§ 3.33 p.m.
THE MARQUESS OF READINGMy Lords, may I make a statement in regard to the arrests of former Nazis in the West German Republic? With the permission of the House, I would like to follow up my statement of January 20 about the recent arrests in the British Zone of Germany. I then informed the House that these arrests were made on the basis of information already available to the British authorities, which suggested that these former Nazis were plotting eventually to regain power in Western Germany and were propagating anti-Western views and policies. My right honourable friend said in another place on January 21 that the High Commissioner's first impression of the investigations still in progress was that their preliminary results tended to confirm that the activities of these men constituted a potential danger.
As I have already informed the House, it is bound to take some time to complete this investigation. The documents seized fill thirty large crates. All of these documents must be read and sorted and their significance determined. The arrested men will have to be questioned on the relevant documents, and such explanations as they may wish to give will have to be considered. The whole of this procedure will certainly take several weeks, although of course, instructions have been given that it should be carried out as expeditiously as possible.
Meanwhile my right honourable friend has now himself received and examined photostats of some of the documents. His reading of them has satisfied him that our action in detaining these men was fully justified. It would be wrong to go into any detail on matters which may later have to be proved in evidence. But it is only right that I should state the reasons why, in the view of Her Majesty's Government, the investigation of these 41 matters must continue. From the information previously available and from those documents which my right honourable friend has so far studied, it is clear that these men, some of whom were close to Hitler in 1945, regard it as their mission to form a mass movement based on Nazi ideology, with a view to capturing political power in Western Germany. Their leader has made it clear that it is his intention that the existing democratic parliamentary system should be brought to an end as soon as feasible. The group's activities are directed to this end. While content to work in secret for the present, their immediate purpose is to permeate all branches of society and to seek by degrees to transform certain of the existing Parties and organisations into National Socialist fighting groups (Kampfgruppen). With this purpose in view they have been planning to establish widespread contacts inside and outside Germany and have been seeking to place their agents secretly in positions of influence.
I would, however, emphasise once again that we are dealing with long-term plans and a potential danger, which can now, we believe, be nipped in the bud. We have never considered these activities to constitute an immediate threat to the German, democratic order. Nevertheless, I would remind the House that under Allied High Commission Law No. 14 it is a punishable offence to carry out
acts or conduct in aid or support of any person, group or government hostile to the interests of the Allied forces, or intended to accomplish the reconstitution in any form whatsoever of any prohibited organisation.In Allied High Commission Law No. 16 all National Socialist organisations and organisations of that kind are specifically designated as prohibited organisations. In the light of these facts no one, I hope, will question the necessity for a thorough and searching investigation.Some questions have been asked about the attitude of the German authorities. I cannot do better than remind the House of the words of the German Federal Chancellor himself in the Bundestag on the 21st January. Dr. Adenauer referred to my right honourable friend's statement to the effect that the activities of this small group of unrepentant former Nazis were not an immediate danger to the demo- 42 cratic order in Germany. He went on to say:
I think that this is an apt statement. I also agree with Mr. Eden that the development cannot be ignored. The affair itself must be discussed quite openly as soon as the investigation is completed. The population of the Federal Republic and everywhere abroad can rest assured that Germany will never return to National Socialism. Traces of National Socialist thought which may, as is inevitable, come to the surface here and there will be carefully watched. As soon as there is a basis for a legal case action will be taken against them and, what is more, with all severity.It has also been asked why these men were detained by the British authorities and not by the Germans. I would point out to the House that the men are held under powers vested in the High Commissioner by the Occupation Statute enabling him to detain persons for inter-rogation without preferring any charge. The authorities of the German Federal Republic do not possess such powers and it would accordingly have been impossible for them to take this particular action under German law. But we fully realise that these are special powers and they must not be exercised to keep anyone in detention longer than is strictly required.Until the present investigations have been completed I cannot say what action will be taken in regard to these men nor what precise charges may be brought against them in the event of their prosecution. That being so, the House will, I am sure, understand the need for restraint in discussion of this matter pending a decision on these points and pending the outcome of any subsequent judicial proceedings if they take place.
