Lords Sitting of 23 November 1939

Preamble
The House met at twelve of the clock, The LORD CHANCELLOR on the Woolsack.

OFFICIAL SECRETS BILL. [H.L.]
Returned from the Commons, agreed to, with Amendments.
THE LORD CHANCELLOR (VISCOUNT CALDECOTE): My Lords, I beg to move that the Commons Amendments be now considered.
Moved, That the Commons Amendments be now considered.—(The Lord Chancellor.)
On Question, Motion agreed to.

COMMONS AMENDMENT.
[The references are to Bill No. 86.]
Page 2, line 4, leave out ("it appears to").
THE LORD CHANCELLOR: My Lords, this Amendment, which I will ask your Lordships to agree to, is really very little more than a drafting Amendment. It is an Amendment which was moved by the noble Viscount, Lord Samuel, in your Lordships' House, who said when he moved it that it really was a very small point. When it was moved in another place it was thought that it might be accepted. I beg to move that this House doth agree with the Commons in their Amendment.
Moved, That this House doth agree with the Commons in the said Amendment.—(The Lord Chancellor.)
VISCOUNT SAMUEL: My Lords, I am very glad that this Amendment, which I moved here, has now been accepted in another place, and perhaps I may be permitted to express a slight feeling of regret that it was not accepted in your Lordships' House.
On Question, Motion agreed to.

COMMONS AMENDMENT.
Page 2, line 5, after ("police") insert ("has reasonable grounds to believe").
THE LORD CHANCELLOR: My Lords, this is part of the same Amendment. I beg to move that this House doth agree with the Commons in their Amendment.
Moved, That this House doth agree with the Commons in the said Amendment.—(The Lord Chancellor.)
On Question, Motion agreed to.

BASQUE REFUGEE CHILDREN.
12.8 p.m.
LORD NEWTON LORD NEWTON asked His Majesty's Government how many Basque refugee children are still remaining here and whether any steps are being taken to repatriate them. The noble Lord said: My Lords, it will not be necessary for me to detain the House for more than a few minutes, because the circumstances are quite well known. It will be remembered that over two years ago a number of Basque children, amounting, I think, to over 4,000, were brought to this country in order to prevent their suffering from the results of bombardments and of warfare generally. The arrangement was made on the terms that this was to be only a temporary measure, that they should be retained here only as long as there was any danger, and that at the earliest opportunity they would be repatriated. An enterprise of this kind naturally represents considerable expenditure of money, and I understand that a sum of £165,000 has been spent upon these refugees, but I am not quite clear whether that amount includes the money which was subscribed by foreign countries. With regard to those subscriptions and assistance from foreign countries, I cannot help thinking myself that it was a great pity that assistance was accepted from Russia, because Soviet Russia does nothing unless it expects something in return. If there were rumours in this country that these children were occasionally exhibited as a sort of Communistic specimen and that any blame was attached to Russian action, I am quite sure that nobody has ever yet received anything but damage from associating with those people.
There was another form of criticism which was prevalent at the time when previous attempts were made to repatriate these children, and that was because prominent members of the Committee showed a rather strange reluctance to part with their charges. They rather gave us to understand that the children were much better off here and much happier, and altogether much better situated than if they were returned to their parents. The result was that

