HL Deb 02 February 1943 vol 125 cc869-83

LORD SEMPILL asked His Majesty's Government whether in view of the agreed importance of the restoration of Austria's independence in the post-war settlement thy will declare their determination to see this achieved and will forthwith take all steps to implement this policy by establishing a clear distinction between Austrians and Germans, in line with the policy already adopted by the Government of the United States of America which regards Austrians as friendly aliens and grants them similar facilities for enlistment in the Navy and Army to those enjoyed by United States citizens.

The noble Lord said: My Lords, I beg to submit this question with regard to Austria for your Lordships' consideration to-day, and I feel that the time is opportune to raise this whole matter. Firstly, because of our commitments of honour to Austria and the Austrian people, following the policy adhered to by His Majesty's Government in the years between the last war and this; secondly, because of the direct interest of Britain and of the Empire in this all-vital issue. I am submitting this matter to your Lordships in the form of a question, and not in the more usual form of a Motion, because I feel convinced from all that has been said by the. Prime Minister and the Secretary of State for Foreign Affairs that His Majesty's Government are determined to aid the resurrection of Free Austria by all the means in their power.

So far as our commitments to Austria are concerned, I have only to remind your Lordships that these were laid down in Article 88 of the Treaty of St. Germain, to which His Majesty's Government were a party. The League of Nations guaranteed the independence of Austria, and Austria undertook to abstain from any act likely to compromise her independence. To that policy His Majesty's Government rigidly adhered in the years fallowing the Peace Treaty. Indeed, on one notable occasion, in 1931, when one of the principles of the Treaty of St. Germain seemed to be menaced by negotiations which had been entered into between Berlin and Vienna, at the instigation of Berlin, for a so-called Customs Union, His Majesty's Government, through the mouthpiece of the then Secretary of State for Foreign Affairs, the late Mr. Henderson, very wisely insisted that the question should be submitted to the League of Nations for examination. Mr. Henderson himself took the initiative and referred the matter to the Council of the League. Your Lordships will remember, I am sure, that the German Government were shown up in a most unfavourable light.

In the years between the wars, His Majesty's Government never once left the Government in Vienna or the Government in Berlin under any misapprehension at all as to their attitude towards Article 88 of the Treaty of St. Germain and the corresponding Article in the Treaty of Versailles. His Majesty's Government were at pains to make it clear that they would tolerate no violation of the Treaties which would be calculated to imperil the freedom of Austria. It is well that we should remember that in the years from 1933 onwards, after Herr Hitler had come into power and after he had embarked on his policy of attack upon Austrian independence, His Majesty's Government reaffirmed their attitude, and with great vigour, at the time when all Austrian Parties, including the influential Social Democrats, had repudiated every idea of incorporation within the fold of the Third Reich. In protest to Berlin, in repeated joint declarations with the French and Italian Governments, in February, 1934, and at the Conference of Stresa in 1935, His Majesty's Government made it clear to Austria and to the Austrian people that they regarded the maintenance of Austria's independence as an interest of their own which they intended fully to protect.

I do not propose to go at length into the history of the long and very gallant struggle of Austria to maintain her independence in the years from 1933 to 1938, a struggle in which Austrians were given every reason to believe that they had the full support of His Majesty's Government. Nor do I propose to outline the circumstances of the crisis of 1938, which resulted in the annexation of Austria by Germany, except to observe that the attitude of the people of Austria at that time was grossly misapprehended abroad. A majority of the very competent representatives of the Anglo-American Press in Vienna at the time were ready to testify to the certainty that, had Chancellor Kurt von Schnschnigg been allowed to carry out his plebiscite on the issue of the main- tenance of Austria's independence, there would have been no doubt as to the result at all; an overwhelming majority would have been in favour of Chancellor Kurt von Schuschnigg's policy. Indeed, it was just the certainty of this majority by the free vote of the people of Austria which determined Herr Hitler on his course of aggression, and so the Armies of the Third Reich marched into Austria, thus settling by force what he well knew could not have _been settled in his favour by a free vote of the Austrian people.