§ 3.40 p.m.
§ EARL JOWITTMy Lords, on behalf of the Opposition, I should like to say emphatically that we are clearly of opinion that Her Majesty's Government are entirely right in conducting a thorough and searching investigation—the words which, I think, the noble Marquess used—into this matter; and we welcome and thank the noble Marquess for the interim statement which he has made. We shall hope in due course to have a fuller statement, if such can he made without prejudicing any case which may be brought against any of these persons who hove been arrested. I think it good that this statement should have been made, since it emphasises the 43 fact that the action was taken by us, the British, because we have special powers of detention which are not available to the German authorities; and, as a corollary, it follows that our action does not imply any lack of confidence between ourselves and the German authorities. Indeed, as the noble Marquess has said, Dr. Adenauer has expressed himself in that sense in the passage which the noble Marquess quoted.
I should like to ask the noble Marquess two questions. First, can we be assured that, when the documents have been fully examined, there will be the fullest consultation between the British authorities and the Federal authorities as to the outcome and what is to be done? Secondly, since it has been suggested, or at any rate hinted, in some quarters that the action has been based on what is described as "ulterior political motives," will the noble Marquess take this opportunity of making it abundantly plain that there is no shadow of truth or justification in any such statement?
THE MARQUESS OF READINGMy Lords, I am much obliged to the noble and learned Earl for what he has said with regard to this statement. As to the first of the two specific questions which he has asked—consultation with the German Chancellor—I would say that the position is that the Chancellor has been assured by the High Commissioner that when the investigation is completed he will certainly be taken into consultation and will be shown the collected evidence. With regard to the question of ulterior motives, which has certainly, for some reason, been widely rumoured, particularly, I think, in Germany, there is, of course, no truth in it of any kind; and if these rumours for some reason did originate they should have been effectively disposed of by the Chancellor himself in the Press statement which he made, I think, only yesterday, in which he said in terms that the action of the British Government in this case had no connection, and never had had any connection, with ulterior political motives.
LORD STRABOLGIMy Lords, may I ask two questions? First, at the appropriate time after what I may perhaps call the "discovery," could we have a White Paper or other document giving for the general information of Parliament a 44 selection of this documentary evidence? Secondly, has it emerged yet that there is any connection between this group of ex-Nazis and corresponding groups in East Germany?
THE MARQUESS OF READINGMy Lords, as regards the noble Lord's request for a White Paper, obviously I could undertake to publish no document until some decision had been arrived at as to whether or not a prosecution was going to follow. When a decision is taken upon that matter, should it be decided not to prosecute, then we might consider a White Paper; but until that decision is taken it would be utterly impossible and completely wrong even to think of adopting such a course. As regards the second part of the noble Lord's question, I did venture to say at the end of my statement that I thought the situation was one which requires restraint in this House, and I should not propose to disclose to the House further information than that given in the very carefully considered statement which I have made to your Lordships to-day.
VISCOUNT ST. DAVIDSMy Lords, can the noble Marquess tell the House how long these special powers of arrest are likely to continue and whether he is satisfied that they will continue for long enough to protect us against any further recrudescence of this sort of thing?
THE MARQUESS OF READINGMy Lords, I am not sure whether I quite follow what is in the noble Viscount's mind—whether he means how long these powers will be exercised in this particular case or how long the powers will exist. If he means how long the powers will be exercised in this particular case, the answer is that they will presumably continue to be exercised until we are satisfied that the case had been disposed of by a decision. If he means how long the powers will continue in general, I answer that they will presumably continue until the ratification of the Contractual Agreement. But that is not quite the end of the matter, because in certain circumstances, very different from these, those powers would continue even after the ratification of the Bonn Agreement, but only in a case in which there arises what I think is called a state of emergency, or something of the kind, and it is necessary for the occupying Powers to go to the assistance of the German Government in the maintenance of order.