§ 4.10 p.m.
§ THE PARLIAMENTARY UNDER-SECRETARY OF STATE FOR THE COLONIES (THE EARL OF MUNSTER)My Lords, may I interrupt the proceedings for a few moments in order to give the House a reply which the Colonial Secretary is making in another place to a Question which has been asked of him this afternoon in relation to Kenya. I should make it clear that when I use the word "I" in the course of the statement it is, of course, the Secretary of State speaking. The statement is as follows:
"The situation in Kenya has greatly changed since I last reported to the House. The favourable features outweigh the unfavourable. The latest advices which I have received from the Governor show that the tendencies which I observed when I was there are still maintained. First, the flood of confessions which began a few weeks ago has continued. Increasing numbers of Kikuyu are coming down upon the side of the Government and are expressing their confidence in it. Secondly, the flow of information from the Kikuyu to the police has greatly increased.
"Thirdly, the Kikuyu Home Guard is building up rapidly and in some districts, notably in Nyeri, Fort Hall and Kiambu, the necessary numbers have already volunteered. In these districts the Government of Kenya do not Intend to ask for further recruits but rather to concentrate upon training. The House will remember that Colonel Morecambe, lately in command of he Suffolks, who had a long experience in Malaya, was appointed on May 14 to the General Staff in Kenya with special responsibilities for the Home Guard. Lastly, the Mau Mau movement has not spread—significantly—into other tribes although some bad characters from Nairobi have been creating trouble on the fringes of the Meru and Embu country. In the Rift Valley Province the improvement in the situation is maintained and activities by the gangs are only on a small scale.
"Such are the favourable features. The unfavourable are that the movement of between 50,000 and 60,000 Kikuyu from farms hack into the 890 Reserves has swollen the size of the gangs in the fringes of the forests. This is not a disadvantage where they can be engaged by police and troops, but although they have not got many firearms their increased size does increase the danger both to the Home Guard and to the loyal population, until we can root them out. Again, this emphasises the need for improving the training and equipment of the Home Guard to which I have referred. This is being carried out with great energy.
"I wish to make clear the extent to which this is a struggle within the Kikuyu tribe itself between the loyal forces on the side of peace and order and the forces of murder, arson and savagery. This is shown by the fact that since the Emergency began, 411 Africans have been. killed by the Mau Mau, seventeen Europeans and four Asians. This gives the lie on the one hand to those who claim that this is a struggle between black and white, and on the other to those who would have us believe that the Kikuyu tribe as a whole is ranged against the Government.
"Many attacks have been made against the Kikuyu Home Guard. Nevertheless they lave resisted there with great steadfastness and frequent success, and I take this opportunity of paying the tribute due to brave men. Upon the strong request of the Asian Community, conscription for Asians has been introduced. I told the Press in Nairobi when I left that I regard the present as a phase of decision and the appointment of General Erskine to be in charge of the operations against the Mau Mau is to bring the Emergency to an end as quickly as possible.
"Turning to political events, the Kenya African Union has been proscribed. Many members of the Kenya African Union are, of course, loyal citizens but it had been found in the course of the Kenyatta trial that the Kenya African Union was being used as a cover for the organisation of Mau Mau. As an illustration, two of the most wanted terrorists in Kenya, Dedan Kimathi and Stanley Mathenge are both Kenya African Union members. Kimathi was Secretary of the Rumuruti Thomson's Falls Branch and Mathenge a member of Nyeri Branch. 891 There can be no doubt that the subversive Kikuyu Central Association, which was proscribed in 1939, infiltrated into the Kenya African Union shortly after its establishment, and by 1947 had dominated its members and corrupted its purposes. More recently the detention of Odede, who had become the President of the Kenya African Union, was necessary because he was implicated in trying to organise Mau Mau in the Nyanza Province.
"It is not, of course, our wish to prevent the expression of legitimate political opinion by Africans. We must be sure, however, that ostensibly political bodies are not used as instruments for spreading disorder and terror by a small part of one tribe. The best course is, I think, to build on those local associations which have shown that they can be trusted to pursue the interests of their people by legitimate means. The Kenya Government will do all that it can to help along these lines.
"I discussed the matter of public meetings with the Governor while I was in Kenya and we agreed upon a statement which he has now issued. Here it is:—
'In order to allay any misunderstanding that may exist, the Government wishes to make clear its attitude on holding of meetings by African members of the Legislative Council. The Government will welcome the calling of meetings by African members of the Legislative Council to address their constituents in support of law and order.'The same applies to meetings addressed by other Africans who are staunch supporters of law and order. On account of security reasons, it will be necessary for those arranging meetings to obtain the consent of the District Commissioner and the police.'"I wish now to refer to the speeding up of the processes of justice. This will be done within the framework of British law by emergency assizes and by the creation of a number of supernumary judges of the High Court. Accused prisoners will be brought directly before the High Court without any hearing before a magistrates' court."Lastly, to turn for a moment to future measures for economic and social progress. The Government have a number of schemes in an advanced 892 state of preparation and, upon my advice, they intend to announce them one by one when they are ready to be put into force. The time has passed for general assurances and we must show that we are now ready to act.
