministers will propose the establishment of a Select Committee to examine the form which a wealth tax might take.
"Measures will be placed before you to amend the Trade Union and Labour Relations Act 1974; and to establish the Conciliation and Arbitration Service on a statutory basis and to protect and improve working conditions generally. Proposals will be brought forward to tackle the abuses of the lump as a step towards creating a stable workforce in the construction industry. My Ministers will publish proposals to ensure comprehensive safeguards for employment in the docks.
"My Government attach major importance to a general improvement in social security benefits in the interests of social justice. Measures will be introduced to increase existing social security benefits, including family allowances; to make additional provision for the disabled; to pay a Christmas bonus; and to set up a new earnings-related pension scheme.
"Within available resources, My Government will continue to maintain and improve the National Health Ser-
10
vice and, following consultations, will introduce proposals on democracy in the Service.
"My Government's education policy will continue to give priority to areas of greatest need and to children with special difficulties. Particular attention will be given to the development of a fully comprehensive system of secondary education and to nursery education. A Bill will be introduced to provide Public Lending Rights for authors.
"My Ministers will energetically pursue their policies for encouraging local authorities and housing associations to provide more homes to rent and to develop their programmes for improving existing homes, particularly in the areas of greatest stress. They will take action to secure a stable and adequate flow of mortgages. Bills will be laid before you to reform the law relating to rents and housing subsidies in England and Wales and in Scotland.
"Legislation will be introduced to enable land required for development to be taken into community ownership and to tax realisations of development value.
"My Ministers recognise the value to the nation of expanding domestic food production economically and efficiently, and will continue their discussions with the farming industry to this end.
"My Government will continue to pursue a comprehensive energy policy which makes the fullest economic use of United Kingdom coal, oil and natural gas and experience in nuclear technology, and to encourage energy conservation. Legislation will be introduced to regulate further the development of off-shore petroleum; to establish a British National Oil Corporation with rights to participate in this development; to ensure that the community receives a fair share of the profits: and to provide for the acquisition of oil sites in Scotland.
"My Ministers wish to encourage industrial investment and expansion within vigorous and profitable public and private sectors of industry. For this purpose, legislation will be introduced to provide for the establishment of planning agreements and a National

11
Enterprise Board; and to enable the shipbuilding and aircraft industries to be taken into public ownership.
"Legislation will be introduced to provide additional protection for policy-holders of insurance companies, and for people booking overseas holidays and travel who suffer loss as a result of the failure of travel organisers.
"My Government will urgently prepare for the implementation of the decision to set up directly elected assemblies in Scotland and Wales.
"Bills will be introduced to provide for the establishment of Development Agencies in Scotland and in Wales. Other proposals relating to Scotland will include measures on local government and summary jurisdiction.
"Legislation will be brought before you with the aim of ending sex discrimination.
"A Bill will be introduced to reform the law relating to the adoption, guardianship and fostering of children.
"Measures will be introduced to improve the law and the administration of justice.
"An early opportunity will be given for you to consider whether your proceedings should be broadcast.
"Other measures will be laid before you.
"My Lords and Members of the House of Commons,
"I pray that the blessing of Almighty God may rest upon your counsels."
House adjourned during pleasure.
House resumed at half-past three of the clock: The LORD CHANCELLOR on the Woolsack.
Prayers—Read by the Lord Bishop of Rochester.
Several Lords—Took the Oath or Affirmed.

SELECT VESTRIES
Bill, pro forma, read la.

ADDRESS IN REPLY TO HER MAJESTY'S MOST GRACIOUS SPEECH
The Queen's Speech reported by The LORD CHANCELLOR.
3.59 p.m.
LORD SHINWELL: My Lords, I beg to move, That an humble Address be presented to Her Majesty as follows:
"Most Gracious Sovereign—We, Your Majesty's most dutiful and loyal subjects, the Lords Spiritual and Temporal in Parliament assembled, beg leave to thank Your Majesty for the most gracious Speech which Your Majesty has addressed to both Houses of Parliament."
