HL Deb 06 August 1924 vol 59 cc464-9
THE MARQUESS CURZON OF KEDLESTON:

My Lords, I understand that since we separated this afternoon a statement upon the Irish situation has been made in another place. I venture therefore to ask the noble and learned Viscount on the Woolsack whether, in pursuance of the engagement he gave earlier in the afternoon, he is prepared to make a similar statement to us here?

THE LORD CHANCELLOR:

Yes, my Lords. I will make a statement substantially in the same terms as that which was made in the other House—a fairly full statement. As the House is aware, in view of the Report of the Judicial Committee of the Privy Council on the questions submitted to them, His Majesty's Government felt it necessary to confer with representatives of the Government of the Irish Free State and of the Government of North Ireland, and a joint meeting was held in London on August 2, after which the representatives of both Irish Governments returned in order to consult with their colleagues. The Colonial Secretary informed the House of Commons that His Majesty's Government felt that it was an honourable obligation binding upon the British people, to secure that the undoubted intention of the Treaty was carried into effect; and in order that that obligation might be fully discharged, His Majesty's Government entered into an agreement with the Government of the Irish Free State, duly signed on both sides, but subject to confirmation by the respective Parliaments, to remedy the defect in the Treaty disclosed by the Report of the Judicial Committee; and the purpose of the Bill which he introduced to-day is to rectify and give the force of law, so far as this country is concerned, to that agreement.

On August 4 my right hon. friend the Prime Minister received a letter from the President of the Executive Council of the Irish Free State in which Mr. Cosgrave stated that, after the fullest consultation with his colleagues, he felt it necessary to urge upon the British Government the necessity of passing the Bill into law before the adjournment of Parliament, in order to remove finally from the minds of the Irish people the grave doubts and suspicions which the long delay in the setting up of the Commission had created. The Prime Minister felt that he could not call upon Parliament to consider legislation which was certain to meet with serious opposition, not only in this House but in another place at the very end of the Session, and without allowing at least some period of time for reflection both here and elsewhere as to the grave issues involved. At his request, therefore, my right hon. friend the Home Secretary and Mr. Thomas crossed to Dublin that night. They had the fullest and frankest discussion yesterday with Mr. Cosgrave and his colleagues, who explained to them the very serious difficulties with which they were faced; and my right hon. friends explained to them the difficulties confronting His Majesty's Government and the British Parliament. I hope and believe that this mutual exchange of views was of value to both sides.

As a result of that discussion His Majesty's Government, feeling that they ought not to leave any room for doubt in the minds of the Irish people, or of the world, of their determination to carry the Treaty into effect, have decided to ask Parliament to meet again on the 30th of next month instead of on the 28th October as had been originally intended. On that date, unless in the meantime the Government of northern Ireland has nominated a member of the Commission, we shall move the Second Reading of the Bill, of which Notice was given to-day, and thereafter, in priority to any other business, we shall make use of all the powers available to us for the purpose of passing that Bill into law at the earliest possible date. I will not pretend that the Free State Government were fully satisfied with this decision, or that they in any way receded from their view that the Bill should be passed into law forthwith, but? hope that nevertheless they will be able to satisfy their people that His Majesty's Government and the British people mean to keep faith with them and to afford no shadow of excuse for the accusation that this country has been in any way false to a Treaty solemnly entered into with the people of the Irish Free State.

After the adjournment of the House to-morrow, therefore, we have until the 30th of next month before the Second Reading of the Bill. His Majesty's Government most earnestly hope that in that interval the Government of Northern Ireland will see their way to appoint their representative on the Commission, and thereby to render the further progress of the Bill unnecessary.

But let there be no mistake and no misunderstanding. His Majesty's Government accepts the view that it is an honourable obligation undertaken by the people of Great Britain towards the people of the Irish Free State to secure that the Boundary Commission shall be set up and that its recommendations shall be made effective by the Governments concerned. The issues of this question are grave. They involve the honour and the good faith of this country. They are too serious to be the sport of Party passions and politics. I venture, therefore, to believe that it is not asking too much of the Press and people of this country if I express the hope that during the interval until this House meets again they will refrain from any action which might awaken old suspicions or inflame old prejudices. It is, I am sure, the earnest hope of all of us that those suspicions and prejudices may before long be forgotten for ever.