"Finally, a Deputy Governor has been appointed. He will be able to assist the Administration particularly in regard to reconstruction. He will also take some of the load off the shoulders of the Governor, who will thus have more time to tour the country. Where he has been able to do so he has been received with acclamation. The response has been encouraging and has given evidence of the way in which he can lead, guide and inspire public opinion, particularly African. These visits have shown the population that he is with them, and they have shown that they are with him.
"To sum up, the position in Kenya is still one of danger, but it is improving. The population is coming over to our side in large numbers, the Home Guard is building up, the schemes for long-term reconstruction are well advanced. Mau Mau has not spread significantly. The great mass of the population are loyal and in peace. I shall report to the House from time to time on the progress made. While we must continue to watch the situation with anxiety, and must be prepared to face some setbacks, we can regard the outcome with complete confidence."
§ 4.19 p.m.
§ THE EARL OF LISTOWELMy Lords, I am sure we are all grateful to the noble Earl, Lord Munster, for his full and reassuring statement about the position in Kenya. We shall need time to consider this statement before we can decide whether we wish to ask the Government for an opportunity to debate the matter before the Summer Recess. I should like to offer two comments about matters in the statement, which would certainly figure in any debate that might take place. We welcome the intensification of the anti-Mau Mau campaign, and particularly the reorganisation of the police and military under a unified command. At the same time, I must express certain doubt—it is no more than a doubt—about the desirability or efficacy of proscribing the Kenya African Union, which is 893 the largest organisation for the expression on the part of Africans of constitutional opposition to the Government policy.
The other matter which we consider of great importance and which was scarcely mentioned in the noble Earl's statement is the question of promoting measures of social reform and reconstruction simultaneously with the repression of Mau Mau in order to remove the causes of this subversive movement.
§ 4.20 p.m.
§ VISCOUNT STANSGATEMy Lords, we are very grateful to the Leader of the House for having this statement made, and to the noble Earl for making it. I welcome it, because it makes it unnecessary to put questions on the Paper which might appear to be, or be represented as being, an effort to impede the Government's chosen policy. At the same time, there are one or two questions which I should like to ask the noble Earl concerning his statement. The first is, did anything come of Mr. Blundell's suggestion that the land of delinquent Kikuyus should be confiscated? That was made about two months ago and, I understand, was being considered. The second question I should like to ask is, what has been decided about the use of aircraft against offenders? The first time that was mentioned a Government statement was put out to say—I have the words here, but I think this is right—that it was a rumour spread by the Mau Mau. The next time the upper reaches of the mountains were proscribed, and it was announced that they might be bombed. The third time they were bombed. General Erskine has now given a Press interview in which he said that he is considering carefully the use of aircraft against these people. I believe the public would wish to have clear information on that point. The third question I should like to ask the noble Earl is on the point mentioned by my noble friend Lord Listowel—namely, are the Government satisfied that this dreadful business can be brought to an end without an understanding of the African outlook and how will they get an understanding of the African outlook if they proscribe what is recognised to be its main organisation?
§ 4.22 p.m.
§ THE EARL OF MUNSTERMy Lords, may I reply to the questions addressed to me by the noble Earl, Lord Listowel, and 894 the noble Viscount, Lord Stansgate. In the first place, let me, in my own words, repeat the remarks which came in the statement about social reforms. They will be introduced, and your Lordships will no doubt have ample knowledge of them through the medium of the Press as they come into operation. I should not like to be pressed to-day to state which social reform will be undertaken in the first place. I would, however, remind the noble Earl that it was only a short time ago that Her Majesty's Government: agreed to grant a further sum of £500,000 for the general development of the country. To turn to the noble Earl's second question, about the proscribing of the Kenya African Union, I have no doubt myself that this organisation has harboured many of those responsible for the present outrages, troubles and terrors in Kenya. On that point I would give the Colonial Secretary my strong and full support.
Now I pass to the three questions which were asked by the noble Viscount, Lord Stansgate. At the moment I have no information which I cart give him of Mr. Blundell's suggestion, but I will certainly communicate with the noble Viscount privately. Ai regards the question on the use of aircraft for bombing, I may say that no aircraft can be used for bombing Mau Mau in any part of the territory without the full authority of the Director of Operations. In each case where bombing has been carried out—and I think the cases are very few—the Director of Operations has first given his personal authority and approval. I would only say this, in conclusion, to the noble Viscount, on the question of proscribing the Kenya African Union. I fully agree with him that it is vital that all African people should have some organisation of a political nature to which they can turn. Those organisations may be good but when they delve into subversive activities and encourage all the horrors and atrocities with which we are familiar to-day, I wholeheartedly support my right honourable friend.