My Lords, it is a privilege and a pleasure to offer on my own behalf and on behalf of all Members of your Lordships' House felicitations on Her Majesty's project to pay a visit overseas, and in particular to visit the Caribbean and attend the meeting of Heads of State of Commonwealth countries. The Commonwealth is more flexible, more slender, nowadays than in the past. But it is neither on the point of breaking nor of bending; it remains a potent and moral force in order to ensure good will and peace throughout the world. Occasionally there are rumours, in muted tones and from insignificant voices, of disaffection against the monarchical principle. But when I survey the globe and note what is happening in many other countries, what is it that I find?—presidents accused of corruption and a variety of misdemeanours; presidents deposed, here to-day and gone to-morrow; presidents occasionally the victims of assassination. It is my view—and I hope my view is generally shared—that we can afford the absence of a president in our country with our customary fortitude.
It may be noted that I have changed my geographical position in space. I am not certain whether it is promotion or the inevitable decline. But there is one favourable aspect, it would appear to me: I am nearer the Front Bench than I have been for a very long time. All it requires is one further rung down the ladder and then, with anxious and eager expectancy, I may receive a call from No. 10 Downing Street.

13
The gracious Speech contains a number of appetising items—indeed, some juicy morsels. But there are a few that might be regarded among some Members of your Lordships' House as disagreeable and almost indigestible. I am sure, knowing your Lordships' House, having made its acquaintance and now its friendship without necessarily conforming—that I could never agree to do—that your Lordships will treat all the items contained in the gracious Speech with your courteous and customary philosophical objectivity. Number one priority, of course, is the necessity of curbing inflation. Inflation, as indicated in the gracious Speech, is worldwide, a malady not confined or peculiar to our own country. Nevertheless, we can make our own contribution, and one proposed contribution is contained in the gracious Speech—a reorientation of our industrial relations, and essentially the social contract about which there has been considerable controversy in the past few weeks, even few months.
The social contract, as I understand it, is an embryonic concept fathered by Mr. Len Murray, the General Secretary of the Trades Union Congress. I have very limited knowledge of what happens to embryos. I should have to make an appeal to my noble friend Lady Summer-skill, who is a greater authority on that subject than I can ever hope to be. But I understand, as a result of very limited research, that the embryo undergoes a somewhat traumatic transformation in the evolutionary process—very wounding, with defects and setbacks. So I can only hope—and I hope your Lordships will share my view—that after the period of gestation something fruitful will emerge. There may be scepticism about the future of the social contract, but the substance of it is a desirable ideal. It appears to me that the spirit of the Trades Union Congress General Council is strong; but the men on the shop floor are sometimes capable of displayed weaknesses. That is the difficulty. Nevertheless, we hope for the best.
As for the rest of what is contained in the gracious Speech, I would direct attention to a very important item; namely, the intention of the Government, as indicated in the gracious Speech, to deal with the subject of land ownership and development. Far be it for me on this occasion
14
to delve into the history of land ownership and acquisition—that would be horrific in the presence of so many descendants of the aristocracy. Land was acquired, sometimes by favour and sometimes by peculation—and I mean no offence. But in a variety of ways and expedients land found its way into the hands of a minority of people in our country in days gone by.
The Government propose, among other things associated with the subject of land, that there should be a tax on development values. This will appeal at once to the members of the Liberal Party in your Lordships' House. It is by no means an original idea. It emanated many years ago in the last century—even in my time—from the lips of Henry George. It was picked up by the members of the first Liberal Government in this century. But no sooner was it picked up than it was decided to abandon it. This is sometimes customary with Governments. Hardly a word has been said about it since. Here is an opportunity to inject into the land question a project which certainly would help considerably to provide revenue for the country and, at the same time, make certain that there would be no indulging in unnecessary speculation in the acquisition of land—a very desirable project indeed. I am sure your Lordships will welcome coming to a conclusion on this vexed question of land acquisition and development. I was almost about to mention land reclamation, but I understand that is almost an offence.