THE MARQUESS CURZON OF KEDLESTON:

My Lords, it would, I think, be undesirable at this stage, and more particularly in view of the business that lies before us, to initiate a discussion on the very important pronouncement that we have just heard from the Woolsack, but I should like, nevertheless, to say upon it this. In the first place, His Majesty's Government appear to me to contemplate placing a very heavy, and indeed, I think, an undue strain upon Parliament in the measures which they are proposing to take, and, secondly, that those measures appear to me to involve what, in reality, is a form of pressure as to the statesmanship of which I am not at all convinced. With regard to the actual words of the pronouncement that has just been read they seem to me, if I may say so—and I hear them now for the first time—to be tinged with some element of partiality.

Several NOBLE LORDS:

Hear, hear!

THE MARQUESS CURZON OF KEDLESTON:

And when His Majesty's Government talk, as they have done more than once in the declaration to which we have just listened, about obligations of honour, let me remark that those obligations of honour are not confined to one Party only but equally apply to all.

NOBLE LORDS:

Hear, hear!

THE MARQUESS CURZON OF KEDLESTON:

The noble and learned Viscount will know exactly what I mean, and the manner in which this observation of mine has been received will indicate that in this House we cannot feel any sympathy or agreement with the terms of the declaration that has just been made.

THE LORD CHANCELLOR:

Let me say at once that nothing has been farther from the mind of His Majesty's Government than to take up any partial attitude in this matter. They know that they are proposing a heavy burden on this House in asking it to reassemble on September 30, but the situation is so grave and the results of failure might be so serious that they feel it is their duty to ask your Lordships to meet even at some inconvenience to yourselves. Of course, if in the meantime Northern Ireland sees fit to appoint a Commissioner that would make a meeting on September 30 unnecessary and get rid of the difficulty. We cannot assume this, however. But the desire of the Government is to take up a wholly impartial attitude on this question.

THE MARQUESS CURZON OF KEDLESTON:

My Lords, there is one question which I ought to put, but which I forgot when speaking just now. I understand that His Majesty's Government contemplate meeting on September 30 for this particular purpose should an agreement not be arrived at in the meantime. Will the meeting of Parliament on that occasion, should it be necessary to convene it, be for the purpose of this particular Bill only? Hitherto, we have contemplated an adjournment until October 28. That is the day that has commonly been named in the Press for the reassembling of Parliament, but when Parliament is summoned shall we only have to deal with the Irish situation, or will the Government treat it as a resumption of the Session and proceed to deal with business as a whole?

THE LORD CHANCELLOR:

My Lords, the business that lies before the other House now in dealing with a number of Bills which your Lordships' House has passed is very heavy indeed, and therefore I cannot submit to the proposition that this Bill is the only one that will be taken. It seems, however, that there is-a good chance that your Lordships may not be called upon to devote much time to business here. The work got through during the past Session is very great indeed, and I presume there is not very much remaining which need absorb much of our time, but I prefer not to give a categorical answer to the noble Marquess without a fuller appreciation of the situation which might confront us on September 30. I can only say that it is the desire of the Government to lighten the burden we are asking your Lordships to undertake as much as we can.

THE MARQUESS OF SALISBURY:

I do not know whether the Lord Chancellor contemplates meeting to-morrow; if so, perhaps the last question of the noble Marquess might be repeated then so that we could get a fuller reply.

THE LORD CHANCELLOR:

What is contemplated is this. The other House meets at eleven o'clock to-morrow. It has not much business that I know of, and I thought it might suit your Lordships' convenience to meet early also. The Royal Commission we must have to morrow, and as soon as that is disposed of we have no more business. I cannot, of course, tell what questions may arise out of the Bills we are considering to night, but when we have disposed of the Amendments it might be convenient to meet at eleven o'clock to-morrow, the same hour as the House of Commons, and have the Royal Commission almost immediately.