DEVELOPMENTS IN KATANGA (Hansard, 23 January 1963)

§ LORD COLYTON
My Lords, I beg leave to ask the Question which stands in my name on the Order Paper.

THE SECRETARY OF STATE FOR FOREIGN AFFAIRS (THE EARL OF HOME)
My Lords, the House will recollect that in August, 1962, U Thant had put forward his Plan of Reconciliation as the basis for a settlement of the troubles in the Congo. It had three main features. The first was a plan for an equitable division of revenues between the Provinces and the Central Govern- 14 ment: the second provided for the integration of the Katangan gendarmerie in the Congolese army, and the third for the establishment of a federal constitution.
This plan was supported by Her Majesty's Government, although we felt bound to record our reservations about the use of force to apply it. Our concern ever since the fighting of the autumn of 1961 had been lest a renewal of fighting might lead to the destruction of the sources of wealth on which the whole future of the Congo must rest.
When, owing to rising tension between the United Nations and the Katangese, fighting started in the last week of 1962, Her Majesty's Government's influence was used to try to restrain the use of force and counter-force and bring the parties to the dispute back to a settlement by discussion and negotiation. We had no wish to interfere in Congolese internal politics. That was not and is not our purpose. Our sole concern was to try to avert an economic disaster for the Congo by using our influence with the Katanga authorities to bring about cooperation with the United Nations, and to counsel the United Nations not to interpret freedom of movement throughout the Congo as entitling them to impose a political settlement on the Congo by force—something which the United Nations should not do if it is to retain the confidence of its members.
The House will have followed the confused and anxious events of the past month. They will have noted that the Katangan authorities have declared the end of secession and accepted the free movement of United Nations troops throughout Katanga and that U Thant has confirmed that the United Nations recognises Mr. Tshombe as Provincial President.
During the last few weeks it seemed that the Congo was poised on the edge of a disaster which it would have taken years to repair. I believe that ruin might well have overtaken the country had it not been for the conciliatory action taken under instructions by the British and Belgian Consuls in Elisabethville. Now the shape of the Constitution has to be settled, and the greatest need is for wisdom and statemanship so that reunification can go forward with the willing consent of all concerned.
15 Her Majesty's Government hope that U Thant's expressed desire to convert the military operation of the United Nations into an operation of economic and technical assistance to the Congo will be quickly achieved.

§ LORD COLYTON
My Lords, while we all welcome the recent events, in so far as they may now lead to a peaceful settlement of the problems of the Congo, there are three important questions which I feel bound to put to my noble friend today. The first is whether it is not the fact that virtually every assurance given to Her Majesty's Government in regard to Katanga, including the promise by U Thant that force would not be used to impose a political settlement, has been violated in the last few weeks. The second point is this. Has not the recent United Nations' action in regard to Katanga far exceeded the scope of the Security Council's resolutions and, in fact, put powers into the hands of the Secretariat which in certain circumstances could be very dangerous? The third point is whether, in view of these facts, Her Majesty's Government will not now call for a special meeting of the Security Council to examine these deplorable developments and, in particular, to appoint an impartial Committee of investigation to examine these matters on the spot and to report to the Security Council? Would that not be the very least which Her Majesty's Opposition would insist upon if similar events had taken place in a British territory overseas?

THE EARL OF HOME
My Lords, the first of my noble friend's questions was whether the assurances given by U Thant to Her Majesty's Government and other countries had been honoured. I think it is very difficult, short of a debate—and we shall have a Foreign Affairs debate the week after next—to go into this matter in any detail. The United Nations did say on a number of occasions, through the Secretary-General, that their objectives were limited. When they found themselves in certain situations with opposition, those objectives which they had declared were, I think, undoubtedly exceeded. In the particular case of entry into Jadotville, the Secretary-General made it quite clear that this was done without instructions and that there was a failure of communications.
16 The second question put by my noble friend was whether the recent action had exceeded the scope of the resolution in the Security Council. My Lords, I think that the Secretary-General had an exceedingly difficult task here. He was told to keep law and order in the Congo, and he was told that the United Nations might have freedom of movement throughout the Congo. Our concern the whole time was that the resolution which authorised the United Nations to have freedom of movement throughout the Congo should not be interpreted in such a way as to lead the United Nations to impose a political settlement based on certain political conditions in the Congo. I find it extremely difficult at the present moment to assess whether the United Nations have overstepped the line, and I think it is much more profitable to the security of the Congo, given the present situation in which U Thant has recognised Mr. Tshombe as Provincial President, to endeavour to make that work, hoping that he and Mr. Adoula will come together.
The third and last question put to me was whether a meeting of the Security Council might not be profitable in order to conduct, really, a postmortem on the United Nations' activities in the Congo. I will convey this feeling (if there is such a feeling) to the Secretary-General. I know of the action taken in certain circumstances. For instance in the breakdown of communications upon the United Nations entry into Jadotville, the Secretary-General ordered an inquiry into this, and, as a result, as I have said, they acknowledged a breakdown of communications. I think that is all I can say now, but I think we might return to this in the foreign affairs debate in two weeks' time.