May I direct attention to another item in the gracious Speech: the subject of renegotiation of the terms of entry into the European Community. This is not the occasion for debating the subject, but I observe that in the gracious Speech it is suggested that public approval should be sought on the terms emerging from renegotiation. This is a democratic country and we have accepted the democratic principle and democratic system. Therefore, although it has been suggested from time to time that Parliament is supreme and all authority vests from Parliament—by which is meant not your Lordships' House but another place—and in spite of my highest regard for Members in another place, it would appear to me that, notwithstanding the supremacy vested in the Members of another place, a fundamental issue affecting

15
the lives of every person in the land is one that deserves public consideration and eventually public approval. I observe that in the gracious Speech no reference is made to a referendum. What device is to be employed in order to ensure that the public should express an opinion, one is unable to say; that will appear in due course. It is not certain whether it would mean another General Election—the last thing that Members in another place wish for some considerable time. But we shall wait with an element of anxiety for the decision to emerge from the Government. We understand from the gracious Speech that a decision has to be reached in the course of the next 12 months, and we shall await it.
From that I turn to what is contained in the gracious Speech about the North Atlantic Treaty Organisation and the subject of defence. The North Atlantic Treaty Organisation, formed in 1947 and 1948—and I had some association with it—has displayed considerable weakness over the years but not because we have failed to make our contribution. On the contrary, apart from the United States, we from our resources have made perhaps the most substantial contribution in the provision of limited defence. It is sometimes said—and I understand that this is the view of many Members in another place and probably in your Lordships' House, and it may well be the view of the Government as indicated in the gracious Speech—that the expense is too costly for the country to bear. That may be true. But the absence of adequate defence may in the long run prove to be too costly. In the circumstances that prevail in the international sphere, I would wish the Government to exercise some caution and prudence in the curtailment of defence expenditure. For example, when we learn that before very long, probably in the next three to six months at the latest, it will be possible for the U.S.S.R. to push her ships through the Suez Canal and penetrate the Indian Ocean, that is a situation which cannot be accepted without some consideration by Her Majesty's Government and her allies. In all the circumstances, costly as defence may be, and however harsh the imposition on the taxpayers of our country, it would appear to me that some measure of defence is essential alongside our allies. And, incidentally, let it be
16
clearly understood that without the aid of the United States of America we cannot promote the adequate defence required in the event of any aggression that might occur in future.
There is a variety of other items in the gracious Speech to which one could refer, but my time is limited—I mean my time for the purposes of this speech. But I would refer to an item that should have been contained in the gracious Speech, with the highest respect to Her Majesty and some regard to Her Majesty's Government—it is necessary to make that distinction. I observe that no reference is contained in the gracious Speech to reform of the House of Lords. As William Shakespeare said:
"For this relief, much thanks."
At any rate your Lordships can be assured that for some considerable time to come, at least in the foreseeable future, we have security of tenure. What could be more pleasant than that? For this we thank Her Majesty, the gracious Speech, and Her Majesty's Government.
As I have ventured to say, there are items in the gracious Speech which are favourable to many Members of your Lordships' House, and there are some which may prove disagreeable. But in all the circumstances we have to make the best of it in view of what happened at the recent Election. All we can hope for is—and I refer once more to No. 1 priority—that we shall, through international co-operation, with good will, and with the co-operation of every person in our land, seek to put this country back on its feet and restore its prestige and industry in the moral sense, so that we can hold up our heads and look the world in the face, no longer accepting a defeatist attitude or living in a defeatist atmosphere—perhaps not strong in the military sense, but in the moral sense, in the sphere of civilised behaviour. This is what this country requires. Material improvement is all very good and much of it is contained, at any rate potentially, in the gracious Speech. Something more is required: civilised behaviour; an end of terrorism, of hooliganism, of vandalism, of juvenile delinquency. This is what the country needs—industrial strength, raising our exports, building up our farming and agricultural industry, using our resources

17
wisely, every able-bodied person in the land making a contribution. This is what we need, so that Britain can again be described, and rightly so, as Great Britain. My Lords, I beg to move.
