§ 3.42 p.m.
THE MARQUESS of READINGMy Lords, with the permission of the House, now desire to make the statement, which I promised the noble Viscount. Lord Alexander of Hillsborough, at an earlier stage, on the regrettable disturbances which took place in Khartoum on March 1. The House will have seen the newspaper reports of these events, and I have no further details to acid. I regret to say that in the course of the rioting 72 total casualties amounted to some 30 persons killed and about 100 injured. This includes casualties among the police, which were 10 killed, including the British Commandant of Police in Khartoum and his Sudanese Second-in-Command, and 66 injured. I am sure the whole House will join with me in expressing deep regret at this loss of life and sympathy with the relatives.
As the House will have seen, the Governor General has declared a state of emergency and has announced that the Opening of Parliament will be postponed until March 10. The state of emergency was made under the Defence of the Sudan Ordinance and not under the Self-Government Statute. The Council of Ministers, therefore, remains responsible for law and order and public security, and the orders giving effect to the Governor General's declaration have been made by him on the advice of the Council. Several thousands of the demonstrators have, I am informed, now left Khartoum and the situation is quiet.
I do not propose, nor is it my duty, to pass judgment on these events. No one would wish to condone violence. But the fact remains that a large measure of responsibility must rest upon those who have in the recent past sought to raise the emotional temperature in the Sudan. We have repeatedly emphasised that the Sudanese people should be allowed to work out their political development free from all outside interference, and we have scrupulously observed this principle. It will, I am sure, be the sincere hope of the whole House that these serious events will have brought this lesson home to all concerned.
§ VISCOUNT ALEXANDER OF HILLSBOROUGHMy Lords, I am much obliged to the noble Marquess for the statement he has made. I can quite understand that at this stage it is not easy to go into further detail; we quite accept that. I am sure the whole House regrets very much the events in Khartoum as they have transpired. The only comment I would make at the moment—and I speak with some feeling on this matter; I was closely associated with the late Ernest Bevin in Middle East problems, especially in relation to the Sudan, and with Sir Robert Howe—is that I resent very much what was 73 broadcast this morning from Egypt, as if this had been an attempt, a sort of plot, on behalf of what was called "imperialism." It seemed to me to be a most unworthy suggestion especially in view of our record, however slow sonic people may think it, of preparing the Sudan for self-government. I feel that the people who, in the Middle East and various other countries, have grave responsibility for the peace of the world at the present time might well abstain from statements of this kind, which seem to be made almost without provocation, on the spur of the moment, from time to time, and to have little relation to the actual truth. I take just one phrase from the statement of the noble Marquess which I think perhaps showed a great economy of words but which nevertheless was very important. He said the Sudanese people should be allowed to work out their political development
free from all outside interference, and we have scrupulously observed this principle.I should like to say that I know that to be the case. I hope that that fact will be duly noted.
§ EARL WINTERTONI do not wish to embarrass the noble Marquess or Her Majesty's Government in what is a most embarrassing and difficult situation, but I should like to ask the noble Marquess one question, because his statement was not quite clear. The Governor General, in pursuance of the powers conferred upon him, presumably with the support of Her Majesty's Government in Great Britain, has declared a state of emergency. My noble friend Lord Reading then went on to say that it was this new Government—which, to say the least of it, does not seem to be in a very secure position—that was responsible for public security in that state of emergency. May I ask my noble friend whether he can give your Lordships an assurance that British troops will not be used for this purpose without the consent of the Governor General; and, if they are used, to whom will they be responsible?
THE MARQUESS OF READINGThe statement that I made was, I hope, clear. The position is this: that under the Constitution the Governor General has powers, in certain circumstances, to declare an emergency. Those powers have not in this instance been used. If he 74 declares an emergency under the Constitution, he has further consequential powers of taking all authority into his own hands. that is not what has been done in this case. What has been done in this case is to declare a state of emergency under the Defence of the Sudan Ordinance, which dates from before the coming into force of the Constitution and under which the Governor General declares a state of emergency. But the carrying out of the state of emergency and the exercise of authority remain with the Council of Ministers. That is the position. The Council of Ministers under the Constitution is in charge of the present situation.
§ EARL WINTERTONYes, but, if I may say so with the greatest respect, that does not answer the last part of my question, which I regard as a very important one. In the event of its being necessary to call out British troops—arid already British troops, I understand, have been guarding General Neguib—who is responsible for calling them out, the Governor General or the Government of the Sudan?
THE MARQUESS OF READINGAs long as the conduct of matters is in the hands of the Government, I should take it—and I am not pledging myself definitely to this, because it requires a good deal of looking into—that the responsibility for the preservation of order is theirs. If a situation arose in which they were not in a position to carry out their responsibility, the Governor would then have to look at the situation again.
VISCOUNT ELIBANKBut surely the Council of Ministers would not have power to call out British troops.
THE MARQUESS OF READINGThey are, I think, part of the Sudan Defence Forces, who are under the command of a British officer. I am not very anxious to go into detail on this matter, because it is not an easy situation. I have done my best in the statement to tell your Lordships how the position stands at the moment.
§ LORD HENDERSONMy Lords, would the noble Marquess take this opportunity of specifically repudiating the accusations which appeared in the broadcast reported in the newspapers this morning—namely, that the only benefit that 75 these disturbances could give would be to what are called "imperialistic interests," by which, presumably, is meant this country; and, secondly, that they could—and I emphasise the word "could"—have been inspired by former British administrators.
THE MARQUESS OF READINGMy Lords, all I have seen is probably all that the noble Lord has seen—a short report in the newspapers this morning. But, so far as that short report is concerned, I would say that it is obviously absurd to suggest that Her Majesty's Government or British administrators in the Sudan, past or present, were in any way responsible for these disturbances.
§ LORD CALVERLEYMay I ask the noble Marquess whether General Neguib has expressed his thanks for being saved by the Yorkshire and Lancashire Regiment?
§ VISCOUNT STANSGATEI agree entirely with my noble Leader, but would not it help if the noble Marquess were to say here and now that it is against British interests that there should be differences between Egypt, the Sudan and ourselves, and that harmony in that area is the first of all British interests?
THE MARQUESS OF READINGMy Lords, I would not differ from the noble Viscount upon that. We have desired throughout, in the steps that we have taken, to protect the interests of the Sudanese and, so far as we could promote that end, to see that they were free to proceed with their own independent development. That has been the object of our whole policy; and in that we have desired equally throughout to work in conjunction with the Egyptian Government.
§ VISCOUNT STANSGATEI did not observe in the noble Marquess's answer anything which appeared to reprove those who were responsible for the Ansar demonstrations.