It is out of this policy, pursued so consistently by His Majesty's Government from 1919 onwards, that our commitments of honour to the people of Austria arise to-day, and it is for this reason that those British subjects, many in number, who have followed this country's struggle, and are to-day better acquainted with the dreadful story of the disaster of March, 1938, have so greatly welcomed the declarations made by the Government of the United States of America and also by His Majesty's Government on the subject of Austria—the declaration of the Prime Minister on November 9, 1940, repeated on February 18, 1942, and lastly the statement of the Secretary of State for Foreign Affairs in another place in reply to a question, to the effect that His Majesty's Government formally repudiated the de facto recognition of the annexation of Austria which had been forced on them in 1938, when the other Members of the League of Nations found themselves unable to assist in withstanding Germany's aggression. His Majesty's Government have never given de jure recognition to Austria's annexation by the Third Reich. Your Lordships will remember also the important statement of policy issued by the Party led in your Lordships' House by my noble friend Lord Addison, the Labour Party, on May 2, 1942, placing Austria at the head of the list of those countries entitled to the restoration of their sovereign independence as the first victim of Germany's aggressive policy.

I have taken the liberty of reminding your Lordships of the commitments of honour of His Majesty's Government towards Austria and the Austrian people arising out of British policy in the years between the wars, and I would now ask to be allowed to make a few observations on our own direct interest in the question of Austria. Your Lordships will no doubt remember an important speech in another place in April, 1936, by the late Sir Austen Chamberlain, who to-day has taken his place among our eminent Foreign Secretaries. Sir Austen Chamberlain said: The independence of Austria is a key position. If Austria perishes Czechoslovakia becomes indefensible. Then the whole of the Balkans would be subjected to a gigantic war influence. Then the old Germanic dream of a Central Europe ruled by and subject to Berlin, would become reality from the Baltic to the Mediterranean and the Black Sea, with lamentable consequences not only for our country but for our Empire. That was said by Sir Austen Chamberlain in 1936.

Let us pause for a moment to reflect on the manner in which the late Sir Austen Chamberlain's forecast has come true. Within less than a year and a half of the fall of Austria, we were faced with the consequences so clearly visualized, which are a direct menace to our most vital interests, and indeed to our very existence as an Empire. I have quoted that passage from the late Sir Austen Chamberlain's speech to emphasize the great importance of Austria from the point of view of our own immediate interests. What was said by the late Sir Austen Chamberlain in 1936 remains true at this hour; in other words, it is upon the re-establishment on solid foundations of Austria's independence that the duration of the peace settlement which we aim eventually to achieve may well depend.

That adequate provision for Austria's existence can be made in friendly collaboration with the other Powers concerned for the restoration of their independence there is little room for doubt, since, despite all her disabilities on the economic side, Austria had proved by 1937 that economically she could stand on her own feet. Indeed, she had brought completely to naught the campaign embarked on by the German Government to reduce her by economic pressure. It was such conditions, under perpetual menace and overt attack, which kept the country in a continuous state of unrest. Austria showed herself capable of maintaining her position, indeed, of greatly improving it, from the economic point of view in the critical years between 1933 and 1938. There is life in Austria, and the consideration of the economic needs of her people will present no real problem to those peoples, anxious to restore their own position, and to whose future consolidation the restoration of Austria may provide the key.

It does seem to me that on the background of the satisfactory declarations that His Majesty's Government have made in regard to Austria, advantages would most definitely accrue for this policy and its development, not only in Austria itself but elsewhere in the world, if His Majesty's Government could see their way to adapt their procedure towards Austrians exiled as a result of Herr Hitler's aggression in 1938 to that of the Government of the United States of America, who have quite recently decreed a definite distinction between Austrians and Germans, excluding the former from treatment as enemy aliens. Austrian subjects in the United States of America can enlist in the Navy and in the Army. In fact, as your Lordships will be aware, a special Austrian Legion has been formed which will fight under the combined flags of the United States and Austria. This Legion at this moment is officered by American officers of Austrian extraction until such time as Austrians in the Legion who have fled from the aggression of Hitler may be trained to undertake these duties. Austrians, whatever their political ideas may be, have joined and are continuously joining this unit, which can prove an important instrument in the forthcoming European struggle referred to, so we understand, in the recent Conference in North-West Africa.

