THE BRITISH WEST INDIES

HL Deb 01 July 1953 vol 183 cc33-64

2.36 p.m.

THE EARL OF MANSFIELD rose to ask Her Majesty's Government, whether they are aware that the serious position in which the various islands of the British West Indies now find themselves, cannot be immediately relieved by the admittedly desirable inauguration of the British Caribbean Federation; whether it is realised that, if any improvement is to be forthcoming within a reasonable period, direct financial assistance by way of outright grants, especially in the case of Jamaica, will still be required, in addition to any loans that may be provided by the International Bank; and to move for Papers. The noble Earl said: My Lords, in initiating this debate I think it would be as well for me to make clear from the beginning that it is not intended to consider the merits of the proposed Caribbean Federation, because I am starting on the assumption that that Federation is essentially a desirable thing, and that it is something which has already received almost universal approbation in those of the West Indies Colonies which have already accepted it, and of responsible opinion in this country. Such remarks as I have to make about federation, therefore, will be incidental to the rest of the subject.

Now we have to face the fact that we have in the West Indies to-day, and have had for a long time past, a most unsatisfactory situation which is gradually becoming worse, a situation due to the fact that we have, in practically every island, a very large population with natural resources either insufficient to provide decent living for a considerable proportion of that population or else which have not, for various reasons, been yet fully developed, while at the same time there has been an amount of mis-development in the past which has resulted in a great deal of erosion and consequent loss of invaluable agricultural land.

Your Lordships will notice that I mention Jamaica especially. I do so for three reasons: first, because it is the one island of which I can speak with some personal knowledge; secondly, because it is by far the largest, and its problems are therefore easily the most weighty; and thirdly, because as the result of the initiative of the present Governor, Sir Hugh Foot, there already exists what I might describe as a blueprint in the Report called The Economic Development of Jamaica, produced by a Committee of the International Bank for Reconstruction and Development, who last year at the Governor's invitation made an exhaustive survey of the position of Jamaica. It is not my intention to inflict on your Lordships to-day more figures or more quotations than I can possibly help, but the line of thought to which I should like this debate to be directed can be canalised by one short quotation from the introduction of this Report. Alluding, of course, only to Jamaica, it runs as follows Another reason why prod lotion must increase much more rapidly than population is that the percentage of unemployed must be reduced if Jamaica is lo develop a stable economic and political system. If Jamaica could afford to maintain the existing proportion of unemployment to the total labour force … then employment opportunities would have to be found in the next decade for only 100,000 to 110,000 people. If, on the other hand, the percentage of unemployed is reduced to 5 per cent., jobs would have to be created for, perhaps, 180,000 to 210,000 people. This would involve a total increase in employment of about 45 per cent. Mutatis mutandis, the same argument would apply in greater or less degree to all the other islands—or to practically all the other islands—of the Caribbean.

Now it can be seen to be a very serious position that in order that the whole of the population of Jamaica should enjoy decent living conditions, employment would have to be increased by no less than 45 per cent. It is difficult to estimate exactly how much unemployment exists as there are no very reliable figures, but there is certainly a great deal of unemployment and, probably, even more under-employment. The result is that there is little money for any form of improved social services and that a great many of the people are living in conditions of malnutrition if not, in a certain number of cases, of semi-starvation. That can be proved from the fact that there exists in Jamaica at certain seasons of the year an ailment known as vomiting sickness. This attacks nearly always, though not invariably, young children, and nearly always proves fatal; and it is noticeable that seldom, if ever, are children affected by this ailment other than those who come from the poorest homes and who live under the worst conditions. The actual causes of the disease are still obscure, but there seems a reasonable amount of probability that it is caused by the toxic effects of the juices of certain yams and other ground provisions which the inhabitants consume; at certain seasons of the year apparently the toxicity must be higher than at other seasons. But the fact that it is only the very poor that appear to suffer from this disease is proof of the amount of under-nourishment that exists.

It may be asked, what about the Colonial Development Corporation? Let me say at once that I am in entire sympathy with the aims and objects of that body, and it is most unfortunate that a great deal of misapprehension and prejudice has been raised against the whole question of Colonial development by the ill-conceived and worse carried out groundnuts scheme. Had the thirty-odd million of pounds which were poured down the drain in that scheme been applied to the West Indies, conditions today would already be much better than they are. While approving of the objects of the Colonial Development Corporation, I would stress that even now that Corporation act rashly in some of their projects. I do not blame them for the failure of some of these. To take one instance: it is mentioned in the recently published Report and Accountsfor 1952 that the Sittee cocoa project in British Honduras had been started to find out whether it was possible to start a cocoa industry in that part of the Caribbean. The attempt failed, but I do not think anybody is to be blamed. It was a laudable effort and one whose repetition in other places should be encouraged, even at the risk of failure. But in that same Colony there is also the British Honduras Fruit Company, which failed with considerably greater loss. On page 58 of this Report it is said: This is now seen to have been a losing struggle from the outset and in fact one which should never have been attempted. I think it is all too obvious that in many cases the Corporation have not taken or have not heeded expert local advice. A great deal of money has been wasted unnecessarily and a great deal of prejudice has been raised unnecessarily against such projects. The Colonial Development Corporation is not the body which should undertake a considerable number of these schemes. It is essential that there should be a wider outlook than can possibly be obtained through that body.

In the Report The Economic Development of Jamaica, to which I have already alluded, the international Committee which investigated the island and its conditions brought forward certain pro-proposals. There was a ten-year plan for Jamaica involving the expenditure of approximately £34,500,000. Though a modified scheme of just under £28 million was also produced, the Committee hoped it would be possible to proceed with the larger scheme. I think it would be worth while to run briefly through the headings on which it was proposed to spend this sum because, although the Report applies solely to Jamaica, its general aspect would be reflected in most of the other Colonies. The first and greatest, of course, is the question of agricultural development, on which £9 million was proposed to be spent. There is no doubt that in most of the Colonies there exists a considerable amount of land which could be brought into cultivation, sometimes at considerable expense: the exception possibly would be Barbados, which, with its extremely dense population of some 1,400 to the square mile, has already cultivated practically every acre that could be cultivated. The Report envisages that the best future for Jamaica lies in the development of agriculture. From my own limited experience—and everyone speaking about Jamaica is bound to do so with trepidation in the presence of the noble Lord, Lord Milverton—I agree with that and disagree with those who think that the Caribbean can benefit to a large extent by intensive industrialisation.

