Lords Sitting of 25 February 1942

Preamble
The House met, The LORD CHANCELLOR on the Woolsack.
LORD CLAUSON.
The Right Honourable Sir Albert Charles Clauson, Knight, C.B.E., lately a Lord Justice of Appeal, having been created Baron Clauson of Hawkshead in the County of Hertford—Was (in the usual manner) introduced.
RAILWAY COMPANIES (THOMAS COOK AND SON LIMITED GUARANTEE): PETITION FOR BILL.
  PRINCESS ELIZABETH OF YORK HOSPITAL FOR CHILDREN AND QUEEN'S HOSPITAL FOR CHILDREN (AMALGAMATION, &c): PETITION FOR BILL.
  Examiners' Certificate of non-compliance with the Standing Orders referred to the Standing Orders Committee.

BUSINESS OF THE HOUSE.
LORD SNELL: My Lords, on behalf of my noble friend Lord Cranborne, I beg to move the Motion which stands upon the Order Paper in his name.
Moved, That Standing Order No. XXXIX be considered in order to its being suspended for this day's sitting.—(Lord Snell.)
On Question, Motion agreed to, and ordered accordingly.

EAST MIDLANDS ELECTRICITY DISTRICT (AMENDMENT) ORDER, 1942.
LORD TEMPLEMORE: My Lords, I beg to move that this Order be agreed to.
Moved, That the Special Order, as reported from the Special Orders Committee yesterday, be approved.—(Lord Templemore.)
On Question, Motion agreed to.

WAR ORPHANS BILL.
House in Committee (according to Order): Bill reported without amendment.
Then, Standing Order No. XXXIX having been suspended, Bill read 3a, and passed.

RESTORATION OF PRE-WAR TRADE PRACTICES BILL.
House in Committee (according to Order): Bill reported without amendment.
Then, Standing Order No. XXXIX having been suspended, Bill read 3a, and passed.

MINISTERS OF THE CROWN AND HOUSE OF COMMONS DISQUALIFICATION BILL.
Order of the Day for the Second Reading read.
THE LORD CHANCELLOR (VISCOUNT SIMON): My Lords, this Bill comes to the House from the House of Commons, where it was passed unanimously and without amendment. It deals, as your Lordships will see, with two existing Acts of Parliament, both of which were passed in relation to the war. One is the House of Commons Disqualification (Temporary Provisions) Act, 1941, and the other is the Ministers of the Crown (Emergency Appointments) Act, 1939. If I may take the second of those two Statutes first, as being the older in date, your Lordships will notice that it is dealt with in Clause 3 of this Bill. The Ministers of the Crown (Emergency Appointments) Act was the Act which provided that a Minister to whom it applied should not be disqualified by reason of his office for membership of the House of Commons, and the Act was to be applied by Order in Council to any Minister who was "appointed for the purpose of exercising functions connected with the prosecution of any war in which His Majesty may be engaged." It is under that Statute that a number of war-time Ministers have been appointed, as for example the Minister of Information; and until recently another example would have been the Minister for Economic Warfare, but, as your Lordships are happy to know, the holder of that office is now a member of this House.
It was pointed out by a Select Committee of the House of Commons which

