HL Deb 20 June 1967 vol 283 cc1366-82

7.36 p.m.

LORD BROCKWAY rose to ask Her Majesty's Government what action has been taken to facilitate a peaceful solution of the constitutional confrontation in Nigeria. The noble Lord said: My Lords, I rise to ask permission to put the Unstarred Question which I have on the Order Paper. I have thought very carefully about whether I should maintain this Unstarred Question and initiate this debate. The situation in Nigeria remains critical, and a wrong word may exacerbate it rather than contribute towards a solution. For this reason I ask your Lordships to excuse me if I keep more closely to my notes than is usual.

Since the exchange of Questions and Answers in the House last week I have done my best to obtain the fullest information to enable a balanced decision to be made. I have seen the Minister of State, his Principal Adviser on West African Affairs, and the Minister in this House; I have seen the Commissioner for Nigeria and the Permanent Secretaries to the Ministry of Foreign Affairs and Industry and Trade in the Federal Government; I have seen the High Commissioner Designate appointed by the penultimate Government in Nigeria, and learnt something of the attitude of the East. I have seen the Head and the Deputy Head of the Commonwealth Secretariat. I have seen individual Nigerians and British citizens who have been resident in Nigeria. From these conversations I have been impressed not only by the urgency of the crisis but by the need for caution in approaching it. I shall endeavour to speak in that spirit, and I know that those who follow me will do so also.

The situation in Nigeria is urgently critical. Probably as many deaths have occurred as in the Israeli/Arab war. There are probably as many refugees. There is a blockade now of the East by the Centre. The last news indicates that the Centre may feel compelled to invade the East by force. Should this happen, disastrous civil war, with incalculable loss of life and ruinous division and antagonism, would occur. To those who have been closely associated with events in Nigeria this would be a tragic disappointment. We had hoped that it would be a model for Africa. It is worth remembering to-day that tolerance and patience shown by the South in the achievement of the united Independence of Nigeria. The East and West regions of the South could have obtained their independence two years earlier if they had been prepared to go forward without the North. They preferred to wait until the North was ready. The East was prominent then in urging the unity of all Nigeria. Both Dr. Azikiwe of the East and Chief Awolowo of the West showed great statesmanship at that time.

We must speak carefully to-day because of the sensitivity of independent States to any suggestion of external intervention in internal affairs. My supplementary question eight days ago was interpreted as an indication that the Commonwealth Secretariat had offered mediation. My actual words were that the Secretariat had made "an approach on these matters". In fact the deputy head of the Secretariat was very careful in his visit not to infringe Nigerian independence. His visit was entirely fact-finding and exploratory.

The rights inherent in independence must be very much in our minds as we seek to find a way to help heal the wounds in Nigeria now. I am aware of the series of helpful steps which the Government have taken since April and before. They have been concerned to prevent an outbreak of violence but have refrained from overt actions of a character which might give any suggestion that the Commonwealth Office has retained any residue of the colonialist attitude.

It is clear that any appeal for a settlement, from whatever quarter, must have the support of the Nigerian Government and of the Parties which are in dispute. I am so anxious to avoid saying anything which would aggravate the difficulties that I do not propose to attempt to estimate the events which have led to the present division between the Federal Government and the East. These events affect bitterly the present dispute, but for us they can await history. The immediate need is to avert further disaster.

Nigeria has proved its recognition of the value of membership of the Commonwealth. It is also loyal to the Organisation of African Unity with which the African independent States are associated. African nations in the Commonwealth and the O.A.U. are deeply concerned about what is happening in Nigeria, and are anxious to help. Indications of "good offices" have already been made by Ghana, Tanganyika, Zambia, Gambia and Basutoland within the Commonwealth, and by Ethiopia, Liberia and Dahomey among other African States. There is one Englishman—or rather a Scotsman—in Africa whose advice would be trusted by African leaders: Malcolm MacDonald. He has indicated his concern.

The political climate in Africa is such that any hopeful approach should come from Africa itself. It would be wise, even, in the first instance, that this should not he too formal. The dispute between the Federal Government and the East has now become one involving sovereign status. Therefore any mediation by heads of State might be unacceptable to Lagos as implying equality of status. This does not rule out, however, the offer of "good offices" which the East has to-day indicated its readiness to accept.

