Lords Sitting of 4 November 1952

THE QUEEN'S SPEECH
The QUEEN, being seated on the Throne, and attended by Her Officers of State (the Lords being in their robes), commanded the Gentleman Usher of the Black Rod, through the Lord Great Chamberlain, to let the Commons know, "it is Her Majesty's pleasure they attend Her immediately in this House."
Who being come, with their Speaker:
The Lord Privy Seal (pursuant to the provisions of the Statute made in the First Year of the Reign of King George the Fifth, intituled "An Act to alter the form of Declaration required to be made by the Sovereign on Accession") administered to Her Majesty the Declaration mentioned in the said Statute, and Her Majesty did make, subscribe, and audibly repeat the said Declaration as follows:
"I, Elizabeth, do solemnly and sincerely in the presence of God profess, testify, and declare that I am a faithful Protestant, and that I will, according to the true intent of the enactments which secure the Protestant succession to the Throne, uphold and maintain the said enactments to the best of my powers according to law."
And afterwards Her Majesty was pleased to speak as follows:
"My Lords and Members of the House of Commons:
"On this first occasion when I speak to you in person as your Queen I gratefully acknowledge the sympathy which has been extended to Me and My Family from every part of the Commonwealth. By His selfless devotion to His duties as your Sovereign My Father set an example which it will be My constant endeavour to follow. I am well assured that My peoples everywhere will accord Me that same loyalty and understanding which ever supported Him in the service of His peoples.
"I look forward with deep pleasure to fulfilling at the end of next year My long cherished hopes of visiting, in company with My dear Husband, My peoples in Australia, New Zealand and Ceylon.
"I earnestly pray that in Korea an early armistice will be arranged. Until this is accomplished the continued participation of My Forces in this conflict will be clear proof of My Government's whole-hearted attachment to the ideals of the United Nations.
"My Ministers are determined to make ever closer that co-operation with the other Members of the Commonwealth and with the Colonial Empire which must be the keystone of our policy. To this end they have invited Commonwealth Prime Ministers

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to meet together this month to confer on vital problems of finance, commerce and economic policy.
"My Government will continue to take their full share in the work of the North Atlantic Treaty Organisation as the bulwark of Western defence and the embodiment of the common aspirations of the Atlantic Community. Within that Community and in every other way they will seek to maintain the closest and most friendly relations with the Government and people of the United States of America.
"It will be My Government's aim to strengthen the unity of Europe. They will work in close association with our neighbours in Western Europe and give all possible support to their efforts to forge closer links with one another.
"My Ministers will continue to work for the conclusion of an Austrian State Treaty and for a fair and equitable settlement of the problem of German unity.
"Active measures will be taken to strengthen the long-standing ties of friendship and of mutual trade between the United Kingdom and the countries of Latin America.
"Further consideration will be given to the draft scheme for federation in Central Africa. For this purpose My Government have invited the three Central African Governments to a further conference in London in January.
"My Ministers will continue the rearmament of My Forces and the development of the Civil Defence organisation, with due regard to the need for maintaining economic strength and stability.
"Members of the House of Commons
" The estimates for public services will be laid before you in due course.
"My Lords and Members of the House of Commons
"My Government will proceed resolutely with the task of placing the national economy on a sound foundation. They will not hesitate to take any further steps necessary to hold and improve the more favourable position now reached in our overseas payments.
"My Ministers will encourage all engaged in agriculture, mining and industry to co-operate in increasing productive efficiency and thus to produce at lower cost the goods needed at home and by the export trades.
"In the interests of the employment and the standard of living of My people, My Government will persevere with measures to curb inflation and to reduce the heavy load of Government expenditure.
"A steadily increasing number of houses will be built under My Government's programme.
"Bills will be laid before you for the reorganisation of the iron and steel industry and to provide for changes in the transport industry.
"Further measures will be promoted relating to the Town and Country Planning Acts of 1947, to local government superannuation and to the date for depositing new rating valuation lists.
"The question of the supply of electricity in Scotland is being attentively examined with a view to legislation.
"A Bill will be introduced to make certain changes within the framework of the Education Acts in the law affecting voluntary schools.
"My Government will continue to give every encouragement to the fishing industry. A Bill will be laid before you to provide financial help for the building of fishing vessels.
"Proposals will be made to you for improving the maternity benefits of the National Insurance Scheme and also for the further amendment of the National Insurance (Industrial Injuries) Act.
"My Ministers will propose an extension of the existing temporary Acts on leasehold property in England and Wales and in Scotland and will seek an opportunity of making known their policy on this subject.
"Other measures will be laid before you in due course.
"I pray that the blessing of Almighty God will rest upon your counsels."
Thereafter, Her Majesty withdrew.
House adjourned during pleasure.
House resumed at four of the clock, The LORD CHANCELLOR on the Woolsack.