§ VISCOUNT STANSGATEMy Lords, I am grateful for the courteous way in which the noble Earl has answered my questions, but I am not satisfied on his reply as to the use of aircraft. It is not sufficient to say that the General has to give permission for the aircraft to be used. 895 The question is whether you are attacking offenders—people who are guilty or presumed to be guilty. If you are flying over a forest, do you see your target? Do you know who is beneath you? When you have dropped your bombs, do you know who is killed or wounded? Is there any means of succouring the wounded, some of whom may be guiltless? The use of aircraft against native people in forests is not only morally wrong but extremely questionable from a practical point of view.
§ THE EARL OF MUNSTERMy Lords, I have little further to say except that I should have thought that the use of aircraft certainly saved a great deal of human life. It is far easier and cheaper from the point of view of expenditure of human life, and I have no doubt whatever that the aircraft have been used for bombing villages in those districts, and no other, where it is known that Mau Mau attackers definitely exist.
§ 4.26 p.m.
VISCOUNT ALEXANDER OF HILLS-BOROUGHMy Lords, I am in general agreement with the policy which has been undertaken to repress this outrageous state of affairs in Kenya. But on the other hand, one is anxious about certain points such as those raised by my noble friend Lord Stansgate, because surely the decision does not lie solely with the Director of Operations. It is not clear to me whether it is a decision of the local Director of Operations or whether it is a direct decision at headquarters here—a decision of the Director of Operations in London. I am told that it is a local decision. Then surely the general authority must be purely a Cabinet responsibility. The use of aircarft in this way is so much a moral question that I suppose we are to assume from the noble Earl's statement that it is a definite and deliberate decision taken by the Government. I agree that it may save human life in some cases, but it is the kind of thing that many of us have opposed in the past—indiscriminate bombing without consideration for the victims. That raises great moral issues in the minds of the people.
There is one other point I wish to raise before the noble Earl replies, if he wishes to, and it is this. It is a point I should like the Leader of the House to answer, 896 because he is famous for his careful consideration of such points. Those of us who have been in authority in this kind of situation in the past are a little concerned at the growth of the practice of commanding officers giving Press interviews on the Mau Mau before departing. It is a practice which is growing. I prefer the kind of statement made by the Secretary of State to both Houses of Parliament to-day, which gives an idea of the general proposals to be followed and the general policy to be practised. Much as I admire the personal qualities and military experience of that outstanding officer General Erskine, I should welcome it if he would give no interviews before he flies over to Kenya.
§ THE LORD PRESIDENT OF THE COUNCIL (THE MARQUESS OF SALISBURY)My Lords, may I say one word on this general question of bombing? I fully appreciate the preoccupations of noble Lords opposite, and I think we should all be opposed to what might be called indiscriminate bombing. With all deference to the noble Viscount, Lord Alexander, I do not think that that description could fairly be applied to the operations to which reference has been made. I think it was made perfectly clear in the statement made by the noble Earl, Lord Munster, that bombing was done only as a military operation under the express direction of the Director of Operations in wooded areas where—I understood this to be the position—the Mau Mau were known to be operating. If you are going to draw too meticulous a line you will never be able to use bombing at all. As the noble Viscount, Lord Alexander, knows perfectly well, there were cases in the war where we had to do it. We did not enjoy doing it, but it had to be done, and I think that in the long run it did save life. This is a military operation—it is no good regarding it as anything else. I agree that there must be careful supervision and that the bombing must not be in any sense indiscriminate; but I should not be prepared—and neither, I am sure, would the noble Viscount, if he were on this side—to say that in no circumstances should bombing be used.
§ VISCOUNT STANSGATEMy Lords, I should be glad if the noble and learned Lord, the Lord Chancellor, or some other legal authority could answer this ques- 897 tion. The noble Earl, Lord Munster, in the statement he made, referred to the Kenyatta trial. Jomo Kenyatta was the President of the Kenya African Union. The noble Lord gave it as an opinion that the Kenya African Union was illegal. Now the appeal of Kenyatta against his preliminary conviction has still to be heard. I ask the Lord Chancellor or some other legal authority to say whether the statement made with regard to the Kenya African Union, of which Jomo Kenyatta was President, does not grossly affect the appeal which Kenyatta is presently to bring forward.
THE LORD CHANCELLOR (LORD SIMONDS)If the noble Viscount makes an appeal to me I will answer it categorically in the negative. I would much rather there were no further discussion in case something is said which might, in fact, prejudice the case.
§ VISCOUNT STANSGATEIt is obvious that nothing said on this side could affect the justice of this case when it is heard: the judge would not permit it. But the statement has been made by a member of Her Majesty's Government that the Kenya African Union, of which Jomo Kenyatta is President, was, in fact, a seditious organisation, and I should have thought that that would clearly prejudice the possibility of a fair trial of Kenyatta.
THE LORD CHANCELLORI do not agree in any way with what the noble Viscount has said and I am not prepared to be led into further discussion upon the matter.