Moved, That an humble Address be presented to Her Majesty as follows:
Most Gracious Sovereign—We, Your Majesty's most dutiful and loyal subjects, the Lords Spiritual and Temporal, in Parliament assembled, beg leave to thank Your Majesty for the most gracious Speech which Your Majesty has addressed to both Houses of Parliament.—(Lord Shinwell.)
4.20 p.m.
LORD LEATHERLAND: My Lords, I beg to second my noble friend's Motion for an humble Address in reply to Her Majesty's most gracious Speech. As was to be expected, my noble friend Lord Shinwell moved this Motion in his usual invigorating manner—invigorating both in terms and tone. So far as I am concerned, I was strictly enjoined to be non-controversial. As in the days of my youth I was blessed with an unruly mop of fiery red hair and all the characteristics that go with it, I shall probably find that a rather difficult task to discharge. All I can say is that I will try.
There was something very unusual about the choice of my noble friend as the Member to move this humble Address, but then, of course, he is a special case. I hope that he will regard it as a symbol of the widespread affection that exists towards him in this House and also as a reminder of the distinction that he added to the post of Minister of Defence during his tenure of office.
My Lords, now for a little family history. While my noble friend was Minister of Defence he paid an official visit to the then turbulent City of Trieste. There were high feelings there at the time between the Italians and the Yugoslavs. Nobody felt completely safe and the authorities considered that it would be wise if a special secret bodyguard were to accompany my noble friend. It pleases me very much to know that the authorities detailed for that duty a certain Sergeant John Leatherland of the Intelligence Corps, my son; and it may very well be that this helped to ensure
18
the survival of my noble friend so that he could celebrate his 90th birthday.
My Lords, quite rightly the gracious Speech deals at some length with the question of defence. My noble friend is far more qualified to talk about it than I am. He was the Minister "supremo"; I was a mere 20-year-old Company Sergeant Major in France in the First World War and Company Sergeant Majors only allow their voices to be heard on certain special occasions. However, I want to say on this special occasion that I fully echo that passage in the gracious Speech which says that this country needs a modern and effective defence. Now we know that we cannot always have all the defence that we want if we have a weak economy, so it is encouraging and comforting to know that measures are shortly to be placed before us by Her Majesty's Government to fortify the economy. In the next few days I expect we shall have a number of wise economists of world renown giving us the benefit of their expert views and we shall probably find, in accordance with ancient custom, that no two economists can agree either about the causes of our ills or about the remedies to cure them.
My Lords, the underlying strength of our society is the family. Anything that we can do to raise the security of the family improves the cohesion of the nation, and I welcome very much the several proposals in the gracious Speech which aim at raising the standard of family welfare. In these days of rising world prices we are thankful that subsidies have ensured that many families do not go without essential foods, and I am glad that those subsidies are to be continued. The improved social security benefits which cater for the sick, the disabled and the other casualties of our society are another step in the right humane direction, and I believe also that the improved family allowances are to be welcomed. The harassed housewife, haunted by inflation, knows full well that her children must be fed with wholesome food. She knows also that they quickly grow out of their shoes and their clothes and that these are very expensive items; so I feel that we should not be ashamed if we are called upon to support them with what I might call a "mother's bounty ".

19
One of the ironies of life is that we cannot do without women. This is a matter of which I have made a close study for many years. Women to-day are better educated than ever they were. They are able to shoulder responsibility. They can undertake most of the tasks that were hitherto regarded as the prerogatives of men. Women Monarchs and Ministers have distinguished themselves in many parts of the world, not least in our own country; yet there are many avenues and opportunities in our life which are completely closed to women. Women are too often looked upon merely as auxiliaries to men. I am glad, therefore, that the gracious Speech makes a definite promise that a further step will be taken towards the establishment of a realistic equality.
Talking about women naturally leads me on to the subject of mothers-in-law. Our young people are marrying much earlier to-day than used to be the case. That highly moral course should give great satisfaction to a certain right honourable gentleman who has been entertaining us in the news during the last few weeks; but young people, if they are to get the best out of their lives, really need a home of their own, and far too many of them at the present time are having to live with their parents.: We want more houses by the hundreds of thousands, and I am glad that we are encouraged in the gracious Speech to expect not only more houses but a freer and more stable flow of mortgages for the owner-occupier.