Prayers
The Lord Borwick—Took the Oath.

ROLL OF THE LORDS
CHESTER HERALD CHESTER HERALD attending, delivered a List of the Lords Temporal in the Second Session of the Fortieth Parliament of the United Kingdom of Great Britain and Northern Ireland.
Ordered, That the said List do lie on the Table.

SELECT VESTRIES
Bill, pro forma, read 1a.

ADDRESS IN REPLY TO HER MAJESTY'S MOST GRACIOUS SPEECH
The Queen's Speech reported by The LORD CHANCELLOR.
4.14 p.m.
LORD MANCROFT: My Lords, I beg to move that an humble Address he presented to Her Majesty as followeth:
"Most Gracious Sovereign—We, Your Majesty's most dutiful and loyal subjects, the Lords Spiritual and Temporal, in Parliament assembled, beg leave to thank Your Majesty for the most gracious Speech which Your Majesty has addressed to both Houses of Parliament."
It was on February 5, 1861, nearly one hundred years ago, that a Queen of England last came down to this House and from that Throne read personally the gracious Speech to the Lords and Commons here assembled. Upon that occasion, the humble Address, which I have the very great pride and privilege of moving today, was moved by Lord Sefton and seconded by Lord Lismore. Palmerston was Prime Minister Gladstone, Chancellor of the Exchequer, and your Lordships' House was led by Lord Granville.
The gracious Speech of that day is in some ways, of course, merely an historic curiosity. In some ways, however, it is
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remarkably similar to the gracious Speech to-day, and in one startling way very dissimilar. There were in it references, as there are in the gracious Speech to-day, to legislation for rating and for housing. There was a reference to the fact that half-way across the world the Queen's soldiers were locked in combat with Chinese troops, as they are to-day. And there was grateful appreciation of the warm welcome which had been accorded in Canada to a visit paid by the Prince of Wales, a welcome which was as warm as that which was accorded to our own Queen ninety years later. An equally warm welcome awaits Her Most Gracious Majesty and the Duke of Edinburgh when they carry out their long-looked-for journey to Ceylon, to Australia and to New Zealand.
That welcome will be warmest. I expect, in New Zealand, a country which has always been linked to us with the closest possible ties. But in 1861, we learn from the gracious Speech of that day, there was turmoil in New Zealand; there was bloodshed and uprising—all over and forgotten now, the wounds long since healed. That was just part of the growing pains of Empire. That was the price that we have had to pay for Imperial democracy. These growing pains are all too much in evidence around and about us to-day. West Africa, the Gold Coast, the Sudan, Malta, Cyprus, Kenya, Malaya, are all in some stage of unrest, even amounting in some places to bloodshed. Therefore, for my part, I welcome most warmly the expression in the gracious Speech of faith and confidence in co-operation among all the members of the Commonwealth and the determination of Her Majesty's Government to do everything possible to increase that co-operation and to make it "the keystone of our policy." I welcome the conference of the Commonwealth Prime Ministers, and hope that good may come of it.
I welcome, too, the promise that another attempt will be made to solve the problems of Central Africa. I do not suppose that any Colonial Secretary was faced with greater problems than was the present Colonial Secretary when he assumed office a year or so ago. I do not suppose that any Government were given greater opportunities for Colonial statesmanship than this Government have been granted; but patience and