The next heading is "Railways," but that applies only to Jamaica and Trinidad. Then come "harbours and airports." Airports are going to be very important, especially where the future of the smaller islands are concerned. Transport conditions throughout the whole of the Caribbean are very bad indeed. It is extremely difficult—indeed, virtually impossible—to get from one island to another except by air, and even the air services are highly infrequent. Many of the islands have landing grounds which involve considerable risk, even in the finest weather, and on which no aeroplane of any great size can land. Transport is necessary, in view of the growing importance in the Caribbean of the tourist trade. That has probably been carried to its maximum development in the Bahamas, on which I am not really speaking to-day; but it is also increasing in importance in Jamaica, and it could have a considerable part to play in the development and prosperity of the other islands. It is no good building hotels—which are at present chiefly conspicuous by their absence—if there is going to be no way to get the tourists there. Most of the visitors come from the United States of America, but a good many come from various South American countries. Unless and until we get considerable development of landing grounds and decently equipped aerodromes in these islands, the tourist trade there is bound to lag behind what it should be.

Land survey is most important, because the natural resources of most of the islands have never been fully explored. If your Lordships look at any handbook on Jamaica published up to a few years ago, you will see it stated that the island has no natural mineral resources of importance. To-day, of course, there is a large and still growing bauxite industry there, which is bringing a large revenue to the country and will play an increasingly important part for many years to come. There is no doubt that there are mineral resources throughout various of the territories, and there is, at least, a suspicion that in some of them there may be oil. If oil were found that would revolutionise their financial position, but it would still not go very far towards solving the question of unemployment. Even the bauxite industry in Jamaica, important as it is, does not afford a great amount of extra employment, although what it does produce is welcome and useful. The question of sugar factories is one into which I will not go now, as it is a purely Jamaican matter.

Then there is the question of rural housing and of water supplies. These are most important. Housing conditions throughout the Caribbean are, on the whole, lamentable—they might be described as shocking. We can never hope to get a really improved standard of living until a great deal has been done in that direction; but there is no money to carry out adequate improvements at the present time. Water supplies, again, are a major problem, because, heavy as is the rainfall in various of the islands, their geophysical nature is such that the water usually either runs off or percolates shortly after falling. The result is, for example, that in Jamaica—and this may surprise some of your Lordships—with its 4,400 square miles of territory, there exists only one natural lake or loch. The soil of the island being mainly on a porous limestone rock, the water goes straight through it as it falls to the ground, and there are, therefore, no natural lakes, but only ponds and other small sheets of water which have been created as dew-ponds or small reservoirs properly puddled or cemented.

The problem of urban housing is probably more serious than that of rural housing, owing to congestion, and the fact that in so many towns the houses are not accompanied by the small pieces of ground on which the country dweller is able to grow at least a certain amount of hi; provisions. Education, which is put down as one of the largest items, is, of course, very important, although, to my reactionary mind, not so important as the provision of food and decent housing conditions. Health is also put down as involving a large sum. That, unfortunately, is another distinctly black spot. When I tell your Lordships that until recently, in a well run public hospital in Jamaica, there were three patients occupying every bed, you will see how serious is the health position Roughly, those are the headings which, as I say, apply in greater or lesser degree to the other islands as well.

It is new necessary to consider what is to be done in the future to relieve this chronic unemployment, malnutrition and lack of social services. For myself, I can see no alternative, if there is to be a decent future for the people of these islands, than the continuance of large-scale grants from this country over a long period of time—some of it by loan, preferably interest-free, but a great deal of it by way of outright gift, because for some considerable time there can be no expectation that any of these remedial measures will produce a revenue which will be sufficient to provide a sinking fund for the repayment of loans, and it might, indeed, prove insufficient even for the provision of interest. Furthermore, it would be most unfortunate if the new Caribbean Federation were to start off under the necessity of borrowing, either as an entity or on behalf of its individual members, large sums of money, as this would inevitably be a millstone round the neck of the Governments concerned, and would undoubtedly delay their advance.

Having thus posed the problem, I propose to put forward briefly what I conceive to be—I will not say the solution, but at least the most promising way of tackling it. I would suggest that Her Majesty's Government should make up their mind to spend, during the next twenty or twenty-five years, say, a sum which I will call provisionally £100 million. That sum should be divided up into a series of five-yearly budgets, of approximately equal dimensions—I think it would be a great mistake to try to work on a yearly budget, because it will be difficult to see how long many of the schemes will take to be initiated or completed. Then, I think, this fund should be administered by a specially created body. It may be asked why that body should not be the new Federal Government. My reply is, first, that the money is to be provided by the British taxpayer, and the British taxpayer, through his representatives, should therefore control, to a large extent, the application of that money.

Secondly, one has to admit that it may be difficult for the new Federation to resist the pressure politics that will undoubtedly arise if all this money were put at its disposal. It might well be that some of the smaller units would not get their fair share. One of the factors which for some years will make the operation of both the Federal Government of the Caribbean and all its individual units somewhat difficult is the fact that in Jamaica there has not yet arisen a sufficiently numerous body of public men of the right stamp. Unfortunately, there, as elsewhere, the introduction of democracy has been accompanied by the rise of the demagogue, and unless and until a larger number of really responsible people are prepared to take up public work and stand for their various legislatures, and are able to persuade the electors to return them, and to reject the specious inducements dangled before them by the demagogue, it will not be a very satisfactory medium to which to distribute large quantities of money without control from this country.

THE PARLIAMENTARY UNDER-SECRETARY OF STATE FOR THE COLONIES (THE EARL OF MUNSTER)

May I interrupt the noble Earl for one moment? He mentioned the figure of £100 million. Is he suggesting that the whole of that sum should be spent in Jamaica, or that it should be put at the disposal of a Federal Government which is not yet in being to spend over the Islands generally?

THE EARL OF MANSFIELD

Neither. The sum of £100 million, which is purely a token sum—I cannot conceive of its being less: it might well be more—would be placed at the disposal of a new body to be set up on which there would be representatives of the Federal Government and which would consult the individual members of the Federation. But any sum suggested would be for the benefit of the whole area, and not for Jamaica alone.

