HL Deb 10 June 1952 vol 177 cc25-9

3.47 p.m.

THE MARQUESS OF READING

My Lords, will the noble Lord who was going to speak next forgive me if I intervene, with the permission of your Lordships, to make a statement which is now being made in another place by my right honourable friend, the Secretary of State for Foreign Affairs, on the Agreements signed in Bonn and Paris on May 26 and May 27? I preface what I have to say by my usual caution that the pronoun "I" in this context, of course, refers throughout to my right honourable friend. The statement is as follows:

"I should like to give the House a brief account of the important Agreements which I signed in Bonn and Paris on behalf of Her Majesty's Government on the 26th and 27th May shortly before the Whitsun Recess. These Agreements are subject to ratification by all the signatory Powers. Copies of all of them have already been laid before the House. There will be opportunity for full debate before they are ratified.

"I explained to the House in my statement of the 28th February, and again in my speech in the Foreign Affairs debate on the 14th May, that two sets of negotiations had been proceeding concurrently: those in Bonn to establish a new relationship between the three Western Powers and the German Federal Republic, and those in Paris to set up a European Defence Community embracing Germany and the other leading countries of Continental Europe.

"The Agreements establishing a new relationship with the German Federal Republic were signed in Bonn on the 26th May by Dr. Adenauer, M. Schuman, Mr. Acheson and myself. They will enter into force when they have been ratified by all four signatories and when the Treaty establishing the European Defence Community has also entered into force. They will remain in force indefinitely but will be subject to review and modification by all the parties in the event—to quote the words of the contract—of the unification of Germany, the creation of a European federation or any other development which all the Signatory States recognise to be of a similarly fundamental character.

"These Agreements were in all their details the product of free and lengthy negotiations, in which the German Federal Government took part from the outset on an equal footing with the other three Powers. They thus provide a sound basis for Germany's future co-operation with the Western Powers in defence and other matters. They rest upon the conception that the German Federal Republic shall henceforth have full authority over its internal and external affairs, the three Allied Powers retaining only those special rights which they must keep, in the common interest of all the signatories, because of the special international situation in Germany. These rights are those relating to, first, the stationing of armed forces in Germany and the protection of their security; secondly, Berlin; and thirdly, matters affecting Germany as a whole, including the unification of Germany and a peace settlement.

" The Agreements define the manner in which the Allies shall exercise each of these special rights. They provide that the four Powers shall work together for the peaceful re-establishment of a united, democratic Germany, which shall be entitled to assume similar rights and obligations to those now being assumed by the Federal Republic and with which a freely negotiated peace settlement may be concluded.

"The Agreements lay down in detail the rights and obligations of the foreign forces stationed in Germany. They record the obligation of the German Federal Republic to make a continuing annual contribution to the costs of defence, including a contribution to the costs of those forces in Germany which, like the United Kingdom forces, will not be part of the European Defence Community forces. The Financial Convention could only cover in detail the arrangements until the end of the North Atlantic Treaty Organisation year 1953. These should fully meet the local costs of United Kingdom forces stationed in Germany during that period. The Convention also lays down the procedure for negotiating the division of the German financial contribution in subsequent years. The Agreements make detailed provision for the settlement of matters arising out of the war and the Occupation. They establish an Arbitration Tribunal for the settlement of disputes.

"At the time of signature in Paris of the Treaty establishing the European Defence Community, the German Federal Chancellor addressed to Her Majesty's Government and the other Allied Governments concerned letters accepting the controls over armaments production laid down in the Treaty and giving certain additional assurances about civil aircraft production and controls in the field of atomic energy in the German Federal Republic.

