TELEVISION POLICY

HL Deb 02 July 1953 vol 183 cc115-20

3.7 p.m.

THE POSTMASTER GENERAL (EARL DE LA WARR)

My Lords, with the leave of the House I should like to make a statement with regard to television policy. In early 1951 the late Government placed a ban on further major capital development on television by the B.B.C. The present Government decided when they took office in October, 1951, that the financial and economic condition of the country made it necessary to continue the ban. I am glad to inform the House that the Government are now in a position to agree that the B.B.C. should proceed at once with certain projects that will make television available to another six to seven million people. They can also now make a start with very high frequency sound services to help improve reception in areas where it is not satisfactory. New television stations will be set up at Aberdeen, Belfast, the Isle of Wight, Plymouth and Pontop Pike; the London station will be removed to the Crystal Palace: and stations will be erected to serve the Channel Islands and the Isle of Man. With this programme of development B.B.C. television will be available to some 90 per cent. of the population within a period of eighteen months.

In their White Paper on Broadcasting issued in May 1952 (Cmd. 8550), the Government stated, in paragraph 7, that they had come to the conclusion that in the expanding field of television provision should be made to permit some element of competition. … Anxieties have been expressed since that date about the implications of a new system of competitive television. There is, however, a real danger that public opinion is being formed without any balanced or detailed knowledge of what sort of system might be set up. The Government therefore propose to publish in the autumn a further White Paper defining the terms upon which competitive television might be permitted to operate. The Government are pledged to submit for the approval of Parliament the terms and conditions of any licences which might be issued. The White Paper will enable the House and the country to exercise a proper judgment in this essential matter before any final decision is taken. In considering this question it is necessary to emphasise what seems very often to be forgotten—that the B.B.C. will in any case remain intact and its scope will in fact be extended. Its national and international standing will be unaffected, and its revenue and present basis of work will remain secure.

The House will be interested to know, without going into details which would be more appropriate to the White Paper, of some of the broad principles under which commercial television might operate. First, the number of stations under any one ownership or control would be limited. Secondly, it is not likely that a large number of stations would be licensed in the first instance and they would be of low power and limited range. Thirdly, a Controlling Body would beset up to advise the Postmaster General on the issue of licences and would see that programmes conform to the standards to be laid down. It would, for example, have power to call for a script in advance of presentation, to warn a station which offended against the letter or spirit of these standards and to make recommendations to the Postmaster General that the licence of any particular station should be suspended or withdrawn. Fourthly, the owner and operator of a station, whose licence would be at stake, and not the provider of programmes or the sponsor, would be the person responsible for what was broadcast. Fifthly, among other things which might be specified in the licence or by the Controlling Body would be the maximum number of hours the station should operate, any restrictions on the advertising of certain products and the percentage of time and the place to be allotted to advertising matter in any programme.

3.12 p.m.

EARL JOWITT

My Lords, the whole House will be grateful to the noble Earl the Postmaster General for giving us this statement. I am sure, equally, that the whole House will be glad to hear that further financial facilities are available to the B.B.C. to extend their excellent service. I should, however, like to ask the noble Earl this question. He will realise that there is a large body of opinion, by no means confined to one Party—I think it would be a great pity if this matter got on to Party lines at all—which views the whole prospect of sponsored television, altogether apart from details, with something like abhorrence.

It is now over a year since we had a debate on this matter, and in the course of that year, and recently in connection with the Coronation, we have had experience of the service that television can render; and that, I think, has caused many of us to think afresh on this matter. I should like to ask the noble Earl whether he will give facilities at an early date—I mean before the Recess—for a debate in this House. I hope it would be a debate in which noble Lords in all Parties would be perfectly free, with no Whips on at all, to express the views they held. Such a debate would, I am sure, be of guidance and assistance to the Government, because it could proceed on broad general principles, altogether apart from particular details which would be covered by the White Paper.

3.14 p.m.

VISCOUNT SAMUEL

My Lords, I should like to support the request made by the Leader of the Opposition for an early debate on this exceedingly important subject. It may be thought that, since a White Paper is to be presented in the autumn, it would be better for the House to postpone its own discussion until it had before it the definite proposals in that form. But, since the statement to-day lays down five important principles on which the White Paper will be founded, it appears to me, and it appears to the noble and learned Earl who bas just spoken, that it is necessary for an opportunity to be given to all sections of, and indeed all individuals in, the House to express their views with respect to those principles, They may need considerable elucidation, examination and, very likely, criticism. It would be well that those opinions should be expressed before rather than after the White Paper is presented to Parliament and the Government have finally made up their minds on those issues.

