§ 3.37 p.m.
THE EARL OF HOMEMy Lords, with the permission of the House, I will repeat a statement on Cyprus which the Prime Minister is now making in another place. It is as follows:
§ "We have been striving, and we shall continue to strive, for a political settlement which will bring peace to the island. I intend in a few moments to say something on the position now that the debate in the United Nations is over. I wish first to refer to the suggestion arising out of the inquest on Andreas Louca that there should be some form of inquiry into the conduct of British troops in Cyprus.
§ "When we consider the crimes which have been committed against our troops and the provocation which they have undergone, I think we have a right to be proud not only of their high morale but of their discipline and restraint. Of course there are people in some countries who would wish to discredit Great Britain by wild and unjustified allegations. Nevertheless we are very jealous of the honour of our troops and we have recognised that in the peculiarly difficult circumstances of maintaining order in the face of terrorism and civil disorder vigilance was required and there were bound to be incidents concerning which as full information as possible should be available. The Governor therefore some time ago set up a special investigation group to undertake prompt inquiries into any complaints against the security forces. This has been of considerable value to the Governor and his advisers. It is clear that the reports could not be released for publication without prejudicing the usefulness of this system in the future.
§ "After the murder in Famagusta on October 3 of Mrs. Cutliffe and the wounding of another soldier's wife it was hoped that the assailant might be 187 seized and identified in the neighbourhood of the crime. A round-up of the males nearby for possible identification therefore followed. In accordance with normal practice a report of the events was made to the Governor. The searching inquiries which were made have not led to the securing of any evidence to identify any particular individual or individuals of the security forces as having used an unjustified degree of force.
§ "Coroner's inquests were held in two cases. The coroner formed the view that there appeared to have been used on some of those arrested a greater degree of force than was justifiable. The coroner also recognised the horror, disgust and anger that filled the minds and hearts of everyone on that day. Thirdly, he drew attention to the many discrepancies in the evidence of certain witnesses who alleged brutality and he said that certain witnesses seemed more anxious to inculpate the security forces than to help the court with unbiased evidence. He said he had not sufficient evidence to enable him to conclude when or by whom the blow which led to Louca's death was struck.
§ "In view of the very full inquiries made by the coroner and the group to which I have referred and to the fact that none of these investigations has produced evidence to identify any particular individual or individuals as having used excessive force I do not consider that any useful purpose would be served by holding a further inquiry now. I should mention that there was one case in which misconduct by a particular individual has come to light—it was a case of larceny—and this man has already been tried and sentenced by court-martial.
§ "More generally, I must repeat that even in the suppression of brutal murder the use of undue force is repugnant to the civil and military authorities in Cyprus as well as to the Government here. In any case where there is evidence of a kind to justify the preferment of charges in respect of such misconduct action will be taken in the future as in the past. In addition, the new Director of Operations has recently seen all the commanding 188 officers and made personal visits to the units to impress upon them the need for the utmost restraint in the use of force, however great the provocation. I feel sure that we can have full confidence both in the troops and in their commanders.
§ "Before passing to the future I ought perhaps to say a word about the Geunyeli incident, concerning which the Governor of Cyprus published a report on Tuesday, the 9th of December, of which copies have been placed in the Library of the House. This report is of a Commission of Inquiry conducted by the Chief Justice into an incident on the 12th of June when eight Greek Cypriots met their deaths at the hands of Turkish Cypriots after they had been detained by the security forces and then released some distance from their village. A special inquiry was held in this case because the incident occurred at a time of acute intercommunal tension and it was imperative to investigate the allegation that the security forces had intentionally contributed to the death of the unfortunate victims. The Chief Justice's report, although he had certain criticisms to make, wholly repudiates this baseless suggestion.
§ "I now turn to questions of general policy. After two weeks of debate on the Cyprus question the General Assembly of the United Nations has passed a short resolution in very general terms. At one time there were seven different draft resolutions before the Political Committee. Some of these would have been acceptable to us; others, we thought, pointed too much in the direction of a particular final solution. The Minister of State for Foreign Affairs took the opportunity of the debate in the United Nations to give a full explanation of our policy. He described in detail the British plan with which the House is familiar. He also explained the lengths to which Her Majesty's Government have gone in their endeavours to reach an agreement for the holding of a conference at which the British plan could be discussed and amendments to it agreed, and at which the final solution could also be discussed. We still believe that useful progress could be made through a conference, either confined to the parties directly concerned, 189 including, of course, Cypriot representatives, or with the assistance of others chosen by agreement.
§ "The proceedings in the General Assembly revealed a wide measure of understanding of the complexity of the Cyprus problem and not a little sympathy for the efforts which Her Majesty's Government have made to deal with it. They also, I think, revealed some reluctance on the part of many of those not directly concerned with the problem to try to lay down the conditions on which a settlement should be sought. The resolution finally adopted avoided this and simply expressed confidence that continued efforts would be made by the parties to reach a peaceful, democratic and just solution in accordance with the Charter of the United Nations. That is certainly our hope.
§ "It is right that a little time should now be allowed for the Governments concerned to consider their position in the light of the United Nations debate. Next week in Paris there is a Ministerial meeting of the North Atlantic Council which will be attended by my right honourable and learned friend the Foreign Secretary, and I have every expectation that the Foreign Ministers of Greece and Turkey will be present. No doubt advantage will be taken of this occasion for confidential discussions between those who have been principally concerned. I feel sure that this approach is the most likely to be fruitful.