The first step to be taken after the setting up of such a body would not he to appoint a Commission to inquire into the position of the various islands—that position is quite well known already—but to find out from the Government or responsible officials in each island what they consider would be the minimum desirable and the maximum possible programme of development within, say, the next ten or twenty years. Then an allocation would have to be made, in order of priorities, to each area for that purpose. Admittedly, it is going to be very difficult. Admittedly, each island or territory would lay claim to a much larger share than it could hope to receive. An independent body would be required to control the funds, in order to ensure that, on the one hand, there was fair shares in the allocation and, on the other, to see fair play for the taxpayer producing the money, which must not be wasted or spent in projects which, although they might be useful from a short term point of view, would not bring any lasting benefits. At the same time, I think it is essential that the not unnatural reluctance of British Guiana and British Honduras should be overcome, so that at least a steady trickle of migration from the over-crowded Caribbean Islands to those mainland territories should begin.

As I have said, I do not wish to weary your Lordships with more figures than are necessary, but the importance of immigration will be realised from the fact that the density of population to the square mile in Jamaica, for example, is probably round about 320; in Trinidad rather more; in Granada over 600; Barbados, 1,300,and that only in one island is it under 200 per square miles; whereas in the 8,600 square miles of British Honduras the density is only a little over 7 people per square mile, and in the 83,000 square miles of British Guiana not much more than 5. There exists, particularly in British Guiana, a large amount of ground which is capable, at no very considerable expense, of being brought into first-class production. Up to now, the two mainland territories have been afraid that a stream of immigration would swamp the existing population and add to their own unemployment troubles. There ought not to be unemployment troubles there at all—they are due only to the fact that development has not been along the best lines. But if there is to be any proper future for the Caribbean Islands, some outlet for this enormous surplus of population will have to be found; and it is hard to think of any other outlet than those mainland territories.

I read recently that an American scientist has said he expected the population of the world to double in seventy years. That of Jamaica has increased two and a half times in the last sixty years, and it has to be realised that the benefits of improved social services and medical and health conditions, which will reduce infant and maternal mortality, will intensify this problem of over-population. I was speaking recently to a delegate from ore of the smaller islands who was here for the Coronation. I asked him, "What, in your opinion, is going to be the remedy, in the case of your own island, for your admitted unemployment and over-population?" He said, "We must emigrate or explode"; and there can be no doubt that unless some form of outlet is found for at least a proportion of the annual increase, that explosion is bound to come—and not many years hence. A friend of mine who knows as much about agriculture in the Caribbean as any man alive recently expressed the view that, given the proper development, Jamaica could carry comfortably a population approaching twice its present volume. Although he knows far more about the subject than I do, look upon that as a rather optimistic view. But even taking it at its face value, when that doubling of the population has been achieved, within a generation we shill be faced with the fact that the whole of the natural resources have been used up, so that this explosion will again be an imminent menace. Therefore, from both directions, from the point of view of emigration and from the point of view of the development of the territories themselves, I submit to your Lordships that it is absolutely vital that some early step should be taken to have a long-term plan which will put off, at least for a generation or more, the very serious danger in which the whole Caribbean area finds itself to-day.

I have spoken long enough, and I will conclude with a couple of obiter dicta. The first is that it must not be assumed from what I have said that I regard this as being entirely a one-sited problem. The islands themselves and their population must deserve and earn what I propose they should have. We have to persuade a considerable number of people in that region that they have to work rather harder than they are inclined to do. The climate is certainly one which induces a disinclination for hard work, and it has further to be borne in mind, as I have said already, that a large proportion of people are already suffering from malnutrition and must not be blamed for the fact that they do not show the same enthusiasm for bard manual labour as one would like. At the same time, the islands and their people must show themselves worthy and competent before this country can agree to continue to pour out the large amounts of money which are necessary.

Lastly, there is one point about Jamaica which is very important; that is, the question of racial relations. There, once and for all, the fallacy is being destroyed that it is impossible for black and white, and colours in between, to live peaceably together. There is virtually no colour bar in Jamaica. I myself, I am glad to say, have there friends of every shade of colour, from the purest African downwards. That absence of the colour bar shows that, given good will on both sides, and given the fact that there is complete racial political equality, there is no reason whatever why a colour bar should exist in any country. I am not, of course, suggesting that complete racial equality is possible, or desirable, everywhere for a long time to come: but I do say that it proves without a doubt that these people of African and European origin, to say nothing of Asians can, given the proper conditions, live together in peace and friendship. I wholeheartedly recommend consideration of these racial conditions in Jamaica to those who seem to think it impossible for black and white to live together as friends. Most particularly do I recommend it for the consideration of one Daniel Malan. My Lords, I beg to move for Papers.

3.11 p.m.

THE EARL OF LISTOWEL

My Lords, I agree with the noble Earl, Lord Mansfield, and I think your Lordships will all agree, that this is not an occasion for a debate on the case for federation of British territories in the Caribbean. There are two good reasons for this. The noble Earl's Motion is rather narrowly drafted: it is concerned only with one aspect of the federation problem and with some of the economic and financial implications of this step. Moreover—this is a second reason—the Government seem, happily, to realise that the White Paper recording the decisions of the April Conference on Federation is just as unintelligible, in its present form, as a glaring example of legislation by reference. They therefore intend—and we are grateful to them for this intention—to publish another paper setting out the Federal plan proposed in the S.C.A. Committee's Report, as well as the amendments to this plan agreed on at the London Conference. On behalf of the Opposition in your Lordships' House, I may say that we hope the Government will find time for a debate on this important constitutional advance in the West Indies as soon as the document in question has been publisher and your Lordships have had time to digest its contents. It is interesting to recall that the noble Earl, Lord Halifax, in a report which he made in the 1920's after a tour of the West Indies, spoke of support for federation. Moreover, I am sure that there are a number of your Lordships with experience of the West Indies who would wish to take part in such a debate.

With regard to the recent Conference in London I would say just this: that I am sure we are all delighted that the representatives of the West Indian territories were able to agree about the broad outlines of the federal plan. We should also wish to pay our tribute to their statesmanship and wisdom in not allowing differences of opinion between the territories to wreck agreement about this important step forward. Everyone hopes that federation, if approved by the Territorial Legislatures, will lead in due course to the establishment of a new self-governing member of our Commonwealth in the Caribbean. The noble Earl, Lord Mansfield, said that the poverty of the West Indian Islands will not be relieved by federation, and he went on to suggest other remedies.

THE EARL OF MANSFIELD

Not directly relieved.

