§ 3.45 p.m.
§ THE EARL OF PERTHMy Lords, I think this may be a convenient moment for me to make a statement similar to that which my right honourable friend is making in another place on the Blood Commission and Malta.
On July 27 last year I informed the House of the appointment of a Constitutional Commission to make recommendations for the restoration of elected government in Malta. The Commission's Report is published today as Cmnd. 1261. Sir Hilary Blood and his fellow commissioners, Mr. Edward St. John, Q.C., and Mr. Fred Hayday, are to be congratulated on a most valuable Report. The Government are grateful to the Australian Commonwealth Government for recommending Mr. St. John, who of course served in a personal capacity. Sir Alfred Roberts, until regrettably he had to retire through illness, was also a valued member of the Commission.
Although the Malta Labour Party and the Malta Nationalist Party did not give evidence, the Commission were able to consult a wide range of Maltese personalities and interests of all political complexions. The Government have decided to accept the Commission's constitutional recommendations as the basis for the next Maltese Constitution. The drafting of constitutional instruments will now be put in hand. My right honourable friend hopes that it may be possible to hold elections before the end of the year.
The broad effect of the Commission's recommendations is that the Maltese Parliament and Government will be responsible for domestic matters, including, with the reservation I mention later, internal security. In addition—and this is an innovation going much beyond the 1947 Constitution—the Maltese Government will be given concurrent powers in the field of foreign affairs by specific delegation, and in that of defence. Because of our ultimate responsibility for defence and external affairs, Her Majesty's Government will also retain powers in these two fields, Her Majesty's Government's view prevailing in the event of conflict. This arrangement, 395 given reasonable co-operation between the two parties, should enable differences over defence and foreign affairs to be kept to a minimum.
The consultative machinery recommended by the Commission will ensure that decisions in these fields are based on adequate information and discussion and, it is hoped, help to prevent disagreements arising or, if they arise, facilitate their settlement. This is a break with the long tradition of diarchy in Malta, which the Commission are convinced is no longer practicable. United Kingdom responsibilities for defence and external affairs in Malta will be in the hands of a United Kingdom Commissioner. The Governor will have duties analogous to a constitutional Head of State.
In view of the important step forward that these changes constitute, the Commission recommend that the Island should in future be known as the State of Malta.
The Commission make it clear that the record of past political interference with the police and the necessity to exclude political and other undesirable influences compel them to recommend that the Commissioner of Police, in whom the day-to-day responsibilities for the administration and operation of the Force is vested, should for the time being be ultimately responsible to the Governor. Her Majesty's Government accept this recommendation.
Her Majesty's Government have noted the view of the Commission, in paragraph 120 of their Report, that they did not find themselves hampered in any way by their terms of reference. The Commission say that however wide these terms might have been, they could not envisage Malta progressing, at the present time and in existing circumstances, to a more advanced stage along the path of constitutional progress.
The Constitution proposed by the Commission, of which I have given a brief outline, will enable Malta to enjoy once more a very substantial degree of self-government. Our aim is to establish, as the Commission puts it, a partnership between Malta and the United Kingdom. This partnership will work only if both partners want it to work and are ready to co-operate with each other in ensuring 396 that it does work. We offer Her Majesty's Government's full co-operation, and I know the House will join me in the sincere hope that the same co-operation will be forthcoming from the duly elected Maltese leaders. Her Majesty's Government believe that, given the necessary degree of mutual confidence between the two partners, the Constitution proposed by the Blood Commission provides the best way in which elected government and self-government can be restored in Malta.
§ VISCOUNT ALEXANDER OF HILLSBOROUGHMy Lords, I am much obliged to the noble Earl for giving me a copy of the statement made by the Secretary of State. It is not possible to make any extensive comment at all upon it, because we have not seen the Report which is going to be placed in the Printed Paper Office. At the same time, one would hope that the Constitution, when drafted, will be sufficiently progressive, within the two important limitations in this statement, as to enable real co-operation to progress there, because we are all anxious to see some better settlement of the electoral system in Malta. We have all been disappointed by the slowness with which the naval employment which used to be provided is being replaced by civil employment, and also by the mounting unemployment. These are serious features. I do not propose to ask the noble Earl any questions this afternoon, but when we have seen the Report it might be convenient, through the usual channels, to arrange for a debate if necessary.
LORD REAMy Lords, I should like also to say how much we welcome what the noble Earl has said, and that this long period of great difficulty between Malta and ourselves has at last come to an end. Your Lordships will remember the very remarkable record of that Island in the war, when it was awarded the George Cross. I think there has been a lot of goodwill on both sides which has been submerged in the immediate difficulties. That an elected Government is coming back again is, I am sure, most acceptable to all, and I should like to have it on record that the Parliament of this country will always look with affection and, I hope, a hopeful eye towards Malta.
§ LORD OGMOREMy Lords, while thanking the noble Earl for his statement and assuring him that we shall look at the Report with great interest, may I ask him two questions on the statement he has made? First of all, since neither the Malta Labour Party nor the Malta Nationalist Party were prepared to co-operate with the Commission's work—in fact, refused to do so—has the noble Earl any advice to give the House as to whether they are likely to co-operate with the new Constitution? If they do not, it is going to be very difficult to work. Secondly, may I ask him whether the Singapore form of Constitution would not be better in the circumstances in Malta? Is it not going to be very difficult for the Governor to be both the constitutional monarch and possibly in conflict with the Maltese Ministers over matters of defence and internal security?
§ THE EARL OF PERTHMy Lords, I should first like to echo what the noble Lord, Lord Rea, said on the question of Malta in general, and what a great debt we all owe to her. I hope, as the noble Viscount has said, that when he has had an opportunity of reading the Report of the Commission he will find that it is indeed our intention to have a progressive Constitution. That is what Sir Hilary Blood has recommended. As I said in my statement, it represents an important step forward and the end of diarchy.
With regard to the two questions raised by the noble Lord, Lord Ogmore, I would say that of course it is my earnest hope that the Labour Party and the Nationalist Party will co-operate in this progressive Constitution. I only hope—and I am sure everybody will hope—that this will prove to be the case. If not, that is in the realm of hypothesis. I think it would not be appropriate to make comparison with the Singapore Constitution until your Lordships have had a chance to read what is recommended by Sir Hilary Blood.
§ VISCOUNT HAILSHAMMy Lords, I should like to thank the noble Viscount for his remarks. Of course I shall note what he said about a debate, and it can be pursued in the usual way.