THE HYDROGEN BOMB (Hansard, 30 March 1954)

§ THE LORD PRESIDENT OF THE COUNCIL (THE MARQUESS OF SALISBURY)
My Lords, I am sorry to interrupt the course of this important debate, but a statement has been made in another place by my right honourable friend the Prime Minister on a matter of great public interest, and I feel sure the House would wish me to repeat it here. These are the exact words which have been used by the Prime Minister:
" The development of the hydrogen bomb raises strategic and political issues which are so momentous and far-reaching that they cannot be adequately discussed within the limits of a statement at the end of Questions. I do not propose to make any general statement on these issues. I will, however, deal 'briefly with some of the specific suggestions made in the particular Questions which have been placed on the Paper."—
that is, on the Paper in another place.
" In the first place, I must make it clear that our knowledge of these American experiments is necessarily limited. The United States Govern- 806 ment are prevented by their own legislation from divulging secret information, about them. I can say, however, from our own scientific knowledge, that there, is no foundation for the suggestion that these explosions are 'incalculable,' in the sense that those making the tests are unable to set limits to the explosive power of the bomb or to calculate in advance what the main effects will be. I greatly regret, as do our American friends, that any injury or damage should have been suffered by third parties as a result of the recent experiment; but. I understand that the injuries suffered by arsons outside the area which had been cleared for the purposes of the test are neither serious nor lasting.
" It is being suggested that further tests should be the subject of international consultation or control. The restrictions imposed by the United States law, to which I have already referred, would make this impracticable. But, even if this were not so, I should not myself be ready to propose it, for reasons which I will now explain.
" International rules have of course been prescribed to regulate the testing of conventional weapons: and these, appropriately amended to meet the greatly increased risks of experiment with atomic or hydrogen weapons, have we believe been carefully applied in all the experiments carried out by the United States authorities. I am sure that those responsible for conducting these tests will continue to take the most rigorous precautions to minimise the risks involved. The House will have noticed that, since the explosion of the 1st of March, they have taken the additional precaution of enlarging considerably the area which shipping and aircraft are warned to avoid on the occasion of further experiments of this nature.
"It has now been announced in Washington by the Chairman of the Atomic Energy Commission that another experiment was carried out in the Pacific on the 26th of March since that of which we had already heard on the 1st of March. Both the experiment and the extra precautions taken to warn shipping in the vicinity are stated to have been successful. The experiment 807 is described as being one of a 'test series' and I understand from statements made by various American authorities that these two experiments that have taken place in March are part of a 'test series ' which will continue during April. I hope it may be found possible within the limits of existing United States legislation to give us information about what occurs. Our instruments, which are highly developed, of course recorded the explosion of Friday last as soon as sound-waves reached us.
" As is well-known, the President is appealing to Congress for a greater latitude of communication on certain nuclear matters with us. In view of what we have learned by our own scientific researches, and also in view of the progress of the Soviets in this sphere, I am sure that consultation is to the advantage both of Great Britain and the United States. I trust nothing will be said here which will set back the many favourable tendencies in this direction which are now evident in the United States.
" It is being suggested that I should endeavour to persuade the United States Government to abandon their series of experimental explosions of hydrogen bombs. We have no power to stop this. But I am sure that it would not be right or wise for us to ask that it should be stopped. When similar experiments were conducted by the Russians, I cannot remember that anyone suggested that such representations should be made to the Soviet Government. The experiments which the Americans are now conducting in the Pacific are an essential part of the defence policy of a friendly Power without whose massive strength and generous help Europe would be in mortal peril. We should indeed be doing a great disservice to the free world if we sought in any way to impede the progress of our American Allies in building up their overwhelming strength in the weapon which provides the greatest possible deterrent against the outbreak of a third world war.
" Together with our friends in the Commonwealth and our Allies we have laboured long to secure international 808 agreement on disarmament and to limit the competition in armaments which is denying to the peoples of the world so many of the benefits which modern science could provide. But no satisfactory arrangements could be made to limit the use of atomic weapons except as part of an international agreement on disarmament as a whole. There could be no security in such an agreement unless it included provision for effective inspection and enforcement. We ourselves have repeatedly offered to accept such provision. But it would be idle to suppose that such an agreement could be concluded with any reasonable expectation of its observance until conditions of confidence between the nations have first been established. We shall lose no opportunity of securing an easement of world tension, but at the same time we must persevere, with the other nations of the free world, in our policy of upholding at the necessary level our united military strength."