THE EARL OF LISTOWEL

I accept what the noble Earl says: that federation will not directly relieve poverty, and that other measures, which he went on to mention, are desirable. I think we shall all agree with the proposition that political federation will not, in fact, alleviate the poverty of the Caribbean area. I do not think that anyone expects federation to perform anything in the nature of an economic miracle. It is common knowledge, as the noble Earl emphasised, that the main cause of poverty in the West Indies is the pressure of a rapidly-growing population on very limited resources; and no constitutional change, however desirable in itself, will affect the causes of that unfortunate rapid increase in the local population. Nor, indeed, will it stimulate production of those foods and minerals on which the prosperity of the territories depend. On the other hand, there is little reason to doubt the view expressed in the S.C.A.C.'s Report, that federation offers more favourable political conditions than those at present obtaining in the West Indies for economic progress and stability. I am glad to note that the noble Earl agrees with the Report in that important expression of opinion. It would also help the area to become more self-reliant, and to depend less and less, as time goes on, on financial assistance from the United Kingdom.

The second part of the Motion deals with the continuing need of the West Indian territories after federation, if federation is adopted, for financial support from the United Kingdom during the early years of the new constitutional set-up. The noble Earl talked particularly about Jamaica, though I am sure he will agree that there are many other territories which are even more poverty-stricken and more afflicted by underemployment and the low development of social services than the island of Jamaica, and that they will require financial support more urgently than Jamaica. I think everyone will agree with the noble Earl that such support, in one way or another, will be indispensable at least for, a time. I believe that this fact as fully recognised by Her Majesty's Government. I was very glad to note the assurance given by the Secretary of State for Colonial Affairs on this subject at the April Conference and recorded in the White Paper.

There are, of course, two ways in which money from this country will continue to be raised for the benefit of the West Indies and spent there. They will still receive a share of any fund made available by Parliament for development and welfare in the Colonies. May I express the hope that Her Majesty's Government, in dispensing this fund in the future, will not reduce the amounts from the Colonial Development and Welfare Fund? It would be nice to think that the amounts will be increased, but the anxiety of many of us is that a cut may be made for the sake of economy. We have just been informed that legislation will be introduced next year to extend the Fund for a further period beyond 1956, but we do not know what the new level of expenditure will be. I am sure that any reduction in the general level would be a false economy. The West Indies would be particularly hard hit, because of the poverty and backwardness of many of the islands, to which the noble Earl alluded, and of which many of your Lordships with experience of the islands will be aware. I very much hope that the Government will bear this consideration in mind before they decide about the terms of the Bill, and particularly about its financial proposals.

The second way in which we can continue to spend the British taxpayer's money in the West Indies is by grants to cover the deficits of the poorest territories. I was glad to see that the Government have agreed to continue their Treasury grants during the first ten years after federation. There is nothing to preclude, in addition to the giving of these monies, any special Payments to meet emergencies, such as the hurricane which struck Jamaica a short while ago, and other emergencies of this kind, which are always possible in the hurricane season in the West Indies.

It is particularly satisfactory, I feel, that future grants from the Treasury will take the form of a block grant to the Federal Government, and not, as at present, of a payment to the Government of a particular territory that fails to balance its expenditure. This will put an end to the system of Treasury control, which is heartily disliked in the Colonies. At a meeting of the Governors of the West Indian territories which I attended in 1949, there was unanimous agreement of all the territories there represented that a block grant to the central Government, if federation was established, would be greatly preferable to the present method of annual grants by the Treasury to territories in deficit.

There are two reasons for this new technique. The external control of the United Kingdom Government, through the Treasury, had been sharply criticised, particularly by the (officials of these territories; and, moreover, it tended to deprive the territories of the financial incentive required to increase their production and balance their budgets. I feel that it is extremely satisfactory that these proposals in the White Paper for direct financial assistance during the interim period after federation have been approved by the representatives of the West Indian territories. It is far more important that they should approve those proposals than that we should. I cannot help thinking that, if our offer had been thought to be in any way mean or stingy, these West Indian representatives would certainly have said so—and said so loudly; it would have been reported in the Press in the West Indies to that effect. Therefore, I cannot altogether agree with the noble Earl, Lord Mansfield, that we ought to make available a very much larger sum of money. I think he mentioned a fund of £100 million. Surely, this is far too large a sum to be within the bounds of practical politics when the whole of our Colonial development and welfare is at the rate of £12 million a year. That is why, of the whole of the Colonies, we cannot single out the West Indies for help on that scale. It would be unfair to the British taxpayer. I do not wish to take any words from the mouth of the noble Earl, Lord Munster, and he will forgive me if I have anticipated what may be part of his reply to the comments of the noble Earl opposite.

I believe that the grants we shall make from this country to the Federal Government in the West Indies will do much more good than the grants which are made to the territorial Governments there, because they will be free, in the eyes of the local inhabitants, from the taint of Treasury control. I am very glad that the Government have decided to make this new arrangement, from the technical point of view, in the administration of British funds in the West Indies. That is all I have to say on the subject, except to emphasise that we should be glad if the Government would consider providing time at an early date for a general debate on federation in the West Indies.

3.24 p.m.

LORD MILVERTON

My Lords, in rising to make a brief contribution to this debate, I should like to begin by a slight reference to the wording of the Motion and the almost provocative irrelevance, if I may use those words, of the two words "admittedly desirable" in the first half. It reads: To ask Her Majesty's Government whether they are aware that the serious position in which the various islands of the British West Indies now find themselves, cannot be relieved by the admittedly desirable inauguration of the British Caribbean Federation.

THE EARL OF MANSFIELD

May I interrupt the noble Lord: he has left out the word "immediately."

LORD MILVERTON

I am sorry I left out that word, but, in any case, my comment would not be varied by "immediately relieved," because I take it that this debate is not intended to consider the merits or demerits of federation. Whether federation is desirable or not would be an issue which would only cloud the financial question on which we are endavouring to concentrate. I, personally, am in favour, in principle, of federation, but I am very conscious of the difficulties that it will have to face. I should imagine that the reply to Her Majesty's Government to this question would be a simple affirmative. So far as I know, federation has never been put forward by anybody as a cure-all for the economic difficulties of many of the West Indian territories, and I think the most that can be expected of it at the beginning is to create a climate of co-operation, and to foster the growth of inter-island trade which at the present moment amounts to little more than 5 per cent. of the foreign trade of the British West Indies. In any case, a total population of 3½ million and a generally low income level is not a very promising prospective market, until you have improved the local standards of production and, thereby, the incomes of the population. Perhaps one of the greatest advantages of federation will be to enable the British West Indies to speak with a louder and more independent voice when economic questions arise in which they are concerned. However, I do not want to be led astray into discussing the merits or otherwise of federation.