As your Lordships may have noticed, the Government of the Dominion of Canada has but recently taken action very similar to that taken by the Government of the United States of America. Canada thus re-recognizes Austria's sovereign independence, and it is understood that the Dominion Government will facilitate the passage to the United States of America of Austrians who wish to join the Austrian Legion that has just been founded in that country. I suggest that if it were known that His Majesty's Government had taken the important step of recognizing a distinction between Austria and Germany, this by itself would put fresh heart into the growing numbers in Austria who are striving to hinder the Axis war effort, since they would know that the future freedom of their country was assured. I suggest that we should exploit the declared policy of His Majesty's Government in every way possible by emphasizing this distinction between Austrians and Germans, so that we may bring home to Austria and the other freedom-seeking peoples that we are not unmindful of our commitments. In the eighteenth century the Duke of Marlborough and Prince Eugene of Austria successfully fought another aggressor, and we heard an echo of that old association in the words of Marlborough's descendant, our present Prime Minister, when he said: We can never forget here in this island that Austria was the first victim of Nazi aggression. The people of Britain will never desert the cause of the freedom of Austria from the Prussian yoke.

LORD STRABOLGI

My Lords, I think the noble Lord, Lord Sempill, is to be congratulated not only on raising this important question, but also on the very full and concise summary of it which he has given. He has dealt with an enormous subject very completely, and in a very short time. My noble friend the Leader of the Labour Party in your Lordships' House was good enough to ask me to express our views on the matter, though it is hardly necessary for me to do so, because, as the noble Lord, Lord Sempill, reminded your Lordships, at our last annual conference—when we try to lay down our policy for the guidance of our representatives in the Cabinet (which they do not always follow out)—we reiterated our view that Austria should receive her independence as one of the first objects of the war. To that declaration we, of course, adhere, and I am very glad to have the opportunity of repeating it.

This is a matter the importance of which cannot be exaggerated. I am surprised that the noble Lord, Lord Beaver-brook, has found it necessary to leave the House, because this is a matter directly affecting the war. If the Mediterranean coast of Europe is "the soft under-belly of the Axis," then Austria is the soft under-belly of Germany; it is the way into Germany, and the way into Germany through the Balkans. Therefore any popular movement in Austria to support an invading Army moving up through the Balkans can be of the greatest service to the cause of the United Nations. For that reason alone I consider that we should make every endeavour to encourage all those in Austria who are discontented with the Nazi tyranny and who are prepared to assist our cause. My noble friend Lord Sempill mentioned the formation of an Austrian Legion in the United States. I am all in favour of forming these Legions of oppressed peoples. The effect on the serving Austrian soldiers in the German Army would be enormous if they knew there was an Austrian Legion under the Austrian Flag fighting on our side. It would have tremendous propaganda effect among enemy troops. Your Lordships will remember the Czech Legion, formed by Czech soldiers in the Austrian Army in the last war, and afterwards the Polish Legion, and the effect on the Polish conscripts fighting in the German and Austrian Armies in the war of 1914–18.

I cannot understand why that has not been done with regard to the Austrians this time. Your Lordships are aware of the evidence of discontent and unrest in Austria. From all the evidence I have received I would like to support the statement made by my noble friend that only a minority welcomed the Nazis in the first place and since then that minority has shrunk. Austria has been ruined economically by the Nazis. They have looted and sucked the country dry both of natural wealth and of human wealth. They have done their best to destroy the separate spirit of Austrians; the artistic life of Austria has suffered under these tyrants, and the people have resented it bitterly.

I wish, however, to make two reservations with regard to this matter, as raised by my noble friend. In the United States there has been some confusion and surprise caused by the apparent favouring of the Archduke Otto of Hapsburg as the head of the organization for recruiting soldiers for the Austrian Legion. This surprise was all the deeper in that previous offers by Austrian Republicans to help had not been accepted by the American Government. There was so much confusion that the President himself intervened and stated that the legitimist Pretender, the Archduke Otto of Hapsburg, was only a member of the Committee charged with the organization of this Legion. I understand that the President's intervention caused a great deal of satisfaction in the United States.