1881
nothing like the number of children have been repatriated who ought to have been repatriated, and their repatriation has new become more difficult. But the original reason for keeping these children here no longer exists. They were brought here to protect them from danger. There is far more danger from aeroplanes at this moment in this country than there is in Spain, where, as far as I know, there is none. It is very difficult to find an excuse for retaining these children, and the only reason I have come across why they should be retained is that they would be extremely useful as advisers in A.R.P. as they are particularly well qualified to deal with difficulties of that kind.
Personally I can see no reason whatever why these refugees should not be repatriated at the earliest opportunity if means could be found to convey them. There seem to be three overwhelming reasons why they should go. The first is that conditions now are totally different from what they were when they arrived, and there is no danger for them in Spain itself. The second reason, and a very important one, is that the Spanish Government have formally requested that they should be returned. I believe they have made such a request with the exception of children whose parents prefer that they should remain in England. The third reason, and it is a very strong one, is that before long we may be, and in all probability shall be, confronted with the difficulty of other refugees, and they may be refugees who are more worthy of consideration than these children now are. I hope I shall be told that preparations have been made for repatriating these children at the earliest possible moment.
12.12 p.m.
VISCOUNT FITZALAN OF DERWENT: My Lords, I am glad my noble friend has raised this question, and I hope the Government will be able to give a satisfactory reply. The repatriation of these children is long overdue. I cannot help feeling that had the Government shown a little more firmness than they did in the early stages of this movement a great deal of trouble would have been spared. My noble friend has alluded to the amount of money that has been spent. If only that money could have been given to the sick and wounded on both sides in the late Civil War, it would have been far better spent.
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I do not believe there was ever any necessity for these children coming here at all. Personally I have been specially connected with a certain section of these children who were provided for in Catholic homes and convents in this country, and I should like to say that a word is due to those who have been looking after the children for the very great trouble and interest they have taken in them and the great personal inconvenience to which they have been put in looking after them. I am glad to say that nearly all these children have now been repatriated. I cannot recall exactly the number there were in this particular batch. I think it was something like 800, but they are now reduced to very few indeed. If only the Government could arrange speedily with the Spanish Embassy for the repatriation of the remainder of the Basque children and others to whom I am alluding, all would be well, but owing to the dilatory tactics which have been employed throughout on this question, they have, to use a common expression, "missed the 'bus." Had it been done before this war began, everything would have been done speedily, but now, owing to mines and other dangers, it has become more difficult. At the same time I hope the Government will come to a speedy arrangement with the Spanish Embassy and that every one of these children will be repatriated almost at once.
12.15 p.m.
THE EARL OF LISTOWEL: My Lords, as a member of the Committee that organised the reception of these children about two and a half years ago, and as one who since that time has been responsible for their welfare in this country, I should like to say one or two words on this question. In the first place, although we should agree with most of what the noble Lord, Lord Newton, has said, I should like to dispel, if I may, one misconception. Our Committee have not received any money at any time from Russia. The money that has been subscribed to our funds has come from people in this country and from certain committees which were organised in different parts of the British Commonwealth. The various other countries who were helping refugee children and other refugees supported themselves and did not subscribe to our fund.

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As the noble Lord rightly pointed out, when the children were brought over here it was to save them from conditions of war in Spain. Since these conditions ceased to prevail, when the Civil War came to an end, my Committee were as anxious as any noble Lord opposite to return these children to their parents. We immediately began the process of repatriation. Four thousand children came over here two and a-half years ago, and since the end of the Civil War 3,000 have been repatriated. When the European war broke out this autumn, we were acutely conscious of the reasons advanced by both noble Lords opposite for speeding up the process of repatriation, and we have, in the last two months, sorted out 500 of the remaining 1,000 children who are in a position to return to their homes in Spain. The only possible reason for delay in returning these children is the difficulty of obtaining a ship, which the Spanish Government has been good enough to undertake to provide. If any of the noble Lords opposite would represent the urgency of the matter to the representatives of the Spanish Government in London it would certainly be a great service to us and to the children.
It was suggested by the noble Viscount, Lord FitzAlan, that we ought to send the whole of the remaining children back to Spain. The reason why we are for the time being, and for the time being only, keeping 500 children in this country is that at the moment they have no homes to go to. Their parents are, in some cases, refugees outside Spain, probably in the South of France. Sometimes both parents are in prison for political or other offences, sometimes we have had no information since the children came over about either of them, sometimes the father is in prison and the mother a refugee, or the father is in prison and the mother dead. In these cases the children have no families which they can join in Spain—no homes to go to—and if they were sent back immediately, there is a very considerable likelihood that they might be permanently separated from their parents who may never return to Spain.
VISCOUNT FITZALAN OF DERWENT: Is it not a fact that General Franco has
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himself undertaken to look after any children who are repatriated whose parents, for the moment, cannot be found?
THE EARL OF LISTOWEL: Our responsibility, which was accepted two and a half years ago when the offer was made by the Basque Government, was towards the Basque Government and towards the parents of the children. We are perfectly aware of the willingness of the Spanish Government to look after these children, but we do not want to do anything that would prevent them from ever being able to be reunited with their parents, and for that reason, in the case of parents who are not at the moment but probably will be later on in a position to provide homes for their children, we are asking the British public to continue to look after them for the time being. As I say, it only applies to a very limited class, and as time goes on we shall be hearing from more of the parents in that class and more of the remaining children will be repatriated. I should like to assure noble Lords that we are as anxious as any one to return the children to their parents, which I am sure they would agree with us is the thing that is most in the interest of the children themselves.
In conclusion, I should like to express our gratitude to all those people who have subscribed money towards the support of the children in the last two and a half years, and to say that while there are a few children remaining we should be immensely grateful to them for continuing to assist. The best form of assistance they can give is by taking the children, as they have done in the past, into their own homes and looking after them themselves. If more private individuals could do that it would tide over the time before the remaining children can return to their own parents. I should like also to express our thanks to the Government for the very friendly co-operation which they have shown from the time the children came over, and which alone has made possible whatever we have been able to do. Particularly I should like to express our thanks to the two Departments mainly concerned, the Home Office and the Foreign Office, and more particularly still to those officials in those two Departments with whom we have been in direct contact. We have received every civility and every consideration, and I believe that