My Lords, at this stage I feel myself slightly tottering along the non-controversial tightrope that I set myself. I do not agree with all these misery-mongers who are going about everlastingly chanting, "Prepare to meet thy doom ". I feel that their psychological warfare is doing enormous harm to this country. When you have reached the age of 76 years and, even more so, when you are 90, you say to yourself, "I have seen all this before ". I remember the miserable days before the First World War—the terrible ' twenties and the economic blizzard of the 'thirties when this country was nearly down and out. My Lords, we are not in that position to-day. We are a modern-minded, technological nation, rich in brains and with a very highly
20
skilled workforce. We certainly have our economic difficulties, but let us face the future with self-confidence, with determination and with the will to work as hard as we possibly can. It is true, of course, that some of our manufacturers have lagged badly behind their foreign rivals in modernisation, but I believe that the investment tonic and the rejuvenating measures that we find in the Queen's Speech will enable them to overtake some of their shortcomings of the past.
I do not want to see a lopsided economy with all our eggs in the factory basket. We have farms as well as factories. So I am delighted that the gracious Speech prophesies an expansion of our agricultural output, particularly as our's is one of the finest agricultural industries in the world. This would be good for our environment, good for our dinner tables, good for our trade balance and good for our national independence.
Finally, my Lords, there is one error into which I hope we will not fall. There are signs of a danger in some sections of our society that selfishness and greed may be elevated into a virtue. I do not have any particular stratum of society in mind when I say this. The fringe bankers, the asset strippers, the commodity gamblers have certainly not set a very good example, but this is not the time for greed. It is time for the nation to pull together in unity, sharing sacrifices and pooling rewards in a spirit of real social justice. Because the gracious Speech shows us the way to such an ideal I have great pleasure in seconding this Motion.
4.32 p.m.
LORD CARRINGTON: My Lords, I beg to move that this debate be adjourned until to-morrow. I must admit that there have been some occasions over the past years in your Lordships' House when I have tended to agree with what Sir Geoffrey Rose nearly wrote:
"Lord Leach made a speech, angry, neat and wrong;
Lord Hart, on the other part, was right, dull and wrong;
Lord Bell spoke very well, though nobody knew what about;
Lord Trower talked for an hour, sat down, fatigued and hot;
Lord Parker made that darker which was dark enough without;
Lord Cook quoted his book and the Lord Chancellor said ' I doubt'."

21
But, my Lords, not to-day, for due to the good sense of the noble Lord the Leader of the House in choosing two such promising Peers we have had two outstanding speeches, and perhaps all your Lordships would at the outset like to congratulate the noble Lord, Lord Shinwell, on his 90th birthday. He has the warm affection and admiration of this House—and I thought he knew it and I thought there was no need whatever to bring his own audience with him. Perhaps I may also associate with him my noble friend Lord Barnby, who also is a nonagenarian. They are indeed a sprightly pair who make most of us seem by comparison conventional, peaceful and elderly.
Whatever else may be said about the noble Lord, Lord Shinwell (and a lot has been said about him and he has been called a lot), he certainly never is dull nor, thank goodness! even should he try very hard—and he does not try at all—could he ever be uncontroversial. In a career which has lasted a great number of years he has been an outstanding and outspoken servant of this country. I do not believe that he has yet finished his contribution, and in particular I think that in these coming months—and we had a whiff of grapeshot this afternoon—he will have a good deal to say about defence, with which I may find myself in some agreement. I hope the noble Lord, Lord Shinwell, knows the unqualified respect in which he is held by all those in the Services who have had anything to do with him or who read what he says.
The other thing about the noble Lord, Lord Shinwell, is his total inability not to speak his mind, even though it happens to be at variance with those of his political colleagues and his Party's policy. This is a characteristic which I commend warmly to noble Lords who sit on the Benches opposite, though for more personal reasons considerably less warmly to those who sit on this side of the House.