"Although, as the House knows, Her Majesty's Government are not a party to the Treaty establishing the European Defence Community, I signed in Paris on behalf of Her Majesty's Government three related documents. First, there is the Treaty to establish mutual security guarantees between this country and the members of the European Defence Community. I made a statement to the House about this Treaty on April 21. Secondly, there is the Protocol to the North Atlantic Treaty, under which all the parties to that Treaty agree, in return for a reciprocal undertaking from the members of the European Defence Community, to regard an attack on any of those members or on the European Defence Community forces as an attack upon themselves within the meaning of the North Atlantic Treaty. I informed the House in my statement on February 28 that these reciprocal guarantees between the two organisations had been decided upon at the Lisbon meeting of the North Atlantic Council.

"Thirdly, there is the declaration by Her Majesty's Government, the United States Government and the French Government in which they summarise their common policy for Europe. This declaration demonstrates the confidence of the three Governments in the various acts completed in Bonn and Paris. It states their belief that these acts provide a new basis for uniting Europe and preventing conflicts. It affirms that Her Majesty's Government and the United States Government have an abiding interest in the effectiveness of the European Defence Community Treaty and in the strength and integrity of that community. The two Governments declare that if action, from whatever quarter, threatens the integrity or unity of the Community they will regard this as a threat to their own security and will act in accordance with Article 4 of the North Atlantic Treaty.

"The Tripartite Declaration also affirms that the three Powers regard the security and welfare of Berlin and the maintenance of their position there as essential elements to the peace of the free world in the present international situation. Accordingly, they will maintain armed forces in Berlin so long as their responsibilities require it and will continue to treat any attack against Berlin from any quarter as an attack upon their forces and themselves. As the House knows, I was able after the signature of these instruments in Paris to pay a visit to Berlin. I was glad to have this opportunity of conveying personally to the people of that city the undertakings embodied in the Tripartite Declaration. I was able to show them our own continuing interest in Berlin. All this, I am assured, was highly valued. I was impressed by the resolution and calmness of the population there.

"All the Agreements and declarations which I have mentioned must be regarded as forming a single whole. Taken together, they represent a very important further step towards the consolidation and unity of Europe. Ever since the formation of the German Federal Republic in 1949 it has been the declared policy of Her Majesty's Government, and of the French and United States Governments, to bring the Republic into the Western European community, and, at the same time, gradually to relax the Occupation controls. The present Agreements represent the culmination of that policy.

"Though forced upon us by Soviet actions, our policy in Germany has never been directed against the Soviet Union. Nor are the present Agreements. It is not our choice that cooperation in Europe ends on the Elbe. We shall miss no chance of extending it. But, meanwhile, we can best serve peace by lending our full support to all efforts to foster international unity wherever co-operation is possible. That is our purpose in signing the present Agreements. They are an achievement of which all the countries concerned may well be proud. They offer a new hope for the future. If ratified and brought into force, they will make possible an intimacy of partnership and collaboration among the ancient nations of Europe which they have long dreamed of, but never in modern times attained."

3.58 p.m.

EARL JOWITT

My Lords, I am grateful to the noble Marquess for making to the House the statement which has just been made in another place by the Foreign Secretary. I think it is a most convenient summary of what has taken place. I know the anxiety and the immense amount of thought that the Foreign Secretary has given to this matter, and his earnest desire to try to bring about a better state of affairs. Of course, what we all long for is a unified and free Germany, but unless and until we can get that, no doubt these are steps in the right direction. As the noble Marquess indicated, in due course we shall certainly want to debate this matter. Not in the immediate future, but certainly before the House rises for the Summer Recess, we shall desire to have a Foreign Affairs debate, and I am sure the noble Marquess the Leader of the House will think that proper and will do all he can to meet us. I am much obliged to the noble Marquess. Lord Reading, for making this statement to-day.

VISCOUNT SAMUEL

My Lords, on behalf of the noble Lords on these Benches, I also congratulate Her Majesty's Government, and particularly the Foreign Secretary, on the successful conclusion of these prolonged and complicated negotiations. We share the hope expressed by the noble Marquess, Lord Reading, that these may well prove to be a long step forward towards the stabilisation of Europe.