1885
the Government are in entire sympathy with our attitude and are doing everything they can to help us to carry out the policy that I have explained to your Lordships this morning.
12.23 p.m.
THE PARLIAMENTARY UNDERSECRETARY OF STATE FOR THE COLONIES (THE MARQUESS OF DUFFERIN AND AVA): My Lords, a great deal of water has flowed under the bridges and a great number of chickens have gone home to roost since I last addressed your Lordships on the subject of the Basque children. But it is difficult for me to make a very useful contribution to the debate this morning because the Front Bench speech has already been made by the noble Earl who has just spoken, and who has really given all the information which is available on this subject. Of the 4,000 children who came over at one time or another in the course of this humanitarian experiment, 3,000 have now gone back; and, as the noble Earl has said, arrangements have now been come to with the Children's Committee under the changed circumstances of war, and 500 more children are to be returned in the near future. Therefore at the very outside it only leaves us with 500 who remain to enjoy our hospitality. But I can assure the noble Lord, if he feels that even that is 500 too many, that the Government will press on naturally as best they can in co-operation with the Spanish Ambassador and with the Spanish Government to restore as many more of these children as possible to their own parents. I do not suppose for a moment that they can all go back to their parents; at least it is unlikely that at the end of a civil war that would be possible; but no doubt some more, at any rate, will be able to return, and the Government will certainly press on as expeditiously as possible with that object in view.

ROAD ACCIDENTS.
12.25 p.m.
LORD LAMINGTON LORD LAMINGTON had given Notice that he would ask that the publication of road accident statistics should give the number of non-fatal accidents as well as of fatal accidents. The noble Lord said: My Lords, the question standing in my name requires very few words from me by way of explanation. Your Lordships
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will remember that since the return of fatal accidents only has been made, about three and a half times the normal number of people have been killed on the roads compared with the number killed in other years. No one at the present time wants to add to the labours of Government Departments unnecessarily, and we all wish to avoid giving extra labour to those Departments, but no extra labour will be involved in making the return for which I now ask, because every motorist has to tell the police when he has had an accident of any description. The figures I ask for are already available in the Department, and it is simply a question of adding the nonfatal to the fatal accidents.
I do not ask for statistical information at the present time, because that no doubt would add to the work, but I think it is very important to have the number of non-fatal accidents reported. The result might be to lead to greater precautions being taken, and, therefore, to a sensible reduction in the number of accidents that take place. Based on the proportional return of previous years it may be assumed that during September and October there were 80,000 non-fatal accidents, and, taking the usual proportion of fatal to non-fatal accidents, that of those 80,000 there have been 18,000 persons seriously injured. The term "seriously injured" is large and all-embracing. It may mean injury for life for the unfortunate victim. I only wish to emphasize two points. The first is that the return I ask for will involve no extra labour in any Government Department or office, or very little extra labour, and that I ask for no statistical information. That may come later unless, as I hope, some other means will be taken, in the way, for instance, of a reduction of speed, to avoid the frightful number of casualties. Secondly, I say that it is very important, when you have 80,000 people injured in two months and when 18,000 of them probably will be very seriously injured, possibly for life, that we should have the information. Therefore I ask the question and hope that the return I ask for will be granted.
12.28 p.m.
LORD TEMPLEMORE: My Lords, in answer to my noble friend I would inform him that on the outbreak of war the compilation of road accident statistics was