THE EARL OF HALIFAX

My Lords, may I add one word before my noble friend replies? It is quite evident that the White Paper that we are promised in the autumn will be a Paper of great importance. I would have supposed, therefore, that it would be of advantage to Her Majesty's Government—and I hope my noble friend may feel able to take this view—to be as fully seized as possible of the opinion that it may be expressed in all quarters of the House before that White Paper is finally drawn.

3.16 p.m.

THE LORD PRESIDENT OF THE COUNCIL (THE M LRQUESS OF SALISBURY)

My Lords, perhaps it would be for the convenience of the House if I, as Leader of the House, answered this supplementary question. Of course, the House has the right at any time to ask for a debate on any subject, and the last thing the Government would wish to do would be in any way to attempt to stifle discussion, especially on a subject of such great topical interest and importance as this. But I should like to ask the Leader of the Opposition and the noble Viscount, Lord Samuel, whether they will think a little further before they come to a final decision about what they want. After all, we all know—it is common knowledge—that this is a question which has engendered a great deal of heat, and that extremely strong views are held on both sides, views which are, if I may say so, often as much emotional as purely objective. Therefore, a debate in these circumstances would not necessarily be as valuable as we should all wish.

Moreover, I would draw the attention of the House to one sentence in the statement which my noble friend has just read to your Lordships: The White Paper will enable the House and the country to exercise a proper judgment in this essential matter before any final decision is taken. Would there really be any great utility in a debate before the House and the country are in a position to "exercise a proper judgment in this essential matter" I Does the noble and learned Earl really think that a debate now, in the present state of opinion on boll sides, and before all the information which has to come to the country is available, will serve the ultimate cause which we all have at heart, to get the best solution of this difficult problem that we can? The noble Viscount, Lord Samuel, pointed out, quite rightly, that in my noble friend's statement there were what he called "five principles." I would point out, however, that they were mentioned for the purpose of indicating to the House the difficulties which might occur in any case, whatever view was taken, in operating a full and competitive television service. The vital words in the statement are some of the broad principles under which commercial television might operate. This statement is not laying clown at the present moment—in fact, the Government are not in a position to do so—exactly what the form will be. It has been made for the information of the House and the public, to enable them to begin to crystallise their minds in the light of further information. The last thing I want to say is, "Do not have a debate," but I should like the noble and learned Earl, Lord Jowitt, the noble Viscount, Lord Samuel, and other noble Lords in the House to think the matter over further. If they still feel that they wish to have a debate, of course the Government will not resist that request.

EARL JOWITT

I am most grateful to the noble Marquess the Leader of the House. Of course, anything he says will be considered. I will take the opportunity of discussing this matter with the noble Viscount, Lord Samuel, the noble Earl, Lord Halifax, and other noble Lords who may be interested. Off-hand, my opinion is that it would be useful to have a debate—useful, I think, not only to us but to Her Majesty's Government, because we may be able to present objections to this scheme which are so fundamental that they ought to be in the mind of the Government when they come to draw up their scheme. I am quite certain that it is desirable—at least I think it may be desirable—to have a debate before opinions have crystallised, as they will do if the scheme is set out in a White Paper. Although I will certainly accept the noble Marquess's suggestion of thinking over the matter again, at the present moment my opinion is that it would be useful to everybody to have a debate at an early date.

VISCOUNT SAMUEL

May I add that the noble Marquess who leads the House always rides the House on such a light rein that when he indicates what he wants one would not desire to run counter to it; but I concur with the noble and learned Earl who has just spoken that we should, of course, consult together on this point before the House decides whether or not there should be a debate. Indeed, I should not have joined in asking for the debate had it not been for the fact that the Government did not limit themselves to saying that they were going to present a White Paper, but laid down five principles. I felt that it might be assumed, if the House said nothing, that it agreed to those five principles and thought that, so long as they were observed, all would be well. That fact must be taken into consideration, as well as the matters to which the noble Marquess has referred.