The African Governments, with their own problems of minorities and disputed areas, are against secession and the division of existing States. None of them has recognised Biafra. Biafra has declared its sovereignty; but still I do not believe a solution is impossible. Colonel Ojukwu has not completely shut the door. The Nigerian Association which he is proposing includes many common services, including shipping, harbours, ports, railways and airways, free movement of goods without customs barriers, co-ordination of currency management and monetary policy, and dual citizenship. General Gowon has not yet been so specific, but he also has indicated that he is thinking of a centralised authority for common services, which would provide extensive autonomy for the States. I hope he will soon expand this in a communication to the military governors of the regions. Whether the term is used or not, both sides are proposing what is in effect a confederation in Nigeria.

The problem of the areas of the States remains. General Gowon has proposed twelve, which would involve the separation of the oil producing area of the East, which Colonel Ojukwu resents. But this could surely be a matter for consideration by the Commission which is examining the problems of the future Constitution of Nigeria. We should welcome this approximation of the views of the Federal Government and the East on the relations of the Centre to the States. This is one of the most important issues in Africa to-day, and Nigeria might again give an example which would be of value to the whole continent.

Africa needs not further Balkanisation, but further union on a basis which recognises continuing racial and tribal loyalties. It might even be that Nigeria could find a basis of association between Regions and the Centre which could not only contribute to the solution of its own problems but even encourage some of its neighbours in West Africa to become associated with it. Very often in politics the solution of localised difficulties can be found with eyes on a wider horizon.

There is an immediate British interest, or rather an interest of those concerned in the oil companies whose installations are stationed in the East. At present their tankers are permitted to breach the blockade, but the question arises to whom they should pay their royalties. I hope they will not become involved in the conflict. The advice of the Commonwealth Secretary, Mr. Herbert Bowden, is probably wise—that they should place what is due into a suspense account until the issue is resolved.

The alternative to an approach of conciliation may be tragic conflict. The point is near where there can be no return. One welcomes the appointment of twelve civilian Ministers, including Chief Awolowo, to the Federal Executive. This should contribute an all-Nigerian solution. The East may be alone in having defied the Government, but the West, where Chief Awolowo has influence, is also uneasy. The civilian element in the military government may hold back the tendencies towards conflict. Nevertheless, the danger is very near. General Gowon may feel that he is compelled to act militarily.

May I speak for a moment not in my role as a citizen of this country, not as a Member of this House, but as one who has identified himself with the African struggle for political freedom, often in opposition to the policies of Governments here, and as one whose happiness it is to claim so many Africans and their leaders as my friends? I beg them not to allow this further disaster to occur in Nigeria. My plea to the Federal Government is to hold its hand. My plea to the East is to keep the doors open. My plea to the peoples of Nigeria is to control sectional passions in the interests of co-operation within a wider and liberal union.

My Lords, I believe Parliament would have failed in its duty if we had not taken notice of this grave issue. Our minds are on the problems of the Middle East, but meanwhile issues are arising in Africa which may be as decisive for the future of the world—Nigeria to-day, Rhodesia to-morrow. Nigeria is the largest nation in Africa. What happens within it will affect the future of the whole of this controversial continent. The last thing which we should do in the psychological disturbance of Africa is to give any impression of imposing our will. Only as friends can we try to contribute to a solution which will avert tragedy for Nigeria and all Africa. It is in that spirit that I appeal to the Government and to the Commonwealth Secretariat. I know what they have done, and that this appeal will not fall on deaf ears. It is not for either to dictate, but both can help to create an atmosphere in which African Governments, within the Commonwealth and outside, will be encouraged to explore urgently the best means of contributing to a solution and in which both the Federal Government and the East will be encouraged to respond.

7.58 p.m.

BARONESS ELLIOT OF HARWOOD

My Lords, I have listened with the greatest interest to the speech of the noble Lord, Lord Brockway, which I think could not have been better. He has put the case in the most moving and simple terms, and he obviously has enormous knowledge of this subject. I am making this short intervention because Nigeria is the one country in Africa which I have had the honour to visit. I went there with a Parliamentary delegation as one of the people who were invited to attend the Independence Celebrations. We even gave to the Government of Enugu the Mace and the book by Erskine May which is always given at the start of these Parliaments. I have vivid recollections of how extraordinarily happy one felt that here, at last, the Africans had evolved, in a very peaceful manner, a Parliamentary system which they themselves were extremely keen to work and which should be a great success.