1887
discontinued in order to release police personnel and the Ministry of Transport staff for more urgent duties. It was also hoped that conditions in a state of war—for example, those brought about by the rationing of motor fuel, by the restriction of lighting both on vehicles and on the roads, and by possible enemy action—would be so different from those prevailing in normal times as to destroy the comparative value of the figures. In the middle of September the whole question was reconsidered in the light of the circumstances then existing, and arrangements were made for the monthly returns of road casualties to be reinstated. It was, however, decided to restrict the information to fatal accidents for three reasons—first, on grounds of economy, to keep the volume of work as small as possible and so save man power for other duties; secondly, to avoid the difficulties of possible discrepancies in reports by police forces whose personnel includes many men who have had no experience of this work; and thirdly, because it was considered that statistics as to persons killed would provide sufficient material on which to base any remedial measures which appear to be practicable. There would be no insuperable difficulty, of course, in reinstituting returns of nonfatal accidents, but in view of these considerations, particularly that of economy and saving of man power, I hope that my noble friend will not press his suggestion.

INTERNMENT OF ENEMY ALIENS.
12.31 p.m.
LORD NEWTON LORD NEWTON had the following question on the Paper: To ask His Majesty's Government if Dr. Dittmar, a German civilian resident in this country, who was interned on October 4 and examined by the Advisory Committee on November 13, is still detained, although the Advisory Committee recommended his exemption from internment, and although no charge of any kind has been brought against him.
The noble Lord said: My Lords, I feel that I ought to apologise for again returning to this case, but as, unfortunately, I happen to know that it is typical of others, that must suffice as an explanation. It is a case which ought never to have occurred at all, and I bring it forward
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because, although I am absolutely satisfied that there is no official in this country who desires to be in any way in-humane or anything but considerate to this particular class of person, yet there is at least evidence of delay and of discrimination. That is why I feel bound to draw attention to it and shall continue to do so. The man in question, who is afraid to return to Germany because he is a strong anti-Nazi and would be put into a concentration camp if he returned, is an historical student. He came to me in connection with his work. That is how I became acquainted with him. This man on October 4 was brought before one of the one-man tribunals, and although I provided him with a letter stating that I would be prepared to undertake any guarantee, the magistrate never thought it worth while to send for me. I could have been in court in a quarter of an hour. The result was that the man was interned, and although he was interned on October 4 he did not succeed in getting his appeal heard until November 13.
On that day I gave evidence for him, and I was informed privately by the committee that there was nothing whatever against him and that he would undoubtedly be released in a very short time. Ten days have already elapsed and there is no sign of his being liberated. The Advisory Committee sit in a building which is within about a quarter of a mile of the Home Office and I should have thought that a telephone message occupying perhaps five minutes would have settled the whole affair. Perhaps my noble friend who is going to answer will have some satisfactory explanation to offer, but I cannot conceive what it is. Here is a case of a perfectly innocent man. It is admitted that he is innocent. I think the tribunal confirmed that opinion, and has so informed the Home Office. Thereupon the Home Office should liberate him. I believe that is the usual course, but it has not been done in this case. It seems to me absolutely without common sense. There is no sense in my opinion in interning civilians at all, unless there is some information against them and you know without doubt that they are hostile in sentiment and ready to act in a hostile way, if they can, against this country. What is the sense of detaining an innocent man? You are inflicting considerable hardship upon the