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has recently reported, and which has been considering the subject of offices or places of profit under the Crown, that this measure which I have briefly described is in extremely wide terms. According to its language, it is not limited to the present war at all; it might continue to operate if, after the main struggle were over, we were technically at war with some quite minor Power, or it might, I suppose, be regarded as operating even if such conditions arose again. The Select Committee of the House of Commons, I think rightly, criticized that provision as being unnecessarily wide and as being dangerous; and consequently the Government have introduced the present Bill, which in Clause 3, as your Lordships will see, creates the necessary limitation, and indeed prospectively repeals the Statute
"on such date as his Majesty may by Order in Council declare to be the date on which the emergency that was the occasion of the passing of that Act came to an end."
I do not feel any doubt that your Lordships' House will be prepared to concur with the House of Commons in that undoubted improvement.
The other topic dealt with by the Bill, in Clauses 1 and 2
is the House of Commons Disqualification (Temporary Provisions) Act, 1941, which, of course, was passed by both Houses of Parliament last year. Your Lordships may recall that it was the Act which provided that, if the First Lord of the Treasury certified that the appointment of a Member of Parliament to an office or place under the Crown was required "in the public interest for purposes connected with the prosecution of any war in which His Majesty may be engaged," then that person should not be disqualified from continuing to sit as a Member of Parliament. The matter therefore turns on the certificate given by the Prime Minister in his character as First Lord of the Treasury. Here again the Select Committee to which I have made reference had some observations to make. They pointed out that there is no limit to the number of cases in which this very unusual power might be exercised, and they recommended that some limit should be set to it. That is done by Clause 1 of this Bill.
In point of fact there have been fourteen cases of such certification over the hand of the First Lord of the Treasury since the
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Act was passed. They range from two Members of the House of Commons who are serving as High Commissioners in a Dominion to two Members of the House of Commons who have been appointed Governors of the British Broadcasting Corporation. The total number is fourteen, and, as your Lordships will see, the proposal is that we should now enact by Statute that in no circumstances shall the number exceed twenty-five, unless the condition, mentioned in the Proviso, of an Address from the Commons House of Parliament praying an increase in the number, should be fulfilled. There again the matter may be primarily one for the House of Commons, but your Lordships are well entitled to take note of the wisdom of this provision, for it is not merely in the interests of the House of Commons but of the Legislature as a whole and of the whole country that we should not, even in war-time, pass legislation in such wide terms as might seem to run contrary to a profound and essential principle of our Constitution—namely, that those who exercise the power of the Executive should not be able to an unlimited extent to place private Members of Parliament in official positions, with conceivable effects upon their independence of judgment and independence of voting.
There remains one other point. When Parliament passed the Act to which I have referred it was careful to limit its operation to one year. That twelve months will expire on the 6th of March next. It is therefore obviously essential, unless the whole thing is to collapse, that we should give a further extension to the operation of the Act. It is not proposed to extend it for the period of the war, however long that period may be. It is thought much better again to give an extension for twelve months only, and therefore, as your Lordships will see at the end of Clause 2, the phrase "two years" is substituted for the words "one year" in the original Act; the result of which will be that under the amendment effected by this present Bill the Act will be able to continue to operate until the 6th of March of next year instead of the 6th of March this year. I beg to move.
Moved, That the Bill be now read 2a—(The Lord Chancellor.)
THE EARL OF CLANWILLIAM: My Lords, may I say one word with reference to the proviso in Clause 1 of this Bill,

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which says that an Address can be presented to His Majesty by another place if the number exempted from disqualification should exceed twenty-five? My only point is this. As the noble and learned Viscount has already pointed out, this Bill concerns your Lordships' House and the country as much as another place, and if the number of Ministers were to exceed twenty-five, or rather before it exceeds twenty-five, an Address can be presented to His Majesty by the House of Commons. I would ask the noble and learned Viscount whether he could consider the inclusion of the: House of Lords as well as the House of Commons, so that we should have a chance here of considering the matter in the same way as the House of Commons. Of course, I quite understand and appreciate that this is a matter of Privilege, but perhaps the House of Commons, out of courtesy to your Lordships' House, might consider this rather small point. I put it before the noble and learned Viscount and ask if he will give it his consideration.
THE LORD CHANCELLOR: My Lords, perhaps your Lordships will allow me briefly to add a word or two on the suggestion just made by my noble friend. I certainly share the views that all these constitutional arrangements are matters in which Parliament as a whole ought to be concerned, and it is for that reason, of course, that you Lordships' House is asked, and indeed is required, to give assent to the Bill before the change in the law can be made. But the particular matter mentioned by my noble friend stands in a rather different position. It was probably only a slip of the tongue, but I must correct it. Of course this is not a Bill that provide; for twenty-five extra Ministers: the provision here merely is that a limited number of private Members of the House of Commons, whose service is regarded as urgently needed on public grounds in the pinch of the war, because they are specially qualified to render some form of service, should not, for the period of the Bill, which is only a year, suffer the very severe disqualification which would be involved if they automatically lost their seats.
That is the point of the clause. That does seem to me to be more particularly a matter for the House of Commons. The House of Commons is extremely jealous in my experience—and there are
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other former members of the House of Commons here who could confirm me—of any idea that the Executive is going to "nobble" private Members in the way that perhaps in the eighteenth century was done rather abundantly. I am sure we may leave it to the very watchful eyes of Members of Parliament to see that this power is not abused. If there are people specially qualified to render a piece of public service while the war is going on, it would be a misfortune to the whole country if they had to refuse to give that service because the result would be that they would forfeit their seats. It appears to me, therefore, that it really is a matter for the House of Commons to decide, and I have no doubt that is the reason why this clause was framed as it is. Your Lordships will not of course be prevented from making such comments as are proper and constitutional if you think the power is abused, but I think you could leave this matter safety in the hands of the House of Commons.
On Question, Bill read 2a: Committee negatived.
Then, Standing Order No. XXXIX having been suspended, Bill read 3a, and passed.