To pass to the second question which has been asked in this Motion, it reads: whether it is realised that, if any improvement is to be forthcoming within a reasonable period, direct financial assistance by way of outright grants, especially in the case of Jamaica, will still be required, in addition to any loans that may be provided by the International Bank. I want to make a few brief comments on the need for such financial assistance, and the far greater need for getting financial assistance into its proper administrative perspective. I was rather shocked at the suggestion of the noble Earl who moved this Motion that so large a sum as £100 million should be made available and, apparently, that some outside body should have the controlling of its administration because of the difficulty of finding locally men of adequate capacity to manage it. I suggest, as an administrator, that if any permanent good is to be done to Jamaica or to any other of the islands, it must be done through the people of that territory and by them, and all assistance that we can give to be effective must be directed to that main aim. In relation to Jamaica, I do not feel so pessimistic about the existence in that island of an adequate amount of local ability to deal with any of the proposals for amelioration of conditions there.

The recent Mission of the International Bank for Reconstruction and Development issued an extremely valuable Report, to which the noble Earl referred. It gave the greatest emphasis of all to various aspects of the question of improving the productive capacity of Jamaica. It dealt with soil conservation and rehabilitation, afforestation and pasture development, irrigation and land reclamation, rural housing and water supplies, and especially the utilisation of underground water supplies. It dealt with all those subjects and it went into the question of marketing. Finally, having reviewed all the needs of the island in this way in a most able manner, it said that in regard to any help given to Jamaica there was a great need to have, if possible, a single agency in control. I would venture to agree with that, because "too many cooks spoil the broth" in administration as in everything else, and all of these things—which there is no time to go into now—require to be integrated if a single scheme for the amelioration of a people's condition is to be successful.

One of the points to be remembered and which should stop us from lightly spending or suggesting the expenditure of too much money, is the question of whether or not it is possible to achieve a great increase in the industries in Jamaica. One has to consider the high transport costs, the high capital costs, the lack of necessary skill, the fact that when related to productive capacity the labour costs are distinctly high, and that there is grave need for education of labour in responsibility. The tourist industry has been mentioned. When I was in Jamaica recently, I heard a person, eminently qualified to speak, say that while it was at present worth £4 million a year, it could, in ten years, by enterprising development, easily be increased to £20 million. Social services are also of the greatest importance, because if you want to increase the productivity of the people in Jamaica you must give them education of the right sort. The matter was summed up in a few words by the Mission, when they said: Conditions conducive to economic and political progress can be achieved, in a democratic system, only if the franchise is exercised by an informed citizenry, whose members realise from experience that their own economic well-being, as individuals, is linked with the prosperity of their country. The scheme which the Mission outlined is surely big enough and ambitious enough for Jamaica. Summing it up, it involves borrowing about £22 million, which would mean a substantial addition to the gross public debt which now stands at about £14 million. But even a public debt of £36 million would represent only 24 per cent. of the national income anticipated by 1962 under the programme which this Mission put forward. They were a very competent body of men, and they said they anticipated no difficulty in servicing such a loan. They estimated that between £6 million and £8 million could be obtained in Jamaica by local borrowing, and that these amounts would be supplemented by private investment. They mentioned that on their calculations the net output to-day of goods and services, and so forth, in Jamaica, was about £85 million, and they estimated that under their plan it would rise to £150 million in 1962.

They dealt then with the amount of unemployment in Jamaica, and with the point that within the next ten years covered by that plan 100,000 to 120,000 extra people would have to be found work. If the proportion of unemployed is to be reduced from its present level of 18 to 20 per cent. to 5 per cent., it means that 180,000 or 210.000 people have to be found work. The only other hope is that of emigration or a limitation of population growth. The hopes of emigration have been diminished by the fact that the two mainland territories, British Honduras and British Guiana, have refused to join the Federation, and they are the territories where there is plenty of spare land. The Mission emphasised that vocational and technical education are extremely important, and that it would be useless without sufficient enterprise, energy and capacity for organisation and co-operation locally, to attempt any of these improvements. After all, confidence can be created and maintained only if the people of Jamaica show a determination to lift themselves by their own efforts, and everything that we can do should be directed to helping them in that direction.

I do not think any permanent improvement in conditions there could be obtained purely by the application of finance. There are far more important things than finance. Jamaica can support its population in conditions of economic and political stability only if a far-sighted, imaginative programme is vigorously presented and is understood, supported willingly and managed by the people of Jamaica. Whatever one is tempted to say about industry, the wealth of Jamaica lies in its soil. Apart from the beauty of the land and its equable climate, it has some of the most wonderful soil in the world, and in spite of the almost reckless way in which that land has been abused for many generations now and the spread of soil erosion, it is still not too late to deal with these conditions. But the only people who can deal with them are the Jamaicans themselves. We can provide or help them to obtain the education, we can help them with necessary financial aid, but the actual work of salvation must be their own.

Reference has been made to assistance under the Colonial Development and Welfare Fund. Very rightly and reasonably, the Mission assumed that assistance at the present level would be continued over the next ten years, and in the estimates which they have given in their Report they have reckoned that over these ten years Jamaica will receive about £5 million in Colonial development and welfare funds—nothing like the suggested sum of £100 million and I suggest that £5 million will probably be quite adequate for that purpose. Presumably we desire neither to bribe nor to pauperise the people of Jamaica or of the other islands, but to help them to acquire the skill, the knowledge, and the determination bred of knowledge, to help themselves.

I should like to say one final word in relation to the attitude of Her Majesty's Government. Leaving aside any ideas of grandiose financial aid, the application of sympathetic consideration to some of the circumstances of Jamaica might be of great value. We had a debate last year in this House on the Pioneer Industry Act in Jamaica and the nullification of its effects in relation to British companies by the action of the British Treasury. All the benefits which were offered by the Jamaican Government to those pioneer industries in Jamaica were neutralised by the fact that any company whose headquarters were in England and who benefited by this encouragement from the Jamaica Government had merely to pay so much more to the British Treasury in income tax and were allowed so much less set-off against it. I suggest that by remedying such ills as those Her Majesty's Government could show practical sympathy to these Colonies in their desire to help themselves in the encouragement of new industries. Apart from that, we all want to see that Jamaica and the other Colonies receive all the reasonable assistance that can be given to them to help them attain a higher standard of production, and, thereby, a better standard of living.