There did not seem to be any of the problems which beset any of the other countries. There was no question of the whites and the Africans quarrelling in any way, because the whole of Nigeria was being governed by African Nigerians. That particular problem which has bedevilled so much of the African world simply was not there. Equally, one felt that the enthusiasm of the Africans and their friendliness towards those of us who had the honour to go out there representing this country was really tremendous. One felt that they were most anxious to carry on the traditions which we had started. Everything seemed to be just what one had hoped for the future. Therefore, it was with a great feeling of sorrow and unhappiness that one read of the happenings of last year.

I think that the noble Lord, Lord Brockway, has struck the right note. Obviously we cannot impose or suggest anything much from this country. But we have always had, or so it seemed, the respect of both the Eastern and the Western Nigerians. As we have that respect, I agree with the noble Lord's suggestion that perhaps an appeal to the Africans on such lines might help to delay matters before anything absolutely desperate occurs which would be quite irrevocable. Perhaps their friendship with us in the past might allow them to enlist, anyway our friendship if not our help, in trying to solve these Parliamentary and Federal problems. They are desperately difficult problems.

I agree with the noble Lord that, because of the vast size of Nigeria and the fact that it has been so enormously successful, this is probably one of the most important decisions which can be taken. One remembers the things that happened there leading up to independence. There was the establishment of the university and of the medical school at Ibadan, and the other universities that have been started. One hoped that all these things would lead to the creation of a number of Parliamentarians who were educated and interested, and able to carry through what admittedly is a complicated system, the Parliamentary system. That that should all be destroyed by precipitate action on one side or the other is nothing short of tragedy.

I am sure that everyone will agree with me in the hope that Her Majesty's Government will be given the opportunity of being able to help in some way, at any rate to stop any irrevocable step in the breaking out of hostilities. It seems that the people are hesitating. Although in a sense they are lined up against each other, they are not anxious to begin a civil war, the most terrible of all wars. I hope that, with the words which the noble Lord, Lord Brockway, has contributed to this debate—and no doubt others will follow—together with the words of the Commonwealth Secretary and the support which everyone would give to any move to try to stop the breakup of this remarkable coming together of African interests in Nigeria, we might well stop anything desperate happening, and that that which we all hoped for so much at the Independence celebrations, namely, the successful development of Nigeria, can still take place in spite of the difficulties which at the present time seem so overwhelming.

8.5 p.m.

EARL JELLICOE

My Lords, I am grateful to the noble Lord, Lord Brockway, for giving us this opportunity of briefly discussing one of the more threatening developments on the international scene. That scene, as we all know, is threatening enough; clouds of violence and uncertainty hang over much of Asia. The Middle East, to put it mildly, is disturbed; and now the threat of civil war, with all its attendant horrors and possible carnage, is suspended over the largest State in Africa. I do not always find myself in total agreement with the noble Lord, Lord Brockway, but I am in entire agreement with him that this is a serious, indeed potentially a tragic, situation. I should like to echo what my noble friend Baroness Elliot of Harwood has said, and say how delighted I was at the caution and circumspection with which the noble Lord addressed himself to this problem, because we all know how much deep emotion underlies what he said.

Unlike the noble Lord and my noble friend, I cannot claim any personal knowledge of Nigeria and its peoples; yet, like most of us, I had entertained high hopes of this great and comparatively new independent member of the Commonwealth. When all around successive coups had accelerated the downward spiral in Africa, until quite recently Nigeria seemed set on a much happier course. It had seemed the best guarantee that West Africa, indeed Africa as a whole, would not witness, to use the noble Lord's phrase, a progressive Balkanisation.

I need not therefore dwell on Nigeria's importance. It is the largest African State. It has considerable and growing resources. As the noble Lord, Lord Ogmore, reminded us only a few days ago, Nigeria is in many ways the key to Africa, and its future stability and prosperity is of not inconsiderable importance to us in this country. I will not dwell on our assets there, our growing imports of oil—not insignificant in quantity, and not insignificant because they come from the Atlantic area. It is not just those bread and butter, or the palm olive and oil aspects of the matter, which mainly interest us this evening. It is because we are partners with Nigeria in the Commonwealth, and because this country has had such a long and close association with Nigeria. Therefore, I echo what the noble Lord has said about the dangers in the present situation, and I echo what he said about the disastrous result which can flow from its further aggravation.