§ EARL JOWITT
My Lords, we are grateful to the noble Marquess, the Leader of the House, for making this statement here. This is an illustration of "the stupendous problems and perils"—I think those were the Prime Minister's words—which arise, and which, by reason of their magnitude, create most difficult problems. I should like to say something apropos of what was the last but one sentence of the statement. It says: But it would be idle to suppose that such an agreement could be concluded with any reasonable expectation of its observance until conditions of confidence between the nations have first been established. Are we not in danger of getting into a vicious circle here? Does not the noble Marquess think that one of the reasons why it is so difficult to establish confidence is the very fact that there are such appalling weapons as these? Surely, that is one of the great difficulties in establishing confidence.
At the recent Berlin Conference, I think I am right in saying—I was not here at the time—the various Powers agreed to interchange ideas on the possibility of approaching this difficult disarmament problem. Can the noble Marquess give us any information as to whether they have at the present time interchanged any ideas at all? I am entirely satisfied that the 809 United States, in conducting these experiments, have taken every possible step open to them Ito avoid any possible danger. But the fact that the area which may be affected is so enormous at once brings this problem: that ships on their lawful occasions may be going through these waters, and you have no right under international law, I presume, to warn people off. That, of course, does raise exceedingly difficult problems which themselves might be the subject of international discussions. I should be grateful if the noble Marquess could give me some assurance on those points.

§ VISCOUNT SAMUEL
My Lords, I feel sure that your Lordships' House and public opinion in general will welcome the fact that Her Majesty's Government have made friendly approaches to the American Government, with a view to their being provided with much fuller information about the present and the future developments of these horrible weapons. At the same time, we should be grateful to the American Government and people that we are not left to the main burden of prosecuting these further experiments and developments, or as an alternative, that they are left only to the Soviet Government. In this matter, it seems to me that criticisms of the American action are misconceived. The statement ended by making some reference to the necessity for easing political tension in the world. I wish I could say the same, in the same spirit, about recent American pronouncements in the diplomatic sphere, on the very eve of the Geneva Conference. That, however, is not the principal matter now before us.

§ THE MARQUESS OF SALISBURY
My Lords, I am quite happy to answer the three particular questions I have been asked, so far as I can. I was asked by the noble and learned Earl, Lord Jowitt, about methods of relieving international tension, to which, as he rightly said, the end of the statement referred. Your Lordships will remember that in the course of the debate on Foreign Affairs last week I had a passage at the end of my speech which dealt with this specific matter. I agreed strongly on that occasion with all that has been said by the noble and learned Earl to-day. I 810 suggested that two methods which might be used for breaking through the Iron Curtain and producing a greater exchange of views and a greater identity of view on the many difficult problems between the two sides were the improvement of East-West trade and the Geneva Conference, which we might hope would bring a greater degree of peace in the Far East. Those are only two examples, but I do not think that confidence will be finally restored except by enabling the two sides to understand and trust each other better. For anyone merely to say, "I will not have a test in the Pacific," would not really increase confidence. It is not enough in itself to do what the noble and learned Earl and I both desire.
With regard to the Four-Power discussions which were envisaged at Berlin, I would make it clear that there is no weakening in the desire of Her Majesty's Government that discussions should take place at the earliest possible moment. I understand from my right honourable friend the Foreign Secretary that we are doing our utmost to see that such discussions should take place. I would remind the House, as I have so often before, that in a party of four one single member cannot expect to have his policy immediately adopted. But we shall continue to try to bring about those consultations as soon as possible. Then the noble and learned Earl, Lord Jowitt, raised the question of the Pacific, and the danger to British shipping there. He said that surely it was not within the power of a single nation to warn off shipping. I think it is perfectly true to say that they could not exercise, as it were, a sovereignty in waters that were not national waters. But they can warn shipping of something that is impending, and they can take the utmost precautions to see that nobody is hurt. That they are doing. As your Lordships will have seen, the American Government have been at pains to extend the safety area. Of course, if other shipping goes within the area about which warning has been given, there may be danger to it; but I do not think that is likely to happen. In the case of the Japanese fishing ship, which we all regret, it is true to say that it was nearly outside the area, and the injury which was caused was, fortunately, contrary to what had been originally supposed, of a comparatively mild character.