SECURITIES (VALIDATION) BILL.
Order of the Day for the Second Reading read.
THE LORD CHANCELLOR: My Lords, this is quite a small measure which can be readily appreciated by anybody who reads the clauses, which are very clearly drawn. The story which is connected with it, and which makes it necessary, will not be uninteresting to some members of your Lordships' House. We have Defence Finance Regulations which impose restrictions on the transfer and acquisition of securities or of any interest n securities. The House will at once appreciate that that is necessary, otherwise you might have a transfer of funds as between the non-sterling area and the sterling area, with the possibility of serious consequences upon the standing of he pound sterling and the security of our finances. That general arrangement worked very well, but a situation arose in the course of the war which called for an amendment. It was this, that in May, 1940, it became absolutely necessary to

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secure that this rule should also apply to securities. In July, 1940, it was extended to any attempt to transfer or get an interest in life insurance policies or endowment policies. These changes were specially connected with the overrunning of the Low Countries, where there is a very large financial interest which it was most important for us to secure should not be exploited to the disadvantage of this country. Therefore we brought securities, including life insurance policies and endowment policies, within the scope of the prohibition of the Finance Regulations, and required in these cases also that the consent of the Treasury should be obtained before there could be any question of transfer as between sterling and non-sterling areas. But, as will be readily appreciated when one reflects upon it, there is a very clear distinction between the ease with which a rule of this sort can be applied to ordinary securities—stocks and shares—and the ease with which it can be applied to life policies or endowment policies.
Any of your Lordships who happens to have had occasion, either on your own behalf or as a trustee, to sell, buy, or transfer stocks and shares, knows very well that during the war, in addition to filling up the ordinary transfer form, there is another form you have to fill up giving details as to who you are and who the other party is. All this is readily provided and very carefully supervised. That is because ordinary dealing with ordinary stocks and shares is done through stockbrokers, and the Stock Exchange knows perfectly well these Regulations and can assist in having them observed. But if a man has occasion to transfer an interest in a life policy or endowment policy he does not go to the Stock Exchange, and it may well be that in all good faith he does something or other which is a breach of the Finance Regulations because it has not been brought to his particular attention. Between May, 1940, and May, 1941, there were quite a number of cases in which people, as far as we know, in complete good faith, made transfers, especially of interests in life policies or endowment policies which, in fact, offend against the Finance Regulations. That is a very serious matter because that means that the transferor has not given a good title, and it means that the man who has acquired
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the interest in the policy is not able to transfer a good title to anybody else.
The thing is bad from the moment the mistake is made. The only way to put that right is to provide, as is done in this Bill, that as these cases are discovered, upon its being ascertained that the case is bona fide, and that there was in fact no breach of our financial fortress, no transfer as between sterling and non-sterling areas, a certificate may be given by the Treasury to validate the title retrospectively. By that process the Treasury will spread its blessing far and wide because every subsequent holder of the interest will discover he has a good security instead of a bad one. I am sure your Lordships will warmly approve of this beneficent intention. It is a small point, but it will clear up the whole matter, and I have no doubt that your Lordships will give the Bill a Second Reading.
Moved, That the Bill be now read 2a.—(The Lord Chancellor.)
On Question, Bill read 2a: Committee negatived.
Then, Standing Order No. XXXIX having been suspended, Bill read 3a, and passed.