Perhaps I may take the opportunity provided by this short discussion of asking the noble Lord who is to reply whether he can bring us up to date, briefly, with the present situation. I should like to know, in particular, whether he has anything further to add about the situation in the Northern area of Eastern Nigeria. How many of the British nationals, for example, have availed themselves of the facilities to leave, which I understand have been put at their disposal by the British High Commissioner? What can he tell us of the blockade? Can he confirm, as I understand is the position as sketched by the noble Lord, Lord Brockway, that despite the blockade oil exports are still flowing?

What can we do in this situation? Quite clearly, this is pre-eminently a situation in which this country and its representatives must act with the utmost delicacy. Ultimately, this Nigerian dispute must be settled, we hope for the better, by Nigerians themselves. What to well-wishers might appear as friendly and studiously neutral advice or mediation, might to those in Nigeria appear, or be portrayed, as arrogant neo-colonialist interference. In my view, that is why we must resist any temptation to offer any unsolicited advice or mediation in these difficult circumstances. We must neither interfere nor be thought to be interfering. I believe that this applies with equal force to other well-wishers of Nigeria inside Africa or in the Commonwealth Secretariat, or wherever it may be. This may appear to be somewhat fairly negative advice—it is. I should like to qualify it in two respects: and here I am saying nothing either original or what has not been said already in your Lordships' House this evening.

In the first place, I very much hope that, despite the present difficulties, the economic progress and development of Nigeria will not be held up; that oil, exports and trade will continue to flow. This, of course, immediately involves the difficulty which the noble Lord, Lord Brockway, touched on: the difficulty over royalty payments, which could become very acute in a few weeks' time. As the noble Lord said, in another place the Secretary of State for Commonwealth Affairs mentioned the possibility of making such payments into a suspense account. This would only postpone a final solution of this aspect of the difficulty, but it would at least postpone it; we should gain a little time here. I hope myself that this idea can be pursued and that agreement—if only temporary—can be reached on it, and I should like to ask the noble Lord who is replying whether he can confirm what I understood the noble Lord, Lord Brockway, to say: that that has been tendered as official advice by Her Majesty's Government to the oil companies concerned.

My other qualification is to make it clear that we are not opposed to our offering advice or mediation, or whatever it may be, as such, but only to our offering it unsolicited. The same applies to the Commonwealth Secretariat and the other well-wishers of Nigeria, whether inside or outside Africa. I share the inhibitions expressed by the noble Lord about mediation, should there be a possibility of it, at Head of State level; and, for example, should the good offices of the Commonwealth Secretariat be invoked by the responsible authorities in Nigeria I, for one, could see no objection to their trying their hand, and I know they would do it circumspectly.

It would be clearly more dangerous for Her Majesty's Government, or a distinguished British individual, to respond to such a request from Nigeria and Nigerians. But the stakes are so high, the hazards in any further deterioration of the situation are so great, both in Nigeria and Africa, and the well-wishers of Nigeria in this country are so numerous, that I believe we should, if we were to receive an appropriate request, whatever the dangers involved, be prepared to respond. I do not, of course, wish to prejudge in what way we should respond. That said, I await with interest the noble Lord's reply.

8.15 p.m.

THE PARLIAMENTARY SECRETARY, BOARD OF TRADE (LORD WALSTON)

My Lords, I too should like to add my thanks to those of the noble Baroness, Lady Elliot of Harwood, and the noble Earl, Lord Jellicoe, to my noble friend not only for having introduced this debate, but also for having approached it in such a restrained and helpful manner. This is, of course, a matter which has given Her Majesty's Government, and all the many friends of, Nigeria, and indeed Africa, a great deal of worry over a long time. Your Lordships will remember this is not something which has blown up suddenly; there have been many unhappy events in the past year or eighteen months which have led up to the present state. I will not go into them; they are well known to your Lordships.

We have been watching carefully—indeed anxiously—what has been happening in Nigeria, and we have done so for many reasons. We have done so, of course, because we are fellow members of the Commonwealth; we have done so because as humane people we hate to see other human beings suffering and dying—especially if they are, as is so often the case in such events, innocent human beings. Also we have watched with anxiety because we know so well the enormous potential of Nigeria, the potential not only in material wealth—which is as great as that of any of the richest countries of Africa—but also because of the potential to which the noble Baroness referred: the universities, places of education, Parliamentary processes and example which was there for other countries of Africa to see and to follow.