The noble Lord, Lord Leatherland—a mature stripling—is also a man of arms. Nobody who has heard him in this House can doubt where he stands in so far as the Services are concerned, any more than they could about the noble Lord, Lord Shinwell. He has been in this House now for ten years; he has been concerned over a great many years with local government. He was Assistant Editor of the Daily Herald. All this is revealed in any book of reference that one cares to
22
consult, and a splendid career it is. He has, I understand, one other characteristic which may not be so well known but which sets him a little apart from some of his colleagues. He is a fox-hunting man and enjoys it, and I am told that in this most traditional of sports he makes only one concession to his Socialist principles, and that is to wear a red coat. I do not know whether when out hunting he has come across my noble friend Lord Denham, who, as those of us on this side of the House know, has such a passion for it that he would even be prepared to go so far as to dress in Liberal colours.
The House will be grateful to both noble Lords for their speeches and hope that perhaps after a decent interval of, say, 15 or 20 years the noble Lord the Leader of the House will ask them to do it again—that is if the House has not been reformed and the more conservative Members removed.
I wish also to congratulate noble Lords opposite who have been confirmed in their portfolios or appointed to new ones, and in particular the noble Baroness, Lady Birk, and the noble Lord, Lord Crowther-Hunt, and the new Whips. Speaking purely from a House of Lords point of view, I think we are a little disappointed that more senior jobs have not been given to noble Lords opposite—a point of view no doubt shared by noble Lords opposite—but perhaps as this Parliament goes on we may see some promotions, or something.
I should also like to take this opportunity, if I may be allowed to, to say how sad I am that my noble friend Lord Windlesham does not find it possible to continue as Leader of the Opposition. We all of us understand the reasons, but that does not make it any the less sad, I suspect, for all your Lordships, wherever you may sit. It was good to have a youngish man, both as Leader of the House and Leader of the Opposition, and I do not believe there is anyone in this House who could fault his performance and who will not regret his going. I hope it will not be long before he is back. But the consequence, my Lords, is this speech that I am now making this afternoon, and if to those of your Lordships who were Members of this House before 1970 there is an overwhelming feeling of déjà vue I can only apologise and hope that the appointment will be of short duration—a hope

23
no doubt shared by noble Lords opposite for a different reason.
However, I can assure your Lordships that I consider it an honour once more to lead the Opposition—the majority Party in this House—and that given the support that I was unfailingly given between 1963 and 1970 we shall be in Opposition as constructive and as vigorous as I think we were in those days. I am particularly glad that my noble friend Lord Aberdare has consented to continue to hold my nervous and rather rusty hand.
A formidable programme has been outlined to the House. We shall need stamina and we shall need time, but I must warn the Leader of the House—if he needs warning and I suspect that he does not—that he and his colleagues will face a late summer and autumn of discontent, to put it mildly, if the bulk of the innumerable Bills referred to in the gracious Speech do not reach your Lordships until July or early August. But this is not an occasion to make a speech about the proposals of the Government. We shall do that to-morrow. It will come as no surprise to your Lordships when I say that we on this side of the House believe that there are difficult times ahead. It will require of all of us, but more particularly of the Government, wisdom, courage and good sense.
As a result of the last Election a rather curious situation has emerged. None of the three major Parties can feel very satisfied with its performance. The Labour Party got only about 39 per cent. of the vote; the Conservative Party got fewer votes than it has done for a very many years, and the Liberal Party, with more candidates, did less well than it did in February. I do not quite know what that proves, except perhaps that there is uncertainty among the electorate. Certainly there is no majority for drastic change in any particular direction. The Labour Party has an overall majority in the House of Commons, in practice a larger one than the political commentators have suggested, but certainly no majority of votes in the country.