3.40 p.m.

THE EARL OF AIRLIE

My Lords, I hope that I am not one who, because he has visited a country once or twice, thinks he can constitute himself an authority upon the place. When I find myself in the company of such distinguished people as the noble Lord who has just been speaking and who, as your Lordships know, governed the island of Jamaica with the greatest distinction for five years, naturally I speak with the greatest humility. I can speak of Jamaica only because I have connections there in relation to sugar interests. I sit on the board of a company which owns sugar plantations there, and I have paid several visits to the island—the last one during last winter. I was able to stay on our sugar plantation for about five weeks, and to get a slightly closer picture of local conditions, such as they are, than I had had formerly. I am bound to admit that they are not good, and that they constitute a serious problem.

The problems are well known. Your Lordships have had them reiterated many times, and they cannot be reiterated too often. The island of Jamaica, is your Lordships know, works under a system of seasonal employment. There are the difficulties, of which you have heard, of over-population, poor housing and malnutrition, especially so far as the children are concerned. In dealing with the question of over-population, I would not propose that you should necessarily try to force birth control on the people; you just cannot do that. But there are long-term policies which could help to mitigate these evils. In this connection, one thinks of improved social services, and, above all, of the provision of electric light. I do not wish to go into crude details, but it is obvious that if you have a lot of dark houses, with nothing very much for anyone to do outside them, the natural tendency is to go inside; and the natural result is children. I hope that I may be forgiven for putting it that way. That is one of the problems; and like the other problems it is one which cannot be dealt with by ignoring it. Several suggestions have been made by the noble Earl, Lord Mansfield, in the course of his speech. Whether they are constructive or not, I am not sufficiently cognisant of all the facts to know. But at any rate they are suggestions, and we want all the suggestions we can get if we are going to deal with this very knotty problem.

Last winter, when I was in Jamaica, I ran into an American friend whom I have known for a long time. We are very close friends, and we do not mind saying things to each other, about each other and about our respective countries. We like each other very much, and, therefore, if we speak with frankness about our respective countries we do not part afterwards with "squibs" in our hearts. My American friend said, "I hope that your good country,"—yes, he said "your good country"—"is not going to run away from this problem, as perhaps you have done in the case of other problems in the past." I am afraid that that comment rang a bell in my heart, and I must admit that I thought over what he had said very seriously and at length. I believe it is possible that the Americans might be prepared to help us, for the very reason that Jamaica occupies a very important place in the defensive scheme of the free world.

In my humble opinion, too much stress is being laid out there on tourism. There is a rebate in taxation for hotels in order to encourage tourists. Now tourism is a very healthy thing in its own way, but I think it would be very mach healthier to help develop agriculture and undeveloped land which we know is there, and to assist in places where I know the Government are already trying to help in the production of rice—which is a crop produced out of the season when sugar is produced. Tourism—and one says this with the best will in the world—is apt to raise the cost of living, more especially when the spenders who visit the West Indies have the dollar, and the rate of exchange is in their favour. I should prefer to see the money spent on the production of food which, after all, is the vital key commodity in the world today. The world is going to starve unless steps are taken to increase the production of food. We have to do all we can to stimulate the production of food every- where. I believe that it is within the bounds of possibility that something could be done in the West Indies in the matter of increasing the numbers of cattle. Cattle could, I think, be produced on some of these islands, and with the utilisation of refrigeration by air the supply to other countries of beef—which is so badly needed at the present time—could be increased.

I am going to suggest that we ought to ask ourselves this question. Are we in this country searching our consciences a little more closely on these matters? Take the matter of the Kikuyu, or that of the Mau Mau. Could some of those troubles have been avoided if we had dealt with the problems earlier? I do not know. Maybe I am wrong, but I have the feeling that we do not face up to these things in time. Could we even have avoided the loss of India or Southern Ireland? Again I say, I do not know. But I think we have a habit of running away from things and then finding that it is too late. And are we (this is a subject which is very near my heart and it is one which presents us with a very imminent problem) running dangerously near to ignoring the Scottish problem? All these things have the same root. I ask again, Are we ignoring difficulties until it is too late?

3.47 p.m.

VISCOUNT BRIDGEMAN

My Lords, I hope the House will forgive me if I do not follow the speeches of those noble Lords who have already spoken, and who have dealt with this subject on broad lines, because I am rising to deal only with one much smaller point—namely, the effect of taxation on investment in Jamaica. The noble Earl, Lord Listowel—he is not in the Chamber at the moment—mentioned that there were two ways of providing money for the West Indies. I am sure he would agree that there is a third way, and in fact the traditional way—that of private investment. The more private investment goes into that or any other country overseas, the less the Exchequer will be troubled to find grants.

There is one point about private investment in this country on which, I think, the noble Lord. Lord Milverton, touched at the end of his remarks, and that is the incidence of United Kingdom taxation on investments made in the West Indies. In at least two countries of the West Indies, Trinidad and Jamaica, there are in operation tax arrangements whereby if an industry is considered by the Government to be essential to the country, or of some great value to the country, profits arising to that industry are not taxed for a certain number of years. That is all right, of course, if the money to invest in that industry is found from the territories themselves, but if it is desired that the City of London, or some such place, should participate in the investment in the West Indies, then immediately the whole of these arrangements, made in order to increase the productivity of that industry, are stultified because, under United Kingdom tax laws, tax is demanded from a company domiciled in this country, and has to be paid, irrespective of what the laws are in Jamaica or Trinidad. That is a point which has been brought to the notice of the Royal Commission on Taxation of Profits and Income in this country. I rather think it was brought to the notice of that Commission at the instance of the Chancellor of the Exchequer himself. Therefore, when the Finance Bill appeared in another place, it was a little disappointing to see that no reference was made to any steps to tackle this problem. My noble friend who is to reply knows that I do not expect him to give an answer to this point, but I hope he will bring it once again to the notice of his right honourable friend, and that we may take it that this important matter has not been lost but has "gone before."

3.50 p.m.

THE EARL OF MUNSTER

My Lords, I hope that in replying to the Motion of the noble Earl, Lord Mansfield, I shall not delay the House long, because there are two other important Motions on the Order Paper on which a number of noble Lords wish to speak. I hope the noble Earl will forgive me if I say that I thought his speech on the future of Jamaica was one of the most pessimistic utterances I have heard for a long time. The position is by no means so bad as he would lead your Lordships to believe. I shall endeavour to show what successive Governments have done over a period of years to assist the economy, not only of Jamaica, but of the other islands and mainland territories in the Caribbean area.