1889
individual, and you are putting the country to a certain amount of inconvenience, because the country has to keep him and pay for his guards. In this particular case also quite a lot of money must have been wasted in dragging him backwards and forwards from Devonshire.
Here we have a man pronounced to be perfectly innocent, and yet there is no sign of his coming out. I do not for one moment suggest that officials wish to be inhumane or inconsiderate in any way, but it does show evidence of laxity and dilatoriness. This is a case of a man who ought never to have been interned. I hope my noble friend will be able to give some sort of satisfactory explanation, but I would like to warn him that I do not mean to leave the case alone. It is very unsatisfactory that all this trouble should be caused by one man, but I intend to pursue the matter, and I hope that I shall meet with some support in your Lordships' House, perhaps from some of the noble Lords opposite who are so much concerned with the rights of individuals.
12.36 p.m.
VISCOUNT HAILSHAM: My Lords, when I retired from the Government in November last, I made a resolution not to make any public utterance whatever, for at least a year, lest by any chance I should embarrass my late colleagues. Now the year is ended and I am released from my self-imposed silence, but I am still, of course, restrained by the same resolution that is common to us all, and which I have noticed that your Lordships all observe, not to say anything which might conceivably interfere with the Government plans to ensure what I am certain is the immediate war aim of every one of your Lordships, to achieve victory. My noble friend Lord Newton has for some time had on the Order Paper a question relating to enemy aliens; he has now substituted a question relating to a man called Dr. Dittmar, about whom I know nothing, but I should like to protest against the underlying assumption in his original Motion which has remained on the Order Paper for many days, and also against the underlying assumption contained in his speech—namely, that enemy aliens ought not
1890
to be kept in confinement unless a definite charge is proved against them.
LORD NEWTON: Alleged.
VISCOUNT HAILSHAM: I thought my noble friend said proved, but I accept the word "alleged" and I protest against that. We British subjects all cheerfully acquiesce in every sort of interference with our liberty. Even if we do not understand the reasons we recognise that the Government, with more knowledge than we can possibly possess, have good reasons for asking us to accept these restrictions and we obey them. Every German who is well disposed to this country will cheerfully accept a similar rule, and indeed internment in England is far preferable to the horrors of the concentration camps.
LORD NEWTON: It is preferable to be at liberty.
VISCOUNT HAILSHAM: Internment is far preferable to the horrors of the concentration camps which have been described in the White Paper, and which would have been his lot, I gather from my noble friend, in Germany. We accept from the Home Office the blackout with its heavy casualty lists and grave public inconvenience because the Government tell us that it is a necessary precaution against grave dangers. But I think the people are entitled to be assured that the security of the blackout will not be imperilled by the release of any Germans on whom the slightest suspicion exists in the minds of those in authority. Any Minister would lay himself open to grave criticism and even to public execration if he allowed the slightest risk, if air raids came, that any Germans should be free to sabotage our air raid precautions or to start fires to guide the enemy. I always understood that in the last war German plans had been completely frustrated by the arrest of all Germans in this country on the outbreak of the war. I fancy that in those days the responsibility for keeping Germans in confinement and for deciding who could safely be at large was vested with the military authorities. I understand that in the present war the Home Office are entrusted with that responsibility. I hope that in discharging this duty the Home Office will be actuated by the same principles, and will

1891
pay due regard to the views of our Military Intelligence and not release any enemy alien if Military Intelligence considers him or her to be dangerous.
I should like to say in passing, as an ex-Secretary of State for War, that I recognise what I think the public does not realise: the devoted service which the staff of Military Intelligence render to this country. I hope that their activities will not be diverted from their legitimate function of securing the public safety and protecting the Realm against the constant activities of the German espionage system, into formulating or proving any charge against any German who is safely kept in internment. I consider that the basis upon which this duty ought to be exercised is not that any enemy alien should be allowed to go free unless there is a definite charge proved or formulated against him or her, but that no enemy alien ought to be free unless he proves conclusively that he is completely loyal to this country and utterly opposed to his own. I hope that in his reply the noble Marquess who answers for the Government will be able to give a satisfactory assurance to this effect.
12.41 p.m.
THE MARQUESS OF DUFFERIN AND AVA: My Lords, I need hardly say how fortunate I consider myself that the end of my noble and learned friend's self-imposed vow of silence came at this moment, when he was able to bring such heavy artillery to my assistance. I am grateful to him for the speech which he has made, which, as far as I know, represents very much more closely the attitude of the Government than did the speech of my noble friend Lord Newton. But I do not think that the speech I must make to-day in reply to my noble friend, Lord Newton, need be very long. His speech was based certainly on a misconception, and actually on a misstatement repeated on several occasions—no doubt entirely by accident. But my noble friend's argument really turns on the supposition that the Advisory Committee declared that Dr. Dittmar was innocent. I can only assure him that the Advisory Committee have advised the Secretary of State of no such thing.
LORD NEWTON: You have not heard from them.
THE MARQUESS OF DUFFERIN AND AVA: No such advice has come from the Committee. They have seen Dr. Dittmar, they have considered his case, they are presumably still considering all its implications. But it really is not true to say that the Committee have decided that Dr. Dittmar is innocent—at least so far as the Secretary of State's knowledge goes. Therefore it is rather unreasonable that my noble friend should complain too much about a delay which no doubt is very irksome to alien subjects, but which is being reduced as far as is compatible with the efficient working of the tribunal, and which in this case I have no doubt will come to an end in a very short time.
12.44 p.m.
LORD NEWTON: My Lords, I do not know whether by the indulgence of the House I can say anything, but I gathered from the speech of my noble and learned friend beside me that he would not be really happy until he knew that every single enemy alien in the country was interned, even with the assistance of the black-out. The noble Marquess says that he knows nothing about it. I suggest to him that it is perfectly easy to find out. When he returns to the Home Office—if he ever does repair there—he has only to ask this Committee whether they have considered the case and whether they have sent in a report. My information from the Home Office itself is that whenever a recommendation of that kind comes from the Advisory Committee, it is at once attended to, and if they recommend that such a thing should be done, the man is immediately liberated.