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great good temper are required. It is necessary that we should eschew intemperate speeches at home and, perhaps, untimely visits abroad. The Colonial Secretary is in Kenya at this moment, seeking for himself a solution to their problems, as he went a year ago to seek a solution to the problems in Malaya, which is now at the end of four long and weary years of struggle and bloodshed against a small but highly organised, highly efficient, Communist foe.
One hesitates to prophesy anything about Malaya, lest facts immediately prove one wrong, but it looks as if, at the end of those four long and weary years, we can now see our way out of that jungle of bloodshed and terror. If that prophecy be true, then the reason for it can be explained, I think, in one word: and that word is "Templer." It is not that General Sir Gerald Templer has necessarily put into operation any novel or startling policies; he has merely worked unceasingly upon the policies laid down two or three years ago by his predecessor, General Sir Harold Briggs, whose lamentable death two or three days ago received, I feel, too little notice in this country. He served us well. The truth is that General Templer has had the courage and initiative to press on with policies which might prove unpopular, and which might be criticised; and he has had the initiative and clear-sightedness to cut his way through red tape and administrative inefficiency. In the last few weeks the people of Malaya have had further reason for good cheer. No message of greeting and good will from the Sovereign in this country to her people sin trouble overseas has ever been carried by a more gallant and gracious messenger than the Duchess of Kent. She has carried out a tremendous task, and carried it out magnificently. She has rightly earned the appreciation and the affection of all the Queen's peoples in Hong Kong and the whole Peninsula of Malaya, and she is entitled to ours as well.
There is, as I said, one feature of the gracious Speech of 1861 which is unfortunately missing from the gracious Speech of to-day. It is that opening phrase, so familiar to the peaceful and peace-loving Victorians:
"My relations with foreign Powers continue friendly."
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That phrase has been so long absent from the gracious Speeches of these days. How could it be otherwise? The cold war is relentlessly waged throughout Europe; and the hot war is equally relentlessly waged throughout the Far East. Diplomatic relations have recently been broken off with Persia. All we can do, as the gracious Speech indicates, is to redouble our efforts and redouble our contribution to the international machinery which has been brought into being since the war, to try to prevent the outbreak of a world disaster. Therefore, we welcome the expression in the gracious Speech that we shall continue with our work in the North Atlantic Treaty Organisation and towards Western European unity, and do anything else that can be done to combine the free peoples of the world in closer and more effective co-operation.
There is a suspicion that the machinery is creaking. We have made enormous progress since 1946—let us admit it—and we must carry on with the level-headed and sober progress which we have made. We must carry on in the face of a constant campaign of vilification, the abatement of which for just a while would do so much good towards the peace of the world. Still, the best we can say to-day is that war is definitely no nearer, and is possibly even a little further away than it was when the prophets of doom told us, and threatened us, that it was upon us, on October 25 of last year. We welcome also the declaration in the gracious Speech that every effort will be made to end the stalemate in Korea. What worries me about Korea is not only that it is a stalemate of arms but also that it may all too soon degenerate into a stalemate of ideals; that in due course the old soldier's catch-phrase, "What's it all in aid of?" may spread, and that despondency amongst those who have put their faith in these organisations may grow as they see all the effort and bloodshed amounting to nothing but stalemate. It is upon steady co-operation that we must pin our hope and resolution that we shall make these organisations work, because if these organisations do not work, then nothing will.
I should like to turn now to domestic affairs. The programme of legislation in the gracious Speech is not a long one, and "for this relief, much thanks!" Since 1946 we have been grossly over-legislated in this country. We have been