We have watched, too, because we ourselves have such a close historical tie with Nigeria, both in its earliest days, and in its more recent days—because, after all, it was this country that brought Nigeria to independence. We have, as noble Lords who have spoken have mentioned, immediate, perhaps personal, interests in Nigeria. There are at the moment some 20,000 United Kingdom subjects working and living there. We have a vast trade with Nigeria, an annual turnover of some £170 million, and British firms have very wide investments there which have been to the benefit both of Nigeria and of ourselves. There are, of course, the relatively newly discovered oil deposits which are being exploited now with such enormous success.

For all these reasons we have watched with very great anxiety, as I say, what has been happening. Perhaps at this point, in mentioning the United Kingdom subjects, I should reply to the question of the noble Earl, Lord Jellicoe, about the number of British nationals who have left. I cannot give him the exact figures, but there are in the Eastern Region a substantial number of families, women and children, who have left on official advice. In the North, so far as I know, no British subjects have left. In the East there remain United Kingdom subjects who are doing a job mainly in the oilfields, and we hope that it will be possible for them to remain there, going on doing their job, which is a very valuable one to the whole country.

We have of course made it very plain to the leaders of Nigeria, to all Nigerian leaders, that we have no intention whatsoever of intervening in the internal affairs of Nigeria. It is only right that we should make that completely plain. But that does not mean that we take no interest in what is happening; and we have also made it plain to them that we hope very strongly that the present difficulties can be solved, and solved peacefully and by negotiation. Her Majesty's Government share with those noble Lords who have spoken the belief that it is in everybody's interest that a formula should be found which will enable Nigeria to remain a single political economic and international unit on a basis which commands general support. We have said this on earlier occasions, and I repeat it now.

Perhaps I should answer the other question of the noble Earl, Lord Jellicoe, concerning the advice given, or reputedly given, to the oil companies. Her Majesty's Government have given no official advice to them. We do not feel that that is our job. They are independent bodies who act in what they consider to be their own best interests and, obviously, on the best legal advice and other advice which they can obtain. In my view it would not be right for us to give them any official advice on this matter.

I come to the matter of mediation. The Nigerians know that we are ready to help in any way we can, if they ask us to do so and if our help is acceptable to all parties. In fact, as your Lordships will remember, there was an attempt at mediation by General Ankrah, of Ghana. He was able to make what looked to be a constructive and helpful contribution in the early months of this year, when he was able to bring together the leaders of both sides near Accra. Unfortunately, this did not prevent the East's breakaway move at the end of May. But I should like to pay tribute to the efforts which the Ghanaian Government made to bring the Nigerian leaders together again, and in those efforts the Ghanaian Government had our fullest sympathy and support. Others have offered help, too. Several African leaders have said publicly that they would be ready to mediate if they were asked to do so, and there have been some rather less publicised messages from Heads of Government in Africa and elsewhere. Also, since the actual secession of the East a number of African leaders have called for a peaceful solution for the sake of Africa. So there is no dearth at all of good will or of offers of help from a very wide range.

With regard to the Commonwealth Secretariat, it is perfectly true that towards the end of April one of the Deputy Secretary-Generals of the Commonwealth Secretariat paid a visit to Nigeria at the invitation of the Nigerian Government. As he himself explained in a Press conference at that time, his visit was purely a fact-finding mission so that he could make himself familiar, and through him the Secretary-General and the Secretariat, with the situation in one of the many Commonwealth countries which the Secretariat serves. These visits are nothing unusual; they are often paid, and it is clearly right that the Secretary-General should keep himself informed of developments in the countries of the Commonwealth, and that he should maintain a close liaison with their Governments.

But it would not be right that the Secretary-General should be required to report to other member Governments his impression of the internal affairs of a member, an impression which has been obtained while he was making these visits or members of his staff were making visits on his behalf. Therefore we have not approached the Secretary-General in any way to attempt to get him to disclose to us things which may have been said during that visit. During his visit the Deputy Secretary-General made it very clear that the Secretariat had no authority on its own to intervene in the internal affairs of a Commonwealth country, but that it would naturally not refuse to help in trying to resolve the crisis if the country asked it to do so. In other words, there have been offers of mediation not only from African countries and other countries but also from the Commonwealth Secretariat.

There is no need for me to remind your Lordships that mediation cannot be imposed on a sovereign Government, and nothing can be done unless those concerned wish and request it. But, of course, this does not prevent any of us, including the Commonwealth Secretary-General, from keeping in touch with the Government of Nigeria. I am quite certain that the Government of Nigeria—and I say this from what the Secretary-General and his Deputy and others have told them—know very well what sort of facilities would be available to them to help in the present crisis if they wished them.