INTERNATIONAL LABOUR ORGANISATION.
12.45 p.m.
THE EARL OF LISTOWEL: My Lords, in the absence of my noble friend the Leader of the Opposition, I should like to put the question that stands in his name.
[The Question was as follows: To ask His Majesty's Government whether they have any statement to make regarding the co-operation of His Majesty's Government with the International Labour Organisation in view of the forthcoming discussion of the League's budget at Geneva.]
THE SECRETARY OF STATE FOR FOREIGN AFFAIRS (VISCOUNT HALIFAX): I am glad to be able to assure the noble Lord that His Majesty's Government in the United Kingdom maintain their full interest in all the activities which the League of Nations can carry on in present circumstances. In particular His Majesty's Government have shown their full approval of the decision of the Governing Body of the International Labour Office to attempt to continue its work as completely as conditions will allow. The two meetings of the Emergency Committee of the Governing Body have both been attended by a representative of His Majesty's Government, and an official observer has been sent to the Regional Conference of the American States Members of the International Labour Organisation now in session at Havana.
These are examples of the sympathetic interest which His Majesty's Government continue to take in the work of the International Labour Office, and they trust that other Governments will demonstrate the same interest, particularly in regard to the provision of funds to enable the organisation to maintain its efficiency. This question of the finances of the International Labour Organisation, as indeed of the League as a whole, will, by an agreement just reached between the members of the Assembly, be discussed by the Fourth Committee on December 4, and His Majesty's Government's representative on that Committee will naturally bear in mind the importance which His Majesty's Government attach to seeing the work of the International Labour Organisation carried on as effectively as possible in present conditions.
House adjourned during pleasure.
House resumed.

ROYAL COMMISSION.
The Royal Assent was given to the following Bills:
Restriction of Advertisement (War Risks Insurance).
Official Secrets.

PROROGATION: HIS MAJESTY'S SPEECH.
And afterwards His Majesty's most gracious Speech was delivered to both Houses of Parliament by the Lord Chancellor (in pursuance of His Majesty's Command) as followeth:—
"My Lords and Members of the House of Commons,
"The shadow of war has once more fallen over Europe.
"Despite the efforts of My Government to preserve peace, Germany, in violation of her solemn undertakings, wantonly invaded Poland. This new instance of German aggression and bad faith was a challenge which we could not have declined without dishonour to ourselves and without peril to the cause of freedom and the progress of mankind.
"We seek no material gain. Liberty and free institutions are our birthright which we, like our forefathers, are resolved to preserve.
"Members of the House of Commons,
"I thank you for your ready acceptance of the heavy financial burdens rendered necessary as a contribution towards meeting the severe expense of war. So prompt and ungrudging a response has deeply impressed the world and demonstrates the unflinching determination of My people to make every sacrifice necessary for victory.
"My Lords and Members of the House of Commons,
"The issue is clear. With united will My peoples here and overseas have dedicated themselves to the struggle. The spontaneous decision of My Dominions to participate in the conflict and the invaluable help which they are giving, and are about to give, to the common cause have been of the greatest encouragement to Me. With the aid of our faithful French and Polish allies we cannot doubt that our cause will prevail.
"I pray that the blessing of Almighty God may rest upon your labours."
Then a Commission for proroguing the Parliament was read.
After which the LORD CHANCELLOR said:
MY LORDS, AND MEMBERS OF THE HOUSE OF COMMONS.—By virtue of His Majesty's Commission, under the Great Seal, to us and other Lords directed, and now read, we do, in His Majesty's name and in obedience to His Commands, prorogue this Parliament to Tuesday, the twenty-eighth day of November, One thousand nine hundred and thirty-nine, to be then here holden; and this Parliament
1896
is accordingly prorogued to Tuesday, the twenty-eighth day of November, One thousand nine hundred and thirty-nine.
End of the Fourth Session of the Thirty-seventh Parliament of the United Kingdom of Great Britain and Northern Ireland in the third year of the Reign of His Majesty King George VI.