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glutted, filled, stuffed and stifled with legislation, most of it incompletely conceived and most of it still ill-digested. The music-hall jokes that are ill-deservedly levelled against the hardworking Civil Service for dilatoriness and obstruction ought in reality to be levelled against us, the legislators, who permitted such a welter of legislation to go through, weighing down the administrative machine far beyond its capacity to absorb it. Therefore, I welcome the fact that in the gracious Speech to-day there are not mentioned a large number of measures.
The Town and Country Planning Act is the first that strikes the eye. The gracious Speech says:
"Further measures will be promoted relating to the Town and Country Planning Acts of 1947."
That is not extravagant language, and I must not be extravagant myself. I do not wish to exaggerate; I do not wish to make any claim which I cannot substantiate on evidence, but I do believe that there are people who actually understand the Town and Country Planning Acts. My noble friend Lord Buckmaster, who is to follow me, is, fortunately, one of them. I, alas! am not, a fact which dawned on some of my professional clients a little before it dawned on me. But, ignorant as I am of this Act, I do know that the working of it is causing dissatisfaction throughout the length and breadth of the country. I do know that it is causing, in many instances, the very opposite of the progress of planned and orderly development which it set out to achieve, particularly in the matters of betterment and of the development charge. We have no means of knowing from the gracious Speech what form the amendment of the Act will take, but we know that Her Majesty's Government, when they go forward with the reform of this Act, will be fulfilling a widely felt need.
The next proposal relates to the transport industry, and the steel and iron industries. These are highly controversial measures, and this is neither the time nor the place for controversy. These matters are so controversial that the contestants are already booted and spurred; already the clamour of battle and the clash of conflict is in the air. I will not add to it. I would, however, say this. I earnestly hope that such controversy as must inevitably rage upon these great matters
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will be confined to the pros and cons of the issue itself, and not to the pros and cons of the political ideologies behind it. We are now facing in our delicate economy a serious risk. As I see it, in our economy at the moment we are like a man walking up a descending escalator. If he just walks he will eventually go down; if he puts in just that one final, extra effort upward, it will carry him to the top and over. That final effort cannot possibly be achieved if the internal economy of our major industries, year in and year out, is to be, upset because the two great Parties in the State toss these major industries about like a shuttlecock over the net. Threats and counter-threats, charges and counter-charges, are already in the air. There are those who hold that the nationalisation of our means of production, distribution and exchange is not the complete panacea that others seem to think. All I hope is that the Parties will agree upon one thing—that is, to judge of these issues on the merits of the case, and not on the merit; of their own particular Party dogma. Of course, we must have controversy: controversy is the life-blood of our Parliamentary institutions and of our political democracy. Is it too much to hope that in this forthcoming Coronation year controversy will he be confined to the really great issues, and that we shall eschew the temptation to throw into the stockpot anything and everything that may be politically cooking?
We shall, within the next year, be rejoicing in the great, high and glittering ceremony of Coronation. We all hope for a new Elizabethan Age. We shall be hoping that the old saying, that England is always great under a Queen, will once again be found true. Is it too much to hope that some of our happiness, our rejoicing and our unity, and the spirit of dedication which will be in the air throughout the time of Coronation, may possibly seep abroad and hasten the day for which we all yearn, when the gracious Speech can contain the words:
"My relations with foreign Powers are once again friendly"?
I beg to move.
Moved, That an humble Address be presented to Her Majesty as followeth—
"Most Gracious Sovereign—We, Your Majesty's most dutiful and loyal

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subjects, the Lords Spiritual and Temporal, in Parliament assembled, beg leave to thank Your Majesty for the most gracious Speech which Your Majesty has addressed to both Houses of Parliament."—(Lord Mancroft.)
4.30 p.m.
VISCOUNT BUCKMASTER: My Lords, I have the honour to second this Motion. I count it a great privilege, and one for which I am deeply grateful to the noble Marquess, and for which I should like to thank him. My task, clearly, is not easy, nor is it lightened by what I should like to call, if I may, the most eloquent speech of my noble friend who has just sat down. This is an especial honour for me, in that, being the first year of the reign, it is the first occasion on which the loyal Address has been presented to Her Majesty.
Being in the autumn of my political life, with some twenty years of service in your Lordships' House, it is not easy to avoid a backward glance which makes the occasion still more memorable, in that I was privileged to be present at the Diamond Jubilee and so witnessed the end of the reign of one Queen—that of Queen Victoria—and now I am privileged to witness the beginning of a reign of another Queen, Her Majesty Queen Elizabeth II. Although I may have been present at the Diamond Jubilee of Queen Victoria, I cannot, to my sorrow, claim experience of the reign of the first Queen Elizabeth, but it is, at least to me, an inspiring thought that another Queen of that great name sits once more upon the Throne. I hope also that it may prove a happy augury that now, as then, one of Her Majesty's advisers is of the House of Cecil.
The gracious Speech, as one might suppose, stresses the need for rearmament. It is, of course, our duty to defend not only ourselves, but our possessions. I hope it will not be thought provocative if I say that I trust that not until our safety is assured will the period of National Service be reduced. In the years before the War, I put down several Motions on this matter, and I was granted the great privilege of asking in your Lordships' House the formal Question to which compulsory service was given as the answer. I hope your Lordships will forgive me, then, if I say that it means
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much to me to see this principle established as part of our system of defence.
Besides defence, many other matters are contained in the gracious Speech. It covers far more ground than any over which I could travel. All I can do is attempt to pick my way, pausing a little longer on those subjects where I feel that my stance is reasonably secure, and treading very lightly on those where I may slip into controversy. It is not surprising that the gracious Speech stresses our economic situation. The measures taken have resulted in a favourable balance for the first six months of this year. The figures we have seen this morning are encouraging, but the next six months cannot be easy. They will include heavy payments on account of capital and interest for the North American Loan. One must remember, also, that the course of American trade is altering; it is moving towards North America and the Latin-American countries. I do not think we ourselves shall achieve balance unless we alter the geographical pattern of our trade also.
In Europe the position is different. We are drawing gold through the European Payments Union. But the effect of our import restrictions is cutting right into the economy of these European countries —cutting right into it at the moment when they themselves have a dollar deficit and when production which it was anticipated would rise has not merely failed to do so but is, in fact, declining. We may be asked to alleviate some of the restrictions we have imposed. If so, I hope it will not be out of place to suggest that the currency restriction may be one of the first to be lightened. I say that, not from any personal desire, though that naturally I have, but because I believe that the restriction at its present figure is below that agreed by the other Motions on this matter, and was granted nations of Europe. Clearly also it does not conduce to good fellowship and good will, and does conduce to evasion and to fraud.
It is plain that, whatever ties bind us to Europe, no ties can compare with those that hold the Commonwealth of nations together. I believe, with all my heart, that the preservation of these ties and the preservation of the Commonwealth is vital, not merely to this country but to every free nation of the world to-day.