Now let me come to the British position. There are two things which stand out very clearly. First of all, the Federal Government look upon the present difficulties as essentially an internal matter for Nigeria. I believe that they realise full well the widespread international concern, but as the internationally recognised Government of Nigeria they are entitled to claim that other Governments have no right to intervene. Internationalising the dispute therefore clearly poses very special problems.

Secondly, it is clear that in spite of our interest in Nigeria—indeed, one might say to some extent because of our interest—neither the Federal Government nor the Eastern Government would regard a public initiative by Her Majesty's Government as being entirely helpful. If anyone is able to help in this mediation, and I sincerely hope that they can, it is not necessarily ourselves. There is no reason to apologise for this but, for reasons which have been mentioned by my noble friend and by the noble Earl, it would be unrealistic to pretend that these feelings do not exist in Nigeria. I repeat that we have no wish whatsoever to interfere in Nigerian internal affairs, and it would be misleading to let anyone believe otherwise.

Therefore our position is this. We should be delighted to see any initiative from any quarter, and I am thinking particularly—and here I am at one, as so often, with my noble friend—of Africa itself, which meets the crucial test that it would have a chance of success. To press for a more active British role not only would be misinterpreted in Nigeria but would not help ourselves or the Nigerians or those British people living in Nigeria. But this does not mean that we are not deeply concerned with the course of events in Nigeria. I agree with all those who have said that it would be a tragedy if fighting were to start. I still hope that it will be possible for the present dispute to be solved peacefully, because once violence is used it is very difficult to prevent it from spreading and to bring it to an end.

I hope the Nigerians will realise the very real amount of sympathy which exists for them in this country—and I am sure that any of them who read the report of this debate will be in no doubt about that—and in the Commonwealth, too. For our part we are ready, as we always have been, to help in any way we can; but it is difficult, it is impossible, for us to do so unless all those concerned want our help. At the moment this is not the case. Meanwhile we want to remain on good terms and to continue to do business with all Nigerians on the same disinterested basis as in the past. Our greatest wish is to see this conflict brought to a peaceful conclusion, so that this great country of Africa can continue on the path on which it started so confidently and so excitingly not many years ago, to develop its vast resources of all kinds for the benefit of its own people, for the benefit of the continent of Africa and for the benefit of the whole world.

EARL JELLICOE

My Lords, before the noble Lord finally resumes his seat, I wonder whether I may ask him one question arising from his reply. Given the nature of this debate and the care with which he was replying to the Question, I did not wish to interrupt him in the course of his remarks, but I was puzzled by what he told me about the official advice tendered by Her Majesty's Government, but not to the oil companies. I would remind the noble Lord that on June 6 in another place the Secretary of State for Commonwealth Affairs said in reply to a Question—and I quote from column 811 of Hansard: I understand that oil supplies are normal at the moment. I hope that that will continue to be the position and that any oil royalties will be paid into a suspense account, if necessary, for a temporary period. That statement was authoritatively tendered in Parliament by the responsible Secretary of State, and the question I should like to ask the noble Lord is: When does advice from Her Majesty's Government constitute "official" advice?

LORD WALSTON

My Lords, perhaps we are getting somewhat into technicalities here. What I meant when I said that no official advice had been proffered was that there was no letter from the Secretary of State, in his official capacity, advising the oil companies to do this. He said these words in public as his hopes, as what he would like to see happen. Undoubtedly that is true. But I think there is a technical difference between giving official advice and making the remarks to which the noble Earl has referred.

LORD BROCKWAY

Again technically before my noble friend sits down, may I ask him one question? In view of the terrible urgency of this matter—in which, according to the last reports, the Federal Government now feels that it must resort to arms—is it not possible for Her Majesty's Government, in association with the Commonwealth Secretariat, to communicate with the African members of the Commonwealth to see whether, jointly, they can take some action to prevent this tragedy occurring in Nigeria?

LORD WALSTON

I think that if my noble friend reads carefully the words that I used he will realise that there can be no doubt in the mind of the Nigerian Government that there are many countries in Africa, many Commonwealth countries, the Commonwealth Secretariat and ourselves who, if we were asked, would be very happy to help. There can be no doubt that the Nigerian Government know that; so there is no point in telling them that again. The point I wished to stress was that offers of unwanted help might be construed as being interference, so that, until there is a definite indication that the Nigerian Government wishes for that help which it knows is available from all these sources, not only would it do no good to offer such help but it might even do harm if we were to attempt to force it on them.