§ LORD HENDERSON
My Lords, I think most of us would agree, and I hope I may ask the Foreign Secretary whether he also agrees, that the important thing now is to get constructive developments going on in the Congo in order to achieve the full policy laid down by U Thant, which was supported by Her Majesty's Government.

THE EARL OF HOME
My Lords. I can see nothing wrong at all in the plan of reconciliation which I outlined in the opening paragraphs of my Answer 17 to my noble friend, and we should concentrate on that. But we must be careful in this country that we ourselves are not guilty of the mistake, which I think the United Nations was in danger of making, of trying to interfere in the internal politics of the Congo. It must be left to the Congolese to settle this; but we support the plan of reconciliation and the most constructive thing now, I think, is to see that it is implemented.

§ LORD BALFOUR OF INCHRYE
My Lords, could the Foreign Secretary make one point clear, please? As I understand it, Her Majesty's Government issued a statement deprecating and criticising the military action of the United Nations forces. Will the British taxpayer be expected to contribute monies to the policy and action which Her Majesty's Government have thus condemned?

THE EARL OF HOME
My Lords, at a very early stage when the fighting broke out, I thought it right to issue a very definite warning that force should not be used to impose a political settlement. The question of the financing of the United Nations is, I think, a matter which we must consider separately. We have an obligation to fulfil our assessed contributions to the United Nations for its general purposes. We have supported in the United Nations the proposal of the International Court of Justice that special actions of this kind should be part of that assessment, which should be paid by the countries of the United Nations. I must admit to my noble friend that neither the Russians nor the Communist bloc nor France paid for this operation, and something like 60 out of 109 members of the United Nations have paid not a penny towards this operation. Therefore, when we came to consider this matter next month in the Fifth Committee of the United Nations, I think we shall certainly have to make it clear that the United States and the United Kingdom cannot be expected to carry the whole of the expenses of the United Nations end that members really must fulfil the whole of their obligations.

§ LORD HENDERSON
My Lords, surely it is not true that the United Nations has used force and interfered in the internal politics of the Congo. 18 Where there has been strife or action, it has been in defence of themselves from attack by the other side, and the use of the forces of the United Nations has been directed solely to implementing the policy laid down by U Thant and supported by the whole United Nations.

§ BARONESS SUMMERSKILL
My Lords, as the noble Lord who put down this Question invited the views of the Opposition, may I, as one member of the Opposition, invite the noble Earl to convey the view to the noble Lord who invited it that some of us are very suspicious of the ulterior motives of certain business interests in the Congo? Therefore, we derive considerable satisfaction that this settlement has been established by the United Nations.

THE EARL OF HOME
My Lords, the noble Lady really must not, I think, make allegations of this kind, and certainly she must not link them in any way with actions of Her Majesty's Government. When it comes to British interests in the Congo, they are marginal. The total British investment in the Congo amounts to something like £30 million. The division of that inside the Congo is some £19 million in Katanga, I think, and some £12 million outside. So, really, it is impossible to argue—and I hope the noble Lady will not try to do so—that Her Majesty's Government have been in any way influenced by business considerations.

§ BARONESS SUMMERSKILL
My Lords, the noble Earl did not hear the question put by the noble Lord, who invited the Opposition's views, and said he was sure the Opposition would take a certain action. I said that was not so.

§ LORD OGMORE
My Lords, may I ask the Foreign Secretary 'whether, if he is going to put this view expressed by the noble Lord, Lord Colyton, to the Secretary-General, he will also convey to him that this is not a unanimous view of this House? There are many of us on this side who deprecate an inquiry at this stage. Further, I think—and I hope he will agree with me—it would mean that the views of Her Majesty's Government would be prejudiced because it would be felt in the United Nations that we were trying to drag our feet.

THE EARL OF HOME
My Lords, I do not think there is any danger of that kind. If certain actions of the United Nations have been questioned, I think it is in the interests of the United Nations that the questions should be answered. That is as far as I can go.

§ LORD COLYTON
My Lords, as the noble Lady opposite has referred to me, may I ask my noble friend whether in fact the British business interests—with which, incidentally, I have no connection whatever—have not in fact benefited by what has taken place recently with the return of peace and quiet in the Congo? My concern in regard to the events of the immediate past is not merely from a desire to hold a postmortem, but arises because the United Nations have gone seriously off the rails and relates to whether we should not now be examining the position so that in future these dangerous tendencies can be avoided.

§ LORD MERRIVALE
My Lords, as we are discussing the Congo situation, may I take this opportunity to ask my noble friend the Foreign Secretary whether he has any news of the British pilot—I presume, a Vampire pilot—who was with the Katanga forces at Kolwezi and who endeavoured to escape to Angola but was handed back by the Portuguese to the Katangan authorities? Also, was there any truth in the statement made by a Katangan officer on Sunday last to the effect that this British subject would not be in a position to see the sun rise on the following day?

THE EARL OF HOME
My Lords, of course I shall be glad to have from my noble friend any details he can give me; but all this, I would say, is news to me.