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Will your Lordships allow me on this occasion to quote some lines, though they may be familiar? They express what I would myself express, were I able, about the Commonwealth and the spirit which holds it together. They are these:
"Humanity with all its fears
With All the hope of future years
Is hanging breathless on thy fate."
The preservation of the Commonwealth is vital to us, and, in this regard, as my noble friend Lord Mancrofthas said, we cannot underestimate the visit of Her Majesty and Her Consort. We know how eagerly it is awaited, and we know also how happy the results must be.
To revert once more to this country, the gracious Speech reminds us of what our task must be. We have to produce more—that we already know—but we have to produce goods which the other person is prepared to buy. We must not forget that the goods which can be sold to-day may well be a drug on the market to-morrow. Above all, we have to spend less. Short of suffering, short of unemployment, I believe economy to be a path along which Her Majesty's Ministers cannot move too fast and cannot possibly travel too far. We must also, of course, curb inflation. Unless that is done, all is lost: the slow painful climb up the hill will end in disaster, we shall lose our handhold and our foothold and shall finish in a cloud of dust and rubble at the bottom. We have to control prices and, above all, prevent a further rise in the price of food. It is true that many commodities have fallen price, but one is doubtful whether the full effect of that fall has in every case been passed on by industry. Be that as it may, it remains true—and it is a fact which few of your. Lordships will contradict—that for the mass of the people in this country the cost of living is expressed, not in terms of manufactured goods but in terms of their daily bread. We have also to re-create prosperity, but we must create it on a stable basis. To do this, while we do not want to see vast riches in the hands of a few people, we must not deny to initiative and industry their just rewards, to which all who contribute in this way must be entitled.
The gracious Speech a year ago contained a reference to co-partnership. I wonder whether we have really exhausted the possibilities here. By co-partnership I do not think in terms of a bonus on
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production, a small share in profits expressed in terms of a few pence per hour for added output. Those methods have their advantages, but they do not give the employee the responsibility, the stake in the business, which a shareholding presupposes; nor do they give the dividend, in addition to the basic union rate, which in such case he would receive.
If there are many products which it is difficult for us to sell there is one for which there is no need to search the world for markets. I refer to home-grown food. I believe that there is still much that can be done without reflecting on the efforts of those who farm the land. Can we dispute that many pastures are under-grazed? Can we deny that much exhausted grassland should be ploughed up and re-sown creating fresh leys which would carry more head of cattle? I should like also to suggest, though I think it may be unpopular, that more power be given to the agricultural executive committees. There are incompetent farmers, though I do not say that there are very many, who by evasive action can escape the issue of the orders which should be directed against them.
My noble friend Lord Mancroft has made reference to the Town and Country Planning Act, and was good enough to say that I had considerable knowledge of it. I must correct him at once; it is an error into which I do not suppose many of your Lordships have fallen with regard to myself. As regards this Act, my only certainty is my own uncertainty. I have never fully apprehended the Act, and I am afraid that I do not do so now. I believe that in regard to the planning principles of this Act there is a broad area of agreement. But the financial provisions are based on underlying principles to which it is not easy in practice to give effect. The Act intended that land should change hands at the value it is worth for the purpose for which it is now used, and that any other value, any building or speculative value, should not be taken into account. The owner, if he claimed in time, was entitled to compensation for the amount of development value lost. The Act also imposed a charge on development. But, as I have said, it was essential to the operation of the Act that land should change hands freely at existing use value. In fact this has not happened. It is not likely that the owner will sell