YOUTH ORGANIZATIONS.
EARL MANVERS EARL MANVERS rose to call attention to anomalies arising from competition in the Service of Youth organization; and to move for Papers. The noble Earl said: My Lords, shortly after the outbreak of war it became obvious that problems would arise concerning the welfare of our young people. The darkness of the blackout, the absence of parents from home, the conditions caused by enemy action very soon created circumstances which gave cause for anxiety. Under the powerful impulse of the Board of Education, and under the stimulating affect of grants of public money, Service of Youth societies very soon sprang into being, and they started to breed and multiply in a way which forms the highest testimonial to the energy and resource of the organization concerned in promoting them. But there is an old saying that too many cooks spoil the broth. I do not believe there are many members of your Lordships' House who have the slightest idea of the number of culinary experts engaged in the preparation of this particular beverage. The congestion is partly

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due to a certain ambiguity in the expression "Service of Youth." Is youth to serve or is it to be served? Its very ambiguity has its uses. It enables us to obtain the support, in the first place, of those economists who believe that to avoid Inflation no money ought to be spent now on any other object than that of the war, and it enables us, in the second place, to claim the support of people who, whilst they are in favour of boys' clubs, are averse from fostering a spirit of what I believe is known as militarism amongst the young. The second interpretation of the expression "Service of Youth" was undoubtedly the original one. The movement was a welfare movement pure and simple, but more recently a subtle reorientation seems to have taken place. Side by side with welfare you get what they call pre-military or recruiting organizations which try to induce our young people to undertake national service of one sort or another.
I want to refer, first of all, to one or two amongst a. large number of welfare organizations Firstly, yon get the Central Council of Recreative Physical Training, a most powerful body, which is being very ably conducted by the noble Viscount, Lord Hampden, and which has spread tentacles all over the country. It has, I understand, six paid representatives in the Midlands area from which I come. There is then the National Association of Boys' Clubs. I have not been able to find out much about the activities of that body, but I understand it is recognized by the Board of Education, and that it works on somewhat similar lines to those of the Central Council of Recreative Physical Training. I think I am correct in saying that it also administers grants of Government money.
The Army is also taking a hand in the good work, and it has appointed a local staff officer of physical training whose duty it is to provide instructors for any boys' club which may apply for them free of charge. The miners, too, are doing their best by promoting clubs for pit lads, which are financed partly out of the Welfare Fund and partly out of contributions from the county council. In addition to all those more or less modern institutions, we get well-known bodies like the Boy Scouts, the Girl Guides, the Church Lads Brigades, boys' clubs, even-
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ing institutes, the Young Men's Christian Association—to which, by the way, I owe a special debt of gratitude for the excellent work they are doing amongst the troops in my neighbourhood—and the Young Women's Christian Association; and quite recently I have come across the Women's Junior Air Corps, of which I had not previously heard, but those responsible have been kind enough to send me a booklet since the appearance of this Motion upon the Paper. Those are what I call welfare organizations—organizations which exist for the purpose of serving youth.
I now come to the pre-military or recruiting organizations which exist more for the purpose of inducing youth to render national service to the country. Under that heading come the Home Guard, the Air Training Corps, the Army Cadet Corps, and the Sea Cadet Corps which His Majesty the King has recently honoured by becoming its Admiral. Needless to say I have not a word to utter against any one of those organizations. On the contrary, I should say that each one is performing such valuable services that its operations ought not to be hampered by any new rivals appearing on the scene. But there is undoubtedly, I am afraid, a certain amount of overlapping, almost amounting to internecine strife, amongst these organizations. I have had letters from more than one of the clergy lamenting that the Boy Scouts and the Girl Guides, to which he or his wife have devoted many years of attention and service, are in danger of being blown out of the water by the subsidized competition of pioneer clubs run by the county councils under the auspices of the Government.
A curious coincidence is that two of the clergymen who have written to me have made reference to the cave Adullam. Now the cave Adullam, if I remember aright, was the cave to which David escaped when he was fleeing from Saul and to which various debtors and other discontented folk who took service under his banner, were drawn. Similarly I am told that the boy scouts who are reproved for breach of duty, or for lack of discipline, are apt to throw up their membership of the Boy Scouts and join these new pioneer dubs where they can get free entertainment at the public expense. The Diocesan youth Committee has applied for a grant