§ "As we have already made clear, we are ready to discuss with our Greek and Turkish allies the interim arrangements for the administration of Cyprus described in my statements of the 19th of June and the 15th of August; and we are willing, as we have said, to put into effect any amendments to our announced policy on which agreement can be reached. These offers remain open and can be taken up at any time. We regretted that the Greek Government did not feel able to agree to a conference on the lines discussed in N.A.T.O. last October. But the position may now have changed. In any case we continue to hope that in time the Greek Government will see the advantages to the Greek Cypriots and 190 to Greece of the offers which we have made to them. Whatever the difficulties, progress has been made in narrowing the area of dispute. For our part we shall do our utmost to reach agreement."
§ My Lords, that was rather a long statement, but I thought the House would like it in full.
§ 3.47 p.m.
§ VISCOUNT ALEXANDER OF HILLSBOROUGHMy Lords, I am indebted to the noble Earl the Leader of the House for making a statement which has proved to be quite interesting, although there is nothing very new for Members of your Lordships' House to gather from it. We welcome the large amount of evidence which has accrued to show that many of the statements made against the British troops' conduct in Cyprus were not justified, and we support the view that the British troops, though under great provocation, have nevertheless carried out their duties in Cyprus with a great deal of restraint and a great deal of satisfaction to many people.
The point I should like to raise first is on the second page of the statement (with which I was supplied) and deals with the investigation. The statement says:
It is clear that the reports could not be released for publication without prejudicing the usefulness of this system in the future.That may well be so; I cannot say, because I do not know exactly what is in the reports. But it is a good principle to adopt that not only must justice be done but it must be seen to be done. It might be a matter for consideration whether, whenever that particular group are holding an investigation, if they cannot reveal all the factors in the evidence that they have received they should nevertheless make some statement. But, of course, that is a matter for the Government. They must judge upon it according to the nature of the reports which they receive.I think there is a great deal of regret in all Parties in the State that it has not been possible to arrange a conference since the statement made by the Greek Government. There have been criticisms from time to time that perhaps an opportunity was missed at one point where Archbishop Makarios seemed to be making an effort. I make no comment 191 upon that, and I fasten on to the general promise which Her Majesty's Government make in this statement that they are first giving consideration to their position as a result of the proceedings in the United Nations Organisation, and, quite apart from that, as I understand the statement, holding themselves perfectly open to have a conference at any time that the parties concerned are willing to come together. That is, I think, a right conclusion.
Then the question arises of Parliamentary discussion. We have, from time to time, as the noble Earl the Leader of the House knows, discussed this matter through the usual channels, and we have come to agreements from time to time that while certain events were taking place or the United Nations were considering the matter it would be better for all parties concerned not to have a public Parliamentary debate on it. It would seem from the nature of the statement to-day that it may still be difficult to have a debate, say, before the adjournment for the Christmas Recess; but would it be possible for the Government to notify Parliament soon after the return from the Recess of their conclusions as the result of their further examination of the position arising out of the United Nations discussions, and thereupon for the House and Parliament in general to have an opportunity of discussing the situation?
§ 3.52 p.m.
LORD REAMy Lords, I should like to join with the noble Viscount in thanking the noble Earl the Leader of the House for his very interesting statement, which I think has probably served to clear the air a good deal. Like many of your Lordships, I served in the Forces in two wars and consider that I know a little about the private soldier, and it seems to me that when a private soldier's wife is murdered in a cowardly manner it is perfectly natural that his hackles should rise and he should behave in a manner slightly different from his normal one. That can be understood and forgiven, but of course must be suppressed as far as possible. I think many of us feel that probably the handling of these Greek Cypriots was not kid-gloved and we are not surprised that it was not; therefore I am glad to hear from the 192 noble Earl that all these investigations have shown that there was no real guilt to be placed on one man or body of men. We have great faith in the officers and men there.
For the future, Her Majesty's Government must know that there is a feeling in this country that things are not going as well as they might go. Some other Party might be able to handle them better. Some other Parties would have handled them better in the past—but that is a matter of opinion. But I should like the noble Earl to know he has behind him from all Parties and all people their earnest desire that things should go right. Even if we do not think the present Government plan is as good as it could be, we hope it will develop into something more acceptable. I ask Her Majesty's Government to keep in mind three particular points which we on these Benches and those associated with us should like to have clearly stated. The first is that this country renounces all self-interest in Cyprus. That would be a reversal of Government policy of some years ago, but I am not going to cry over spilt milk. After an appropriate and definitely specified period, let Cyprus have the right to decide it own future. There must be a period for things to settle down, and the right must be subject to various safeguards. Finally, when that final time comes great care and energy should be taken in putting to a sober and quiet Cyprus the point that one of the choices is to remain in the British Commonwealth, and, so far as most of us in this country can see, however much we sympathise with the Cypriots, that indeed would be their most advantageous choice in the end.
§ 3.56 p.m.
THE EARL OF HOMEMy Lords, I am obliged to the two noble Lords who have responded to the statement I have made. On the first point which the noble Viscount. Lord Alexander of Hillsborough, raised, I think the value of this particular investigation group for the Governor is that its advice is confidential. That does not, of course, preclude other methods from being used for making public such facts as the Colonial Secretary thinks the public here ought to know. Secondly, it is our desire to see a conference between the Greeks, the Turks and ourselves, and others if it is necessary and wise to have them in and it 193 is agreed, at any time at which it can be agreed. The Foreign Secretary will have an opportunity next week, we hope, to make contact with the Greek and Turkish Foreign Ministers. Thirdly, so far as Parliamentary debate is concerned, I think the House would probably feel that it would not be wise to have one in the immediate future; but, of course, soon after we return from the Recess we can consider this question together, through the usual channels, and see whether one is appropriate then.
So far as the three points raised by the noble Lord, Lord Rea, are concerned, I think that if I were to make an answer now I would say that I would not, on the first hearing, accept the first two. I think they would be points really more appropriate for him to elaborate in a debate when the time comes.