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land at £10 per acre when the market price is £90. He does not do so. That produces this result: if the owner has sold land at £90 and the existing use value is only £10, and if he has made a claim in time, he will be entitled to compensation and will receive payment, though, in fact, he has lost nothing. Development charge must, of course, operate to curb development, because either the developer will refuse to take the risk of development, or, if he does develop, he will have to buy land at its full market value and pay a heavy development charge on top. The result must be that the cost of building will rise, and that cost must be reflected in the rents of the lessees and tenants.
This great problem of planning is, of course, closely related to housing. That we need more houses is common ground. We must build every house we can, but we should at the same time take care that we do not lose a single house for want of the necessary repairs. Here a rigid barrier, rent restriction, presents itself. If we accept, as we surely do, the need for rent control in time of housing shortage, we must also accept that for the many owners with limited resources it is not possible to keep their houses in a habitable state. It is difficult to express the tragedy of those who are deprived of a home, or who have to use a house which is not fit for them to live in; but I do not believe that a solution of this great problem of housing can be found unless Her Majesty's Ministers are prepared to consider in all its aspects the question of revising the Rent Restrictions Acts. The gracious Speech contains a number of other matters on which it would not be right for me to dwell and so detain your Lordships. The proposal to help the fishing industry is, I imagine, one which will he be applauded. Your Lordships will no doubt also await with interest the statement by Her Majesty's Ministers on their policy with regard to leaseholds.
My Lords, no man can foresee the future; no man can foretell what blessings lie in store or what dangers may impend. But everyone can foresee that the burden which Her Majesty will have to bear, come what may, will be heavy in the extreme. I feel sure that all Her Majesty's loyal subjects will want to lighten that burden in any way they can.
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May we in your Lordships' House, by wise deliberation, play our part. May Her Majesty's people prosper; and may they find that their "ways are ways of pleasantness" and all their paths are peace.
4.49 p.m.
EARL JOWITT: My Lords. I rise, on behalf of my noble friend Lord Hall, to move that this debate be now adjourned. I move it on behalf of Lord Hall because there has been some alteration in the arrangements. Two days are to be devoted to the debate on the Address, and it is intended that the main theme for the debate on Thursday shall be foreign affairs. My noble friend Lord Henderson was to open for us in this foreign affairs debate, but I am sorry to say that he is indisposed and will not be able to be here. As a result, I think I shall myself beg your Lordships' indulgence to open that debate on Thursday. Lord Hall will consequently open the debate to-morrow. I am therefore rising now to ask for the adjournment of the debate—following, I think, the usual practice, which enables us to say a word or two now and then adjourn until to-morrow.
First of all, I should like to say one thing. Coming back to this House again and seeing this ancient ceremonial, the Opening of Parliament, so beautifully performed and so well carried out to-day, I thought to myself how well worth while such a ceremonial is, reminding us all of the great traditions which we share in common, the great traditions handed down to us by our forefathers. We should remember that we in our turn must so conduct ourselves that we may hand down to those who come after us traditions not tarnished but, if possible, embellished. For Her Gracious Majesty herself, I could not help feeling, in all the obvious difficulties which surround her, that she must have this consolation: that she knows that there is no difference between the sides of this House in the personal affection and loyal duty which we owe to her, and that, however the storms of politics may rage, we shall, all of us at all times, do everything we can to see that her Reign is a glorious one.
Having said that, may I say one other thing? I look at the familiar faces opposite to me and I am sorry to see that the noble Lord, Lord Woolton, is not able to be with us to-day. Although we find