Obviously, the brief answer to the noble Lord's question is in the affirmative. So far as I am aware, no one has suggested that the formation of a West Indian Federation would automatically solve all the economic problems of the British territories throughout the Caribbean area, though I believe most of us are in agreement that this certainly would be a step in the right direction and in time must become of increasing value to these Colonies. I do not wish this afternoon to be drawn into referring in any way to the recent Federal Conference in London. A White Paper containing a scheme will be published simultaneously in this country and in the West Indies, and if any debate is desired after the publication of that document, it can be arranged through the usual channels.

The noble Earl was correct in his assumption that the economic conditions which prevail throughout the whole of the West Indies, including the mainland territories of British Guiana and British Honduras, have been a matter of concern to successive Governments in this country for many years past. I hope to show that much has been done to remedy and improve the position. Nevertheless, I am ready to agree that much remains to be done in the future. I think it is worth remembering that whatever development plans may be envisaged by any organisation, they almost all involve capital or recurrent expenditure. It is obvious that every new project requires capital expenditure and that some of the available resources have to be used to improve the conditions of the people generally within the area by schemes which will not show any immediate economic return. The major resources must be used for schemes which will result in greater and more efficient production. I think noble Lords on all sides will agree that that is one of the most important elements of the whole of this problem.

It is not the slightest use setting up new projects, however desirable and however necessary they may be, if they are going to cause merely an additional recurrent expenditure for the territories, which in many cases—I think I would be bold enough to say, in most cases—they could not possibly meet. It is true that immediately after the war revenue in practically all the territories was buoyant, but that phase is definitely passing, and there are heavy calls on all Governments for ordinary social purposes, which must necessarily limit the amount to be spared to finance any new capital projects. If we are endeavouring to form new schemes at a vast expenditure of money, it is important to remember that the recent Commonwealth Economic Conference placed strong emphasis on development projects which are likely to improve the balance of payments, and that, important factor has to be taken ink into account when we are planning any development whatsoever in the Colonial territories.

Let me now give the House some figures of all that has happened in recent years. Here I am in agreement with the noble Lord, Lord Milverton: I do not think it is wholly a question of money, but naturally he will agree with me that money is vital in getting some of these projects into operation. Since 1945 the West Indian Governments have borrowed £14 million on the London market. During the same period the Colonial Development and Welfare Fund has provided £23 million, arid the Colonial Development Corporation projects in the Caribbean area have cost some £7 million. There have been grants in aid of administration during the same period of £2 million, and to meet the burden of reconstruction after natural disasters Her Majesty's Government have given grants amounting to £4 million and loans of £1,500,000. In addition to all this, a considerable sum of money has been provided by private investment. I venture to think that this is no mean achievement.

In the course of his opening remarks, the noble Earl, Lord Mansfield, mentioned the Mission from the International Bank which visited Jamaica last year and drew up a plan for the future development of the island over a period of ten years. The noble Earl reminded your Lordships of much that was contained in that Report and therefore I need not refer to it again. The Mission suggested that the Government of Jamaica should spend £34 million on improvements and projects which were enumerated in their Report. Of that sum, £22,500,000 was to be borrowed, £16 million from overseas and the remainder internally. All the recommendations which were contained in the Mission's Report have been accepted by the Jamaican Government and borrowing began last year, when the Government of Jamaica raised a sum of £3,500,000 on the London market. In passing, I should like to remind the House again that the Colonial Secretary recently stated in another place—and I made a similar announcement in your Lordships' House—that Her Majesty's Government intend to continue the Colonial Development and Welfare Acts after their expiration in 1956. But, obviously, before I can give the House any indication of the sum of money which will be required in future years it is necessary that we first receive the replies from Colonial Governments to the inquiries that we have made.

Undoubtedly a system of grants will operate in the future, as in the past, although, unfortunately, there must always be a limit to the sum of money which can be provided by the people of this country. Sympathetic as I am towards the suggestion of the noble Earl that a sum of £100 million should be provided in a short period of time, I could not in any circumstances commit Her Majesty's Government, with all their other responsibilities and obligations, to accepting a figure of that nature. As the noble Earl well knows, there are only three ways in which sufficient funds can be obtained by any of the Governments in the Caribbean area. First, there is, obviously, borrowing on the open market, which includes the London market, as well as the International Bank; secondly, there are the contributions which will be received from local revenues; and thirdly, there are the grants which will be maintained under Colonial development and welfare. Here let me remind your Lordships that it was only last week that I informed the House, in reply to the noble Viscount, Lord Hall, that the expenditure under Colonial development and welfare had been running at the rate of £15 million a year and might well increase to a figure of £18 million before the final expiration of that Act.

I think it was agreed by noble Lords who have taken part in the discussion this afternoon that the economy of the West Indies must always remain primarily agricultural; and it was further agreed, I believe, that sugar is still the greatest single contributor to their wealth, although efforts must be made—and, in fact, have been made—to develop other export crops. Bananas and cocoa are now being grown in many of the territories out there, and great success has attended the production of rice in British Guiana. Throughout all these areas, and in Jamaica as well, there are many controlled land schemes which have been tried out, and assistance is given by the Government to farmers to improve their yields in all important crops. At the same time, instruction is given to the holders of those lands not only to maintain the fertility of their soil but also to endeavour, to the best of their advantage, on that expert advice, to deal with the difficulties caused by erosion. In regard to that matter, let me say at once to the noble Earl that the Farm Improvement Scheme in Jamaica, with which he must be familiar, immediately comes to one's mind. Further afield, in British Guiana, there are substantial forest reserves which are now being exploited on a sustained yield basis; and I have been informed that the export of timber from that country will considerably increase in the years that lie ahead and when the new firm comes into full production. At the same time, while British Guiana is the second largest producer of bauxite in the world, the output of bauxite in Jamaica may well rival that of British Guiana in a few years' time.

Over a period of some years, every encouragement has been given by the Governments in the Caribbean area, and by Her Majesty's Government at home, to develop secondary industries, provided that in the long run those industries prove to be of economic value and use. Encouragement has taken a variety of forms, and I need mention only three; that is, income tax relief, accelerated depreciation allowances and customs concessions. Here let me say at once that I will certainly convey to my right honourable friend the observations of the noble Viscount, Lord Bridgman, and the noble Lord, Lord Milverton, on the question of taxation. I hope that they will not ask me to commit myself on that matter at the present time.