If we are also going to encourage the recruiting of an Austrian Legion—I hope we shall, both here and in the Dominions —it would be a fatal mistake to associate any member of the Hapsburg family with it in any way whatever, for two reasons. First, because in so doing we would offend our Polish, Czech, Yugoslav, and other Allies from the Succession States. There is no doubt about that. Talk to any responsible Minister of the Polish, Yugoslav, or any other Government of the Succession States who are exiles in London, and he will leave you in no doubt as to the attitude of the former subjects of the Austro-Hungarian Empire to any question of the restoration of the Hapsburgs. It is a matter not to be even discussed with them. Secondly, Austria has a right to self-determination under the Atlantic Charter. It has the right freely to choose its own form of government. That is what we have all committed ourselves to under the Atlantic Charter. But if the armed forces are under the control of one particular set of protagonists—in this case the Royalists—then they will be able to coerce the population, and the elections or plebiscites will not be fair. We have had one unfortunate object lesson of this sort of blunder in North Africa, and we have far less excuse for making a similar blunder with regard to Austria.

The other reservation I make is with regard to the possible economic difficulties in Austria. I understand that the noble Earl, Lord Perth, will refer to this, and he speaks with greater authority than I can possibly claim. The noble Lord, Lord Sempill, spoke of the great economic recovery in Austria before the Nazi invasion, but that recovery was made under considerable difficulties. There is a great economic case for a Danubian Federation for trade purposes, and there is a far stronger case for European economic unity. That is the one good thing that the Nazis have talked about—the economic United States of Europe. They have not carried it out; they intend to make it into a tyranny, but in theory it is the one good thing we have had from them. I believe we shall have to undertake something of the sort after the war. That is one of the ways of getting over the economic difficulties of a small State like Austria in the midst of neighbours who otherwise are protectionist and who may hamper and hinder trade. I hope my noble friend will not object to my making these two reservations whilst otherwise completely supporting his plea to His Majesty's Government.

THE EARL OF PERTH

My Lords, it is rather a pity that the noble Lord who has just spoken went into the question of Austrian internal difficulties. Your Lordships would be well advised to avoid taking any sides in such disputes, which must be settled by the Austrians themselves. The noble Lord who raised this question—we should be grateful to him for doing so—has reminded us that the Prime Minister has already declared that the independence of Austria is one of our war aims I have no doubt that your Lordships will agree that it is of the utmost importance that Austria should be, and should remain, liberated from German domination. This view, I feel certain, will be shared by those Central European countries who are members of the United Nations. But even when the freedom of Austria is achieved it will be necessary for certain special arrangements to be made as regards Austria's economic future. With all due respect to the observations made by the noble Lord, we cannot afford to repeat the situation which occurred after the last war. We cannot afford to leave her in that economic position. Here again, once victory has been won, we can very largely rely on Austria's friendly neighbours to help the situation. I do so with more confidence because I remember that Dr. Benes always maintained that Austria must receive special treatment from those States which constituted the Little Entente. It is sad to think that insufficient attention was paid to his recommendations in the past, but I hope, when the time arrives, they will be given that weight which is due to the eminence of their author.

The noble Lord who raised the question has also asked for facilities for enlistment of Austrians in the Navy and Army. I am certain that such a step would give great encouragement to Austrians everywhere and would strengthen their resistance to Nazism. I realize that there may be certain naval, military, and even security problems involved, and of these the Government must be the ultimate judge. Subject to these problems—perhaps in view of tae analogy of the United States mentioned by the noble Lord, these problems may be solved here too; if they can, so much the better—I trust His Majesty's Government will receive the request which the noble Lord has made with particular sympathy.

VISCOUNT CECIL OF CHELWOOD

My Lords, I do not wish to occupy your attention for more than a few moments, but I find myself in the warmest sympathy with my noble friend Lord Sempill in the attitude he has taken up and the speech he has made. All of us must feel that the Austrian people have been treated extraordinarily badly during the last twenty years, that they have the right to the sympathy and support of this country in achieving whatever it is they wish to achieve, and that we ought certainly to do nothing to interfere with their efforts in that direction. It is said that we ought to pledge ourselves more specifically and more definitely to the independence of the country than we have done. The statement of the Prime Minister seems to me to have gone as far in that direction as it is reasonable to ask the Government to go.