My Lords, I was glad to hear that in the speech which the Prime Minister made to the nation after the Election, he talked robustly of national unity. If he was stealing the clothes of Mr. Heath—and
24
though to some of us they do not yet appear to be a very good fit—I, for one, would make no complaint because I am quite sure he is right. The Government may be assured that we on this side will support wholeheartedly what is done in the cause of national unity and in the national interest. For at this difficult time the country must unite in a policy, and it must be a policy which unites and does not divide. That will be the way in which we shall judge the policies and programme of Her Majesty's Government. 1 think, too, it will be the way in which their fellow countrymen will judge them. My Lords, I beg to move that this debate be adjourned until tomorrow.
Moved, That the debate be adjourned until tomorrow—(Lord Carrington.)
4.42 p.m.
LORD BYERS: My Lords, in following the noble Lord, Lord Carrington, I should like to endorse everything he has said about the need for national unity and for a policy which will unite the nation. It is my very pleasant task to support this Motion proposed by the noble Lord, Lord Carrington, and to congratulate the mover and seconder of the loyal Address on the manner in which they have performed their tasks today. When I was told upon whom the mantle of distinction had fallen, my first reaction was, "Well, we have a couple of right ones there all right", and my thoughts were by no means disparaging. Indeed, I was reflecting that the Government had chosen two of the most congenial characters in the House for this important occasion, marked out, no doubt for promotion in a few years' time. But the choice was very appropriate.
My Lords, the noble Lord, Lord Shinwell, has lent distinction to British politics over a long period. I wish I had seen him in action with Jimmy Maxton, Geordie Buchanan and other firebrands. Unfortunately, when I first joined the noble Lord in the House of Commons he had become not only respectable, but a member of the Establishment. But, from time to time, his natural pugnacity would break through and we would all be very pleased when it did. The noble Lord certainly made an impression on my old commander, Field Marshal Lord Montgomery, when he became Secretary of State for War. He took Monty's whisky ration for quite a number of months and on that I congratulate him.

25
The noble Lord, Lord Leatherland, comes from the equally combative background of journalism, and has shown himself to be a master of the written word, a master of the spoken word, and, in many of our exchanges across the Floor of the House, a master of the last word; he usually gets it in.
Before concluding, I should like to welcome once again the noble Lord, Lord Carrington, to his old position. We are getting used to this changing around. I must say that the one quality that the noble Lord has, above all else, is courage. He will need a lot of that in the coming months in the position which he has so loyally accepted. In welcoming him, I also want to express my personal regret that the noble Lord, Lord Windlesham, has given up that position. He has been one of the pleasantest and most effective colleagues to work with on House of Lords' Business. This makes a lot of difference to all of us who sit in this House. I hope that the noble Lord, Lord Windlesham, will not be lost to us for too long.
My Lords, I offer to the noble Lord the Leader of the House all the support which from time to time we shall decide he deserves. In this gracious Speech we have enough for about three Sessions. I am quite sure that from all quarters of the House we will do our best to do justice to the measures put forward. We cannot offer total support; there are some good measures and some on which we will want to take issue, but that is for to-morrow. I beg to support the Motion.
THE LORD PRIVY SEAL (LORD SHEPHERD): My Lords, this is the second debate on the gracious Speech this year. My first experience in March of inviting two of my colleagues to move and second the Address ran into some difficulty. I well remember that my noble friend Lady Birk, some fifteen minutes before the House assembled, had an accident. I had to run down the various passageways, eventually to find my noble friend Lord Brockway, in a dark corner of the guest room, no doubt considering how best he could get a certain Question down on the Order Paper. That was an occasion when I think we all felt that my noble friend perhaps made his best speech in your Lordships' House.
26
I was therefore determined that on this occasion I was not going to run any risks. Perhaps like the experienced football manager, I decided I would rely on age and experience. Therefore I turned to my noble friends Lord Shinwell and Lord Leatherland. I had no doubt at all that they would perform their task to the benefit of your Lordships' House and the occasion. The one concern I had was that neither of them is accustomed to speaking from notes. I wondered whether they were going to keep within the accustomed time limit for speeches. My first congratulations, therefore, must be to my noble friends that they accomplished this to the satisfaction of their Leader. Theirs were speeches of very great quality. I believe there was much in those speeches that will be worthy of consideration during our debates to-morrow and on Thursday, and particularly on the question of defence on Tuesday of next week.