What are these new industries which have been started, and which are now operating throughout these territories? There are cement, soap, margarine, beer, textiles, fruit-canning, matches and bottles. Those are the industries which immediately come to my mind, and they provide, not perhaps a tremendous source of employment but at least a source of some employment to the people in these territories. In Jamaica an Industrial Development Corporation has recently been set up, and an area of Kingston, as no doubt the noble Earl well knows, has now been scheduled as an industrial area. There is, in addition, the Report of the Mission of Industrialists from this country who a short time ago visited Jamaica, Trinidad, Barbados and British Guiana. That Report will be published at any time now, and it contains many recommendations on industries which that Mission thought might well be established in the territory.

I turn next to the question raised by the noble Earl, Lord Mansfield, and mentioned also by the noble Lord, Lord Milverton—namely, that of migration. Over a period of time now, a number of suggestions have been made for schemes of organised migration as a means of helping to develop those undeveloped areas and to relieve the population in the over-populated territories. The Evans Commission of some years ago inquired into the future prospects for immigrants into British Guiana and into British Honduras. Although I must frankly admit that the prospects are not bright, one of their proposals, that of improving drainage and irrigation for the growing of rice in British Guiana, has begun; but this scheme so far as we can see at the present time, can give work only to the increasing population in British Guiana itself. I am not sure that there is all that spare land which the noble Lord, Lord Milverton, mentioned in British Guiana. I would not in any sense place hopes too high on the fact that in the interior of that vast country there is the possibility of employing many thousands—indeed, many hundreds of thousands—of additional hands, who would, of course, come into the country from other British territories in the area.

The noble Earl well knows that the future development of the West Indies is constantly being studied, not only by the local Government on the spot but also by Her Majesty's Government at home, by the Colonial Development Corporation, and by the Colonial Development and Welfare Organisation, who themselves give considerable technical assistance and advice to the local Government. I would not for one moment hide from your Lordships the fact that many of the problems which confront us are indeed serious, and some of them are to a great extent pressing. But I do not believe that there is any easy and quick way in which we can solve all the problems. In practically every field the solutions are known and are being actively pursued, and there are many difficulties which have to be overcome before we can bring into active operation the results of all the investigations and experiments which we have made.

There were many other questions raised this afternoon, some of which I must deal with before I conclude. The noble Earl, Lord Airlie, and the noble Earl, Lord Mansfield, dealt with the increase of the population in those territories. That is a matter of concern, not only to Her Majesty's Government but, I hope, to the local Governments as well. It is unfortunate that this increase in the population is well ahead of what the territories can economically maintain. Recent medical discoveries have undoubtedly reduced the death rate and, therefore, the population has automatically increased. But I would not dispute what has been said: that this is a matter which must give concern to the West Indian Governments who, in the course of time, may well have to tackle it on their own behalf.

It was said also that, useful as the tourist trade may be to these territories in the West Indies, it is not really a sound basis upon which to build their economy. There, again, I should have no objection to that sentiment. It is necessary to have a tourist industry, but it is impossible for any one territory to rely for its wealth, benefit and health merely on its being able to encourage tourists into its territory. There was also the question of water schemes. There are a number of schemes in Jamaica which have been financed half by grants from the Colonial development and welfare funds and half from a local fund. I am told that new schemes are being begun as old schemes are completed; but here, again, there is some difficulty, because, quite apart from expense, all these schemes require special equipment and skilled engineers, and the latter are not available in each of those territories.

As regards housing in Jamaica, I am prepared to admit that things are very difficult, but conditions have vastly improved in recent years. An interesting development is now occurring in that island and in other islands throughout the Caribbean area where, due to limited money and other resources, the local Governments have tried out the principle of self-help, under which the people who are going to live in new houses are required to contribute to their construction, particularly with their labour. The scheme which I have seen in operation myself has certainly had some success, and it may well be that other territories will follow the example which has been set by those islands. I do not think I need try to respond to all the queries and questions which arose in the course of the discussion. What I have endeavoured to do is to give the House a statement of all that has occurred in the area since 1945. I am prepared to agree that much remains to be done in the future; but let us not forget the much which we have done in the past.

4.15 p.m.

THE EARL OF MANSFIELD

My Lords, in view of the two important debates that are to follow, my reply will be brief and almost entirely confined to the removal of one or two misconceptions. In the first place, I did not suggest that the figure of £100 million should be entirely grants; I said it should be grants and loans. Secondly, is such a figure very extravagant when for Jamaica alone £34½ million over a period of ten years has been accepted without question? Development must go on far beyond ten years, and, with that needed for the remaining ten years, it is not unnatural to suppose that the total for the twenty years could amount to £50 million. Surely if Jamaica, with a population of less than half that of the Caribbean area, gets £50 million, then the other portion of the Caribbean, with a rather larger population, could equally expect to be granted another £50 million, in view of its comparable position. Therefore, although the grant of £100 million may be outside practical politics, it is not outside practical ideals. Then, I did not suggest that a completely outside body should "administer" the funds to be put at the disposal of various Governments; what I did say was that an outside body should "allocate" those funds in order to avoid in the Federal Government the terrific fight which will ensue between various units who are trying to get their fair share or more than their fair share.

The noble Earl, Lord Munster, said he doubted whether there was much land of high quality available in British Guiana. The population to-day in British Guiana is only some seven per square mile, while that of Jamaica is over 300 per square mile. If you could get in British Guiana one-tenth of the density of the population of Jamaica, you would have a population approaching 2,500,000souls. That, I suggest, is by no means an aim that one should not attempt to realise, although I do not suggest that it could be brought about solely by immigration. The noble Earl, Lord Munster, said I gave a very pessimistic picture. The figures that I have stated and the quotations I have made are not my own; they come from official publications and from the Report of the International Bank. I do not think one can be considered an alarmist when one points out that it is all too evident that the population of Jamaica and the other Caribbean islands is likely to double within a generation, and that in spite of the fact that in many of the islands acute over-population already exists. I feel that no Government here has yet fully realised the seriousness of the problem. While I appreciate all that the present Government have done, are doing and propose to do, I still feel that these remedies are by no means adequate to the situation. With those remarks, I beg leave to withdraw my Motion.

Motion for Papers, by leave, with-drawn.