I was very glad to hear from my noble friend Lord Perth his view that it would be the greatest possible mistake for us to interfere in the internal politics of the Austrian people. I hold that view very strongly with regard to all countries, for two reasons. In the first place, because do not think we have any right to do so; and in the second place, because history shows in almost every case that any regime, any Government, which is imposed by foreign pressure upon a country, labours under the very greatest difficulties and is commonly overset very shortly. I do not imagine for a moment the Government have any idea of doing such a thing. I hope the Government will make no statement whether they are in favour of this or that solution of the Austrian internal problems, but will leave that strictly, as the Atlantic Charter has said, to the decision of the Austrian people freely and unreservedly.

The other thing that has been pressed is the recruitment of an Austrian legion. I should certainly be very glad if that were found practicable. I entirely assent to the view that it would be of considerable assistance to us in every way; and that it would be a great encouragement to those Austrians who hate and disapprove of the German policy and would be glad to be entirely free from any responsibility for it. But undoubtedly there are difficulties. We have not recognized, and are not in a position, as far as I can see, to recognize, any form of Austrian Govern- ment at the present time. I do not say that is fatal to the creation of an Austrian Legion, but I do recognize that it must add some very considerable technical difficulties to it. The reason why no such recognition has taken place I think ought to be stated quite openly, because it is important that both the Austrian people and the English people should know exactly what the main difficulty in that respect must be—namely, that unfortunately there is no unity amongst the Austrians who are at present refugees in this country.

I would not for the world intervene in the controversy that exists, but undoubtedly there are a considerable number of Austrians on both sides: those who cannot forget the way that they were treated by their own Government in times past, and those who, on the other hand, are anxious for a union of Austrians and an oblivion, at any rate, of events that have taken place in the past. I cannot help feeling that somehow or other, that controversy ought to be settled, and that the British Government should have the opportunity of negotiating, if negotiation is necessary, with some body that represents unquestionably the great mass of the Austrians who are now refugees in this country. I do not know how near we have reached the achievement of that object. All I know is that occasionally papers are sent to me by both sides, but particularly by one side, using very strong language indeed about the other sections and saying that in no circumstances can the authors of those papers have anything to do with the other Austrians at the present time. I cannot help feeling that it is only right that those of us who wish well to Austria—and I certainly count myself as one of them—should state in the strongest possible way that if the Austrian refugees desire full recognition, the first thing they must do is to present a united front and abandon these controversies, at any rate until the victory has been won. I feel that that is an essential condition, or at any rate a very valuable condition, even for the creation of an Austrian Legion and is absolutely essential if you desire anything like formal recognition of Austrian nationality at the present time.

VISCOUNT CRANBORNE

My Lords, I think we shall all agree that the noble Lord, Lord Sempill, introduced his Motion this afternoon in a very moving and powerful speech. The noble Lord will no doubt forgive me if I do not follow him into his disquisition on the past history of Austria. At this late hour of the day it would not be possible to go fully into the events of the pre-war years of which he gave so interesting an account. Moreover, I think he would be the first to agree that he is himself much more concerned with the future than with the past and that he described these past events principally in order to point a moral to the argument which he was putting forward. It is, therefore, with the future rather than with the past that I propose to deal this afternoon.

The attitude of His Majesty's Government towards the future of Austria which is raised in the noble Lord's Motion, has I think been made abundantly clear in numerous public statements at various times. It is, as your Lordships will understand, difficult for me to add materially to those statements this afternoon. But I should have thought that there should exist no doubt as to the policy of His Majesty's Government on this clearly important question. As far back as 9th November, 1940, my right honourable friend the Prime Minister described Austria as one of the countries "for whom we have drawn the sword and for whom our victory will supply liberation." That was a clear and definite statement. Then again, more recently, on the 9th September of last year, my right honourable friend the Foreign Secretary in another place recalled that statement and added: While His Majesty's Government cannot, of course, commit themselves at this stage to recognize or support the establishment in the future of any particular frontiers in Central Europe, I must make it plain that His Majesty's Government equally do not regard themselves as being bound by any change effected in Austria in and since 1938. These statements I think make it clear that among the objects for which this country is fighting is the liberation of the Austrian people, as of all the other oppressed peoples of Europe, from Nazi domination.