My noble friend Lord Shinwell was a Minister some fifty years ago. Really, it is hard to imagine it. The noble Lord, Lord Carrington, may have been about five years of age then; I was about six. In saying that, I may be giving the noble Lord some benefit. Apart from his Ministerial responsibilities, I think one of his greatest services to Parliament and to the Labour Party were those years when the noble Lord, Lord Shinwell, served as Chairman of the Parliamentary Labour Party, when all the ingenuity of a statesman and politician was required. I was looking through his book, I Have Lived Through it All, and I came across a quotation in regard to his very good friend Lady Summerskill which I think is worthy of repetition. He wrote:
"Even Lady Summerskill, whose humanity is proverbial, described me as a bully. This probably is because I refused to permit her to speak at Party meetings on the grounds that preference should be given to the elected representatives of the people and not to members of a non-democratic assembly."
That was some years ago, and my noble friend is now among us. From time to time he says hard things, sometimes with a degree of justification, but I believe he has a genuinely warm feeling towards your Lordships' House, and one which we all reciprocate. We are grateful to both of my noble friends for what they have done this afternoon.

27
May I thank the noble Lord, Lord Carrington, for his welcome to my new colleagues on this Bench. I am particularly pleased, with such an advent of Life Peers behind me, that another hereditary Peer, the noble Lord, Lord Melchett, is joining me on this Bench. But your Lordships will note that I have made certain, he being very young, that he will be in the D.o.E. where his time will be well spent, so that he cannot be a threat to me in terms of leadership of the Party. We, too, are very sorry that the noble Lord, Lord Windlesham, for various reasons which we all understand, has decided that he cannot carry on as Leader of his Party in the House. Like the noble Lord, Lord Carrington, I have no doubt at all that he will be back. We hope that he will be back very soon to take part in our debates, because we have always valued very much the quality of the sympathy he has brought to some of the more crucial subjects which your Lordships' House has had to consider.
The noble Lord, Lord Carrington, is back again; I must say I am rather pleased that he is. He is a hard hitter and at least one knows where one stands with hard hitters. I think, with the noble Lord, Lord Carrington, leading the Opposition, there is a fair degree of possibility that there will be some control from behind him, and we look forward very much to co-operating with him. We are also very pleased that the noble Lord, Lord Aberdare, is remaining as Deputy Leader, and I know that we must, and should, pay our compliments to the noble Earl, Lord St. Aldwyn, who still carries on as the great organiser of the majority Party in your Lordships' House. My Lords, I do not intend to go over the Queen's Speech. I fully recognise the very heavy burdens with which this House will be confronted, but we will seek ways and means of overcoming them.
I should not like to sit down without saying how sad we are on this side of the House, as I believe are all your Lord-
28
ships, at the very sad passing of Charles Garnsworthy during the Summer Recess. He came rather late in life to your Lordships' House. I think he fought the Reigate constituency six times; he never left to look for a better hunting ground. He rendered great service to the Government, and I believe to your Lordships' House, and I have no doubt at all that it would be your Lordships' wish that we should send sympathy to Lady Garnsworthy in her tragic bereavement. My Lords, we can now adjourn and start the real debate to-morrow. Again, I am grateful to my noble friends for the way they have moved and seconded the humble Address, and I hope that the House will accept the Motion of the noble Lord, Lord Carrington.
On Question, Motion agreed to, and debate adjourned accordingly until to-morrow.

CHAIRMAN OF COMMITTEES
LORD SHEPHERD: My Lords, I beg to move that the Earl of Listowel be appointed to take the Chair in all Committees for this Session.
Moved accordingly, and, on Question, Motion agreed to, nemine dissentiente.
Stoppages in the Streets—Order to prevent, renewed.
Appeal Committees—Appointed.
Appellate Committees—Appointed.

ROLL OF THE LORDS
Prepared by the Clerk of the Parliaments: Ordered to lie on the Table, and to be printed.
House adjourned at six minutes before five o'clock.