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under this scheme, and has been refused, pending unification with other religious bodies with which it may or may not see eye to eye in matters of doctrine. The matter is not free from difficulty, and it affords further evidence of the very great amount of competition that there is in the Service of Youth movement at the moment. And so the question arises whether at this time, when warship weeks are the order of the day, we are justified in keeping more cats than can catch mice. Are we justified in making confusion worse confounded by appointing county organizers and assistant organizers to promote further Pioneer Clubs? Is the system a good system under which well-meaning philanthropists and paid organizers compete for the patronage of children bewildered by the amount of limelight which is now shed upon them? Will the noble Lord, Lord Hankey, who answers with such charm and wisdom for the Board of Education, say whether there is not a risk of too many cooks spoiling the very excellent broth? I beg to move.
THE PAYMASTER-GENERAL (LORD HANKEY): My Lords, the Motion of the noble Earl, Lord Manvers, can be dealt with under three main heads among a long list of youth organizations, physical training organizations, and the national voluntary organizations of the Youth Service Squads. Now if we take the physical training organizations first, the Central Council of Recreative Physical Training, which the noble Lord referred, was formed in 1935, well before the war. Its purpose was to bring into one body the various organizations concerned with physical training and active recreation, especially for the post-school age groups—that is, the fourteen to sixteen and the sixteen to eighteen groups—and to avoid overlapping between them. It is subsidized by the Board of Education. Its main function is to attract young people, soon after they have left school, to participate in recreative physical training and in all forms of healthy outdoor activities, and also to train leaders.
It is not a grant-making body, and it has no local units. It works with the local education authorities, voluntary organizations and commercial and industrial concerns. Most of the voluntary organizations rely wholly or largely upon
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the Council for the maintenance of the physical side of their work, so that this Council has an important co-ordinating function. Physical training organizers of local education authorities are concerned mainly with the supervision and development of physical training in the schools. At the inception of the Youth Service the Board of Education took steps, through His Majesty's Inspectors, to ensure close co-operation locally between the officers of the Central Council, the physical training organizers and the other officers of the local education authorities. The object of this was to enable local resources in physical training to cover the ground as far as they could in view of the drawing into the Services of over 50 per cent. of the physical training teachers and organizers employed.
In spite of these measures, however, the available personnel cannot cover the whole ground. As a result of the heavy calls of military requirements the Army physical training staff are not to any appreciable extent available to work on the educational side, although, as I have said, that was the occupation of many of them before the war. Indeed the War Office have, up to the present, been unable to co-operate with the Board in making more readily available, for work with the post-school age groups, suitable serving physical training instructors. War Office help is at the present moment limited to a few "fitness-for-service" centres run by the Central Council of Recreative Physical Training, which are open to adults as well as to young people. There are also in a very few cases local arrangements made between local education authorities and such military units as happen to be serving in their areas: so there is an acute shortage of trained physical training staffs to deal with the school and post-school age groups. That is the first group; the physical training group.
I come now to the national voluntary organisations, of which the noble Earl gave a pretty full list. They are the National Association of Boys' Clubs, Boy Scouts, Girl Guides, Church Lads Brigade, the Young Men's Christian Association and the Young Women's Christian Association. I shall come to one or two of the others mentioned by the noble Earl. Before the war these organizations were catering for not more than twenty to twenty-five per cent. of post-school boys