The future political status of Austria must, however, inevitably be influenced by events in Austria—and outside it—between now and the hour of the Allied victory. As the Foreign Secretary pointed out in reply to a question in the House of Commons on the 16th December last, it must depend, among other things, upon the future attitude of the Austrians themselves, the great majority of whom, it must be remembered, are now fighting in the ranks of our enemies. It is against this background that the position of Austrian exiles in this country must be considered. The position of these people at present in this country was stated by the Home Secretary in reply to a question in the House of Commons on March 5 last year and which your Lordships will perhaps allow me to quote. The Home Secretary said: As regards treatment, it is open to any individual Austrian to apply for exemption from the special restrictions applicable to aliens of enemy nationality, and such application would he granted if I were satisfied that the applicant is whole-heartedly sympathetic with the Allied cause and willing to assist our war effort. But I regret that I should not be prepared to grant these exemptions wholesale to all persons of former Austrian nationality. As regards status, the expression alien of enemy nationality' includes all persons who are national of a State at war with His Majesty, and I do not think that any useful purpose would be served by attempting to differentiate between different classes of persons who possess enemy nationality. I cannot, I think, very usefully add anything to that statement, which still represents the considered policy of His Majesty's Government. I would however, remind the noble Lord, Lord Sempill, and other noble Lords who have spoken this afternoon that Austrians in this country are only a section of those people who have escaped from Nazi persecution in Central Europe, and that there would be serious difficulties of principle as well as of an administrative nature if we granted them a privileged status which could not be extended to other refugees.

With regard to service in the Armed Forces to which the noble Lord, Lord Sempill, referred, the position is that Austrians who wish to serve the Allied cause can be enrolled in the Pioneer Corps of the British Army. I will say a word about the Legion later. Both in the Pioneer Corps and in various branches of industry we have Austrians who are already making a very useful contribution to the Allied war effort the value of which is fully recognized. The noble Lord, Lord Sempill, in his speech made certain suggestions. Those suggestions present considerable difficulties, to some of which my noble relative, Viscount Cecil, referred, and about which I do not propose to say any more. But with regard to the Legion I think there is something I should say, because that is clearly a matter of special interest to your Lordships. It would not be true to say that the question of a Legion or of an Austrian unit has not been considered. It has been considered and, what is more, attempts have actually been made to give effect to it. But I must say quite frankly to your Lordships that up to now great practical difficulties have been encountered on various grounds into which I do not wish to go this afternoon. It has not yet been found possible to find a successful solution to these. But I can assure your Lordships that His Majesty's Government have not been in any way opposed in principle to such proposals.

Lastly, the noble Lord drew attention to a difference which I think he suggested existed between the policy of His Majesty's Government and the Government of the United States in this matter. Perhaps he will allow me to make this observation: I think it is often overlooked that there are important differences between the position in the United States and that obtaining in this country. One of the most important of these, and I would like to emphasize this, is that while most of the Austrians—the great majority of the Austrians—in this country are refugees who have lately arrived from Central Europe, the majority of persons of Austrian descent in the United States have been established there for many years and may almost be said to have absorbed themselves into the country.. They are a semi-stabilized population. It may not therefore always prove practicable to apply in this country specific measures which have been found suitable in the United States with regard to Austrian nationals situated in that country. His Majesty's Government are satisfied that such necessary differences of practice do not betoken any divergence of policy between His Majesty's Government and the Government of the United States on the main question of the future of Austria. That policy, so far as we are concerned, was defined very succinctly in the words of the Prime Minister on November 9, 1940, which I quoted in the opening sentences of my speech. There is no doubt what those words mean, and on those words His Majesty's Government stand.

LORD SEMPILL

My Lords, I thank the noble Viscount, the Leader of the House, for his very sympathetic reply to my question.