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matters of sharp political controversy with the noble Lord, it is always our tradition that political controversies never interfere with our personal friendships. So I think it would be nice if we proposed, from this side of the House, that we send a message of good will and good cheer to Lord Wootton, and of hope that he will soon be recovered from his present affliction.
I wish also to say that I think that on this occasion both the mover and the seconder have acquitted themselves as we all expected they would—very well. Of course, it is a great honour to be chosen to move or to second this Motion, and the fact that the choice falls on a particular Peer is proof that he has won the ear of the House in his previous speeches. It is always very difficult, too, for Peers who have succeeded in doing that to be uncontroversial. I could not lay my hand on my heart and say that I have ever heard any noble Lord moving or seconding an Address who has been completely non-controversial, but, generally, their speeches serve as reminders to all Parties equally that they should be non-controversial on this occasion; and in that sense, no doubt, they pass muster well enough. Lord Mancroft referred to the fact that we had had much too much legislation. I cast my mind back and I am inclined to remember that he himself has introduced Bills before now. He must consider the advisability of refraining from such a course of action in the future. So far as the gracious Speech is concerned, I am bound to say that I have great sympathy with the noble Lord. There are several measures which are foreshadowed and which, from my point of view, might well be left out. But I say no more for the moment, lest I become controversial. No doubt the noble Lord's warnings will be borne in mind, though I expect we shall have a pretty busy Session. It is interesting to reflect that, though the noble Lord. Lord Mancroft, himself has never sat in another place, his father bore a distinguished part there for a long time. I had the privilege of sitting with him, and I am perfectly certain that, if only the noble Lord's father could have been here to-day to hear him, he would have been proud of what his son has said. Quite sincerely, I say that I think he acquitted himself very well in this difficult and responsible task.
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The strain on the noble Viscount, Lord Buckmaster, must have been even greater, because he in the past has distinguished himself—in particular when I was Lord Chancellor and had to answer on these matters— by the keen interest he took in the Rent Restrictions Acts, wondering why it was that the Government did not, as one of their first duties, deal with that topic. For the noble Viscount to have to deal with a Speech from the Throne which does not refer expressly to that subject, must have involved a good deal of self-restraint. However, the noble Viscount got over his dilemma very skilfully indeed, and made many remarks with regard to the Commonwealth and with regard to finance, a subject which I do not understand. I claim the lack of understanding which everybody claims about the Town and Country Planning Act, though, broadly, I agree with the noble Viscount. His father too, after a distinguished career in another place, had an equally distinguished career in this House. I remember that Mr. Asquith—and he was no mean judge—once told me that he thought that a speech which had just been delivered by the then Lord Buckmaster was the most eloquent he had ever heard. I dare say that his son, the present Lord Buckmaster, if need be, could rival his father's eloquence. I personally look back with my recollection of his father as being a very dear, kind friend of mine, who left a great name behind him, both in the law and in this House. Again, I say that, if the first Lord Buckmaster had been able to observe the record and hear the speech of the second Lord Buck-master, he would have been a proud and happy man. I have done my part, I hope. I have paid my tributes to the noble Lord who moved and to the noble Viscount who seconded the Motion. I sincerely hope that we may maintain in the future this standard of excellence which we have set to-day.
Moved, That the debate be now adjourned.—(Earl Jowitt.)
4.58 p.m.
VISCOUNT SAMUEL: My Lords, I rise on behalf of the noble Lords on these Benches to express our concurrence with the Motion that has just been made by the Leader of the Opposition. I think it is greatly to the 'convenience of your Lordships' House that the new practice