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and girls. Their membership has been generally increased as a result of the Youth Service policy, but it would certainly be optimistic to say that even to-day they cater for more than about thirty to thirty-five per cent. There is therefore a very wide field open to them without any risk of overlapping. I think the noble Earl made mention of the Miners' Welfare Clubs. They are not confined to pit lads or pit lasses, but arc open to the whole local juvenile population. The Miners Welfare Committee works in close association with the National Association of Boys' Clubs and the National Council of Girls' Clubs. This is especially noticeable in the Midlands coalfield.
Certain of the organizations were classed by the noble Earl as "pre-military." I would rather say they are pre-Service organizations. These include, as the noble Earl said, the Sea Cadets, the Cadet Force and the Air Training Corps. These work in very close harmony and co-operation with local education authorities, with schools and voluntary organizations. Cadet and Air Training Corps units may be either separate units or units based on school or voluntary organizations or groups of separate organizations. Where they are separate units they rely largely upon the local education authorities and voluntary organizations for their access to social and recreational training. Where they are formed in schools and youth organizations the members benefit by the facilities offered by those schools and organizations. It is the declared policy of the three Service Departments to collaborate with local education authorities and voluntary organizations, and to develop their cadet training not on narrow pre-service military lines but on broad educational lines. Then there are the Pioneer Clubs. They are confined to Nottinghamshire and Derbyshire. Their business is to provide healthy outdoor recreation for young people in the villages. They are not run by the "county council". They started in 1940 and, as newcomers in the rural field, they have been looked on with rather a critical eye by the Young Farmers' Clubs; but I am assured no evidence has been brought forward of overlapping.
Then we come last of all to the Youth Service Squads. These are known to contain at least 60,000 young people. They are doing useful national and communal
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service, voluntarily and in their leisure time. They may be formed within existing youth organizations and centres or as separate units. There is no evidence of rivalry; on the contrary, they have in many cases served as a useful means of recruitment to existing organizations. Furthermore, they bring within the ambit of the Youth Service large numbers of boys and girls who had not previously been attracted by any youth organization. In fact the fundamental policy of the Youth Service is to bring together in the local youth committees the local education authorities, the voluntary organizations and indeed all those who are concerned with the welfare and training of young people. I think that is really the answer about this alleged overlapping. A great many of these organizations, the vast majority, existed long before the war and long before the Youth Service, and the object of the Youth Service—far from disrupting or making rival services—is to bring them to work together. I dare say in the difficult circumstances of the day, when it is so hard to obtain personnel for all the different Government and local services, there may have been overlapping in cases, but I suggest that the organizations must be given time to straighten it up in the localities and especially to stop the internecine strife to which the noble Earl referred.
I ought perhaps to say a word about cost, as the question has been raised whether the county organizations arc justified in these days. Grants are made to local voluntary organizations only on the recommendation of the local education authority and the Youth Committee, and then only after investigation, by the Board, of the merits of each case. Grants are allowed only where the applicant organization can, in the first place, be shown to be making (or at least to be capable of making) a real contribution to the local Youth Service provision, and, in the second place, to be in need of funds for that purpose. The provision by local education authorities of aid to the local youth organizations is no new idea. The authorities have held this power and exercised it since 1918. The present system of direct grants from the Board was instituted after the outbreak of the present war. Its purpose was to safeguard the local youth organizations from the extinction which the majority of them

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would otherwise have suffered as a result of loss of leaders and premises, and the drying up of voluntary sources of income. The grants are carefully administered, and any allegations of wasteful or duplicated expenditure would, of course, be investigated by the Board of Education.
It would seem to me, my Lords, that these organizations are very much justified and that the Youth Service, in particular, is very important for the purpose of bringing these organizations together and coordinating their activities. In the earlier debate on education we heard certain remarks about the evil of various juvenile delinquencies, and surely to combat that admitted evil the most valuable method is to induce these young people, who have passed from school, to enter these organizations where their energies are deflected into a better cause—in the case of the pre-Service organizations into fitting themselves for the time when they will be entering the Services. I hope therefore that the noble Earl will see his way to accept that view.
LORD JESSEL: My Lords., may I ask the noble Lord before he resumes his seat where all these bodies get grants? Do all of them get them—all these various youth organizations—and are these grants all made by the Board of Education? I understood the noble Lord to say that they were made by the Board of Education. Surely in the case of the Boy Scouts, and the Cadets and other bodies, which existed before the war, the grants came from other sources. The War Office surely gave a grant to the Cadets. Is the granting of assistance now taken away from the Admiralty and the War Office, and the Air Ministry and given to the Board of Education?
LORD HANKEY: My Lords, in reply to the noble Lord, Lord Jessel, I have
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to say that aid is provided for voluntary organizations either through local authorities or direct from the Board. The Board and the local authorities aid all the principal voluntary organizations, but it would not be true to say they aid all the voluntary organizations that exist.
LORD JESSEL: I thought other Departments than the Board of Education were concerned.
LORD HANKEY: I am told that it is the local education authorities, not the War Office, who help some of the bodies. The Service Departments, of course, aid the pre-Service training of Cadets.
EARL MANVERS: My Lords, I thank the noble Lord for his interesting and informative reply, and I beg leave to withdraw my Motion for the now unnecessary Papers.
Motion for Papers, by leave, withdrawn.

SUNDAY ENTERTAINMENTS ACT, 1932:

  SHANKLIN WARD OF THE URBAN DISTRICT OF SANDOWN-SHANKLIN ORDER.
  THE PARLIAMENTARY UNDERSECRETARY OF STATE FOR INDIA AND BURMA (THE DUKE OF DEVONSHIRE): My Lords, I beg to move the Motion standing in my name on the Paper.
  Moved, That the Order made by the Secretary of State for the Home Department under the Sunday Entertainments Act, 1932, and laid before the House yesterday, be approved.—(The Duke of Devonshire.)
  On Question, Motion agreed to.
  House adjourned.