§ 3.39 p.m.
THE EARL OF HOMEMy Lords, I am sorry to interrupt the noble Lady, and I fully appreciate how she must be feeling at this moment, but, if she would allow me, perhaps we could have the statement now. With the permission of the House, I will repeat a statement which the Prime Minister is making in another place. For convenience, I think I should read it in the Prime Minister's own words. The Prime Minister says:
"I must express my gratitude to the House for their indulgence in allowing us to be away for a considerable number of days at a time when Parliament is sitting. Unfortunately, we shall have to seek the same indulgence when my right honourable friend the Foreign Secretary and I make our proposed visits to Paris, Bonn and Washington for further discussions there. But I feel these visits are essential.
"The Soviet Government accepted my suggestion for a visit at comparatively short notice. Despite this, careful and well-planned arrangements were made for us to see something of the country and the people and also for us to have long and private talks with the Soviet leaders. The hospitality we enjoyed was traditionally generous. In the course of our stay in Moscow, and of our tour to Kiev in the Ukraine and to Leningrad, we were given a broad picture of their industrial and social activities, especially work of construction and development.
"It is, however, about our discussions that the House will wish particularly to hear. At their conclusion we signed the communiqué which has been published. This covers both certain questions of Anglo-Soviet concern, and also wider international issues. The House will have noted that we made a modest but definite advance towards improving what are called 'cultural relations' between the two countries, together with an agreed procedure for reviewing future progress in this matter. On the important question of trade, it was agreed that a Mission led by a United Kingdom Minister should visit the Soviet Union in the near future to 768 investigate in more detail the scope for increasing the volume of trade between our countries.
"The wider questions we discussed concerned the problems of Berlin and Germany, disarmament, and nuclear tests. I made it clear before my visit that our purpose was not to negotiate. It was to try to seek a better understanding of our respective views on these grave issues and the reasons underlying them. This purpose was achieved. On some matters, such as the control of nuclear tests, some tentative ideas emerged in the course of our informal conversation with the Soviet leaders. Of course, these will need further consideration, since our two countries are not the only ones concerned. But the main point is that on these wider problems we reached agreement that the great issues that separate East and West must be settled by negotiation. In my speech at the Kremlin reception on the day before our departure, I described this as follows:
'Negotiations based on knowledge gained in full discussion, and conducted with a sincere desire to reach fair agreements.'This agreement is, I think, reflected in the latest Note to the Western Governments from the Soviet Government. The House will not expect me to comment on that Note at present, since it is clearly a matter for consultation between us and our allies."I must refer to one specific subject which arose in the course of the talks—the possibility of a Pact or Declaration of non-aggression between the United Kingdom and the Soviet Union. I stated that we were willing to agree to a declaration on the following lines: First, that in all matters of dispute our two countries should act in the spirit and letter of the United Nations Charter; secondly, that neither Government should seek unilaterally to prejudice the rights, obligations and vital interests of the other. Thirdly, on the basis of these principles our two Governments should agree to settle disputes by negotiation and not by force. Such a declaration would in no way prejudice our firm resolution to stand by our existing defensive alliances. In the time available we were not able to agree on the terms of a declaration. These 769 will be the subject of further discussion between our Governments.
"As I have already mentioned, my right honourable friend the Foreign Secretary and I now propose to visit Paris and Bonn during the course of next week and hope to arrange a visit to Washington soon after that. I believe that these visits also are part of the essential preparation for wider talks. We must not of course disguise from ourselves that, as the communiqué indicates, our talks with the Soviet leaders revealed wide differences between us. It is nevertheless a great gain that we have reached agreement on the principle that differences between nations should be resolved by negotiation. I believe that in the outcome it will be seen that these preliminary discussions have played a valuable part and that it was right for the United Kingdom Government to take this initiative."
I am sure the House would like me to say something that the Prime Minister cannot say: that, irrespective of Party, we are full of admiration for the way the Prime Minister has carried out this most exacting mission.
THE EARL OF HOMEHe went away with a very bad cold, and much of the time was not feeling well, but I am glad to tell the House that he has returned well and full of energy.
§ 3.47 p.m.
§ VISCOUNT ALEXANDER OF HILLSBOROUGHMy Lords, we are much obliged to the noble Earl the Leader of the House. We associate ourselves with what the noble Earl has said about the Prime Minister's visit to Russia. The contents of the statement, in all the circumstances, were, of course, bound to be almost completely tentative. Not only is there the matter mentioned specifically by the Prime Minister as needing consultation with our allies, but it would be impossible for him to say anything much to Parliament about much of the rest of the matter covered by the statement before the forthcoming meetings at Paris, Bonn and Washington.
770 In the visits which he is making we should like very sincerely to give him our good will, in the hope that the information he personally has acquired of the state of affairs in Moscow may help in getting more general agreement in the matters that come up for consideration. We feel that the general treatment which opened the visit in Moscow and which the Soviet authorities accorded to the Prime Minister and the Foreign Secretary was very much to be welcomed. We cannot hide from ourselves the fact that the whole country was anxious as to whether the temperature had descended too far. We were very glad indeed that it was restored to a better level before the end of the visit, and we hope that good in general will come out of it. Therefore, I would summarise the position in this way. I would say that the country must surely feel, and Parliament will feel, that the visit proposed by Mr. Macmillan and which was so readily accepted by the Soviet Union was the right thing to do, and we hope it will have right and lasting effects.
LORD REAMy Lords, in supporting the noble Viscount's remarks I do not propose to go over the same ground again. I entirely agree with him and am glad to have the Prime Minister back in good health. The excitement we endured was a passing, one and we must all feel convinced that this mission in the end was a good thing to have undertaken and should have eased the atmosphere. May I turn to a particular hobby horse of mine? It is said that cultural relations are going to be extended. Several of the Members of this House think propaganda has no use in this country. Unfortunately, it has come to have a rather sinister meaning, but we must reveal the truth, and intelligently put before all peoples what we think. I think the Prime Minister's visit has done a lot to start that and I hope it will develop from now on.
THE EARL OF HOMEMy Lords, I am sure the Prime Minister will be very grateful for the reception given to his statement and will be greatly encouraged in his future work.