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has been adopted in recent years; that on the day of the Speech from the Throne we should not at once plunge ourselves into the controversies which are characteristic of our daily proceedings in great measure, but should limit ourselves to the formal purposes of this Sitting—the reception of the gracious Speech and the moving of a Loyal Address in reply.
Under the Constitution, your Lordships' House has the honour of being the scene where the three elements in Parliament, the Sovereign, the Lords and the Commons, meet together. Here to-day, with resplendent ceremony, Queen Elizabeth II has been the central figure of the first State occasion of her Reign, discharging the function of Royalty with a dignity, a simplicity and a grace which have commanded our reverence and touched our hearts. We gladly unite in thanking Her Majesty for her presence and her Speech. Our feelings have been well expressed by the mover and seconder of the Address, both speaking with the ease and elegance that belong to the legal profession.
The noble Lord, Lord Mancroft, whom we have been accustomed to hear with great pleasure, especially because of the flashes of wit and humour that usually characterise his speeches, has held himself to-day very much in restraint, with a few exceptions. That is probably owing to the august nature of the occasion. Or perhaps it is that he feels that to have a reputation for wit and humour is a dangerous thing in politics. It is sometimes thought that whoever is lively is likely to be unsound. That reminds me of the words that Canning put into the mouths of the country gentlemen who filled the Benches of the House of Commons in his day.
"They think we're honest for they know we're dull."
Lord Mancroft himself is incapable of dullness, and to-day he has spoken commanding, as he always does, the interest and the close attention of the House. The noble Viscount, Lord Buckmaster, has also spoken with clarity and ability. His speech comes from a wide experience in public affairs. Making a speech on this occasion as the proposer or the seconder of the Address in either House of Parliament is always a formidable undertaking, more pleasant to look back upon afterwards than to contemplate
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beforehand. Now that this duty has been discharged, our two colleagues in this House may be glad to know that in the opinion of us all it has been discharged in an admirable fashion, meriting the thanks of all members on whose behalf they have been spokesmen.
5.2 p.m.
THE CHANCELLOR OF THE DUCHY OF LANCASTER (VISCOUNT SWINTON): My Lords, I am sure all your Lordships will share with me the regret that my noble Leader, Lord Salisbury, is not here to lead the House on this first day of the new Session, and will hope that his indisposition may be a very temporary one. Your Lordships will appreciate, I am sure, how much he would have wished to be here on the occasion of the Address of thanks for Her Majesty's first gracious Speech. I would echo what has been said by the two Leaders opposite regarding what we all feel about Her Majesty. "Gracious" applied to her is indeed no conventional epithet; "gracious" is indeed, the true word for all the Queen is and all she does.
I should also like to thank the noble and learned Earl for his kind inquiry about Lord Woolton. I am glad to say that the latest news we have is that he had another quiet night and is more comfortable to-day. On behalf of us all, I will certainly write to Lady Woolton, who am sure will greatly appreciate it, and tell her of the sentiments which have been expressed in this House.
My Lords, I, too, like the way in which we do our business here—that on this day we, in this House, should all be of one mind. Certainly both the mover and the seconder have fulfilled their honourable but difficult task very well. It is a difficult task, even for an accomplished Parliamentarian. The speaker has to steer a course between the Scylla of platitude and the Charybdis of controversy, and in trying to do so he may be deplorably dull. But both noble Lords have avoided every pitfall and have charmed us by their speeches. Indeed, that is not surprising, because both of them are Parliamentarians, alike by heredity and by practice. In the past both have charmed us by the interest, the wit and, I may add, the brevity of their speeches. Lord Mancroft, in spite of what the former Lord Chancellor said of

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his dislike of legislation, has performed an almost unique task in successfully piloting through a Private Member's Bill originating in this House. It is not an easy thing to pilot such a Bill through, wherever it is started; but when you start a Bill in the House of Lords, it is rather like riding a Grand National course in the number of obstacles that you may encounter. I say only that I hope it will be very many years before Lord Mancroft's heirs have to make use of his Intestates' Estates Act.
The noble Viscount, Lord Buckmaster, has been equally felicitous. It must be something of a handicap to succeed a father who was one of the great Parliamentary orators, but the son has made good on his own. Both noble Lords have enhanced their reputations to-day. I am sure the whole House will echo the tribute that my noble friend, Lord Mancroft, paid to Her Royal Highness, The Duchess of Kent, and equally, I am sure, the whole House will appreciate the way in which both noble Lords have discharged the duty in which, in some senses—indeed in a very true sense—they speak for us all.
On Question, Motion agreed to, and debate adjourned accordingly.

CHAIRMAN OF COMMITTEES
VISCOUNT SWINTON: My Lords, I beg to move that the Earl of Drogheda be appointed to take the Chair in all Committees of this House for this Session.
Moved accordingly, and, on Question, Motion agreed to nemine dissentiente.
Committee for Privileges— Appointed.
Committee for the Journals— Appointed.
Appeal Committee —Appointed.
Stoppages in the Streets— Order to prevent, renewed.

BUSINESS OF THE HOUSE
5.7 p.m.
VISCOUNT SWINTON: My Lords, I beg to move to resolve that whenever during the present Session of Parliament the House stands adjourned, and it appears to the satisfaction of the Lord Chancellor (or, if the Lord Chancellor is absent, to the satisfaction of the Lord Chairman of Committees after consultation with Her Majesty's Government) that the public interest requires that the House should meet at any earlier time during such adjournment, the Lord Chancellor or the Lord Chairman of Committees, as the case may be, may give notice to the Peers that he is so satisfied, and thereupon the House shall meet at the time stated in such Notice, and shall transact its business as if it had been duly adjourned to that time.
Moved accordingly, and, on Question, Motion agreed to.
House adjourned at eight minutes past five o'clock.