HL Deb 07 May 1924 vol 57 cc285-8

LORD RAGLAN rose to ask His Majesty's Government whether they are aware that the Emir Abdullah's administration in Trans-Jordania is tyrannical, extravagant, inefficient and generally unpopular; and that the High Commissioner for Palestine has consistently refrained from exercising his powers to bring about an improved state of affairs; and whether it is the policy of the Government to endeavour to reconcile the people of Palestine to Zionist tyranny by establishing a worse tyranny in Trans-Jordania?

The noble Lord said: My Lords, when, two years ago, I ventured to draw your Lordships' attention to the deplorable condition of Trans-Jordania under the British Mandate I was told by the noble Duke who then represented the Colonial Office in your Lordships' House that the Emir Abdullah had carried out his task in a. satisfactory manner. I do not know what line will be taken this evening by the noble Lord the present Under-Secretary of State, but I very much doubt whether he will repeat that statement, not because there has been any material change in the situation during the last two years but because the Government have at last been compelled to face the facts, which are, briefly, that Abdullah's interest in the administration is limited to the squeezing of as much money as possible out of the taxpayers for his own personal use and that he is so unpopular and impotent that he can only be maintained in nominal power by British armed forces.

As regards the second part of the Question, this is not intended as a personal attack on Sir Herbert Samuel. I have no reason to suppose that Sir Herbert has deviated in any way from the policy laid down for him, whatever that may be. The fact remains, however, that he has missed numerous opportunities of instituting remedial measures. Such measures might have included a stricter control over the finances, steps to repair and complete the Turkish roads, which have been allowed to decay, and also the giving of the people some voice in the government. In Turkish times Elections were held regularly. In 1920 I held a General Election in the northern area and acted as returning officer, so I know that there would be no difficulty about that. As regards the third part of the Question, I do not suggest that that is the explicit policy of the Government but there can be little doubt that the sight of a prosperous and contented Trans-Jordania would increase the discontent in Palestine, or that if Trans-Jordania had had a responsible Government it could not have been included in the Rutenberg concession. I beg to ask the Question.

THE UNDER-SECRETARY OF STATE FOR THE COLONIES (LORD ARNOLD)

My Lords, I have, I think, some cause to complain of the form in which the noble Lord's Question is drawn up. It is couched in rather violent language. It contains a good deal about tyranny, extravagance, and so forth, and in the last part of it the noble Lord insinuates —it is an insinuation rather than a direct statement—that there is what he calls a "Zionist tyranny" in Palestine. Thus, the noble Lord introduces an insinuation of this kind into a Question purporting to deal with quite a different subject. I wish to state, quite clearly, that this insinuation is altogether unfounded. There is no Zionist tyranny in Palestine, and no tyranny of any kind. There is a British Administration, presided over by a British statesman of very distinguished record and controlled by a British Secretary of State. These things are about as far removed from tyranny as anything can be.

I do not propose to go over the whole question of the merits of our policy in Palestine. That has frequently been discussed in your Lordships' House. The policy has been reaffirmed by three consecutive British Governments. It is impossible to go back on that. Papers have been laid before the House at fairly frequent intervals showing the lines on which the policy is being carried out in practice. I should like to quote from one of them. It is a Paper (Cmd. 1989) laid before Parliament in November, 1923: that is to say, while the late Government were still in office. It contains a Despatch from the late Secretary of State to the High Commissioner, dated October 4, 1923. In this Despatch the noble Duke wrote as follows:— It has been the constant endeavour of His Majesty's Government and of yourself. as High Commissioner, so to conduct the administration of Palestine as to do equal justice to the interests of both parties concerned. Later on, in the same Despatch, the noble Duke spoke of the desire and intention of His Majesty's Government to deal with absolute impartiality between the different communities of Palestine and to fulfil to the letter the obligations—both to Arab and Jew—to which their predecessors publicly committed themselves. That indicates the spirit which the late Government brought to their task in Palestine. It is one with which the present Government associate themselves unreservedly. To describe as a tyranny an Administration conducted in this spirit is, I venture to say, to use language which is not in accordance with the facts.

I now turn to Trans-Jordan. I think that your Lordships know generally what the position is. During the war we gave an undertaking to recognise and support the independence of the Arabs within certain geographical limits. I know I am on controversial ground. There has been dispute as to what those limits included. But about Trans-Jordan, at any rate, there is no dispute. It admittedly falls within the limits to which the wartime undertaking applies. That is a governing consideration as affecting the political status of Trans-Jordan and the character of our relations with that country. We have to discharge our mandatory functions in a manner not inconsistent with our promises. What has happened is that an Administration under the Emir Abdullah was set up in 1921 and has been functioning over since. We have assisted it with money and advice; but have not exercised or attempted to exercise anything in the nature of direct control.

I am not prepared to say that the present state of affairs in the country can be regarded with unmixed satisfaction or that there is no room for improvement. There has undoubtedly been discontent with the methods of administration. In September last, there was an outbreak of disorder when the Chief of the Adwan tribe induced certain other tribes to join him in armed resistance to the Emir's authority. It was considered necessary to support the Emir's Government, and the rising was put down and order restored in a very short time. It must be remembered, on the other hand—and the noble Lord naturally never made any reference to these factors—that two very definite advantages have accrued from the establishment of the Emir's Administration. In the first place, raids from Trans-Jordan into Palestine have practically ceased. Formerly there was constant danger of incursions by Bedouin tribes, and on one occasion a raid of very serious proportions necessitated the employment of considerable police and military forces. From the date of the establishment of the Arab Government no serious raids have occurred. In other words, Palestine has been immune from disturbance on her Eastern frontier, and, as a consequence, heavy reductions have been effected in British military expenditure in that country. The second advantage is that the safety of the Trans-Desert Air Route, which starts from Amman, the capital of Trans-Jordan, has been effectively maintained. The mail service by this route, which is a fortnightly one, has been carried on without a hitch for more than two and a half years. It brings London within ten days of Baghdad.

Your Lordships will gather from what I have said that I do not regard the situation as free from anxiety or as incapable of improvement. But I see nothing in it to justify the kind of language used by the noble Lord. It must be remembered that the Trans-Jordan Administration is necessarily in the experimental stage. It has had to buy its own experience. If it has made mistakes, and if its actions have not always conformed exactly with what we here look upon as the true principles of government, I do not know that we need be very much astonished or dismayed. We are now engaged in considering the whole question of the direction in which improvement may be effected. We hope very shortly to enter into friendly discussion with the Emir on the subject. I cannot say more for the present. The House may rest assured that we are fully alive to our obligations in regard to territories for which we, are responsible under the Mandate, and that we shall do our utmost to place matters on as satisfactory a footing as possible.