THE MARQUESS OF CREWEMy Lords, I beg to ask the noble Earl opposite (The Earl of Crawford) if he is able to make any statement regarding Egyptian matters. I understand that there is a prospect that he will be able to do so at an early date.
THE FIRST COMMISSIONER OF WORKS (THE EARL OF CRAWFORD)My Lords, my noble friend, the Leader of the House, I regret to say, is indisposed and confined to his house, and he asks me, on his behalf, to make the following statement about Egyptian policy:
The White Paper will show the House what has passed since the declaration of policy made by His Majesty's Government in December after the failure of Adly Pasha's Mission to London. It also contains the Declaration of policy upon which His Majesty's Government, in pursuance of the principles laid down in December, now propose to proceed. We have long recognised, and said, that the Protectorate was no longer a satisfactory form of relationship between the British Empire and Egypt, but we have also said that owing to the peculiar geographical position of Egypt, the Protectorate cannot be terminated unless British Imperial interests are fully safeguarded. This Adly Pasha and his colleagues were the first to admit, but the difficulty of reconciling these interests with Egyptian aspirations proved insuperable during the negotiations last summer.
At the present moment there is no Egyptian Government which could go so far as to commit their country to a Treaty relationship with Great Britain of a nature o afford us adequate safeguards in these matters, and His Majesty's Government have therefore determined to proceed by 237 a unilateral Declaration. In this course they enjoy the whole-hearted support of Lord Allenby and of the British officials of all ranks in the service of the Egyptian Government, and they are confident that their action will be equally endorsed by Parliament and by public opinion in this country.
There are three points in the Declaration. First: The Protectorate is terminated and Egypt is free to work out such national institutions as may best be suited to the aspirations of her people. Second: Martial Law will be abolished as soon as an Act of Indemnity has been passed. On this a word of explanation is necessary. Martial Law has not been used in the main, as some people suppose, to enforce British policy upon Egypt. It has been, on the contrary, the main instrument of government in the hands of Egyptian Ministers for certain important measures arising out of war conditions—such, for instance, as the regulation of house rents and the levying of certain taxes. An Act of Indemnity is therefore necessary before any Egyptian Government can dispense with Martial Law. It is for the Egyptian Government to pass the necessary legislation, but we undertake to impose no obstacles, provided the final clause of the Declaration is duly observed.
Third: This final clause defines the special relations between His Majesty's Government and Egypt. It declares that the following four matters are absolutely reserved to the discretion of His Majesty's Government—
We are prepared to make Agreements with the Egyptian Government upon these matters in a spirit of mutual accommodation, whenever a favourable opportunity arises for the conclusion of such Agreements. But until such Agreements, satisfactory both to ourselves and the Egyptian Government, are concluded, the status quo will remain intact.
- (a) The security of the communications of the British Empire in Egypt;
- (b) The defence of Egypt against all foreign aggression or interference, direct or indirect;
- (c) The protection of foreign interests in Egypt and the protection of minorities;
- (d)The Soudan.
I must make another point clear. We regard the special relations between ourselves and Egypt defined in this clause as 238 a matter concerning only ourselves and the Government of Egypt. Foreign Powers are not concerned, and we propose to state this unmistakably when the termination of the Protectorate is notified to them. The welfare and integrity of Egypt are necessary to the peace and safety of the British Empire, which will therefore always maintain as an essential British interest the special relations between itself and Egypt long recognised by other Governments. The definition of these special relations is an essential part of the Declaration recognising Egypt as an independent sovereign State. His Majesty's Government have laid them down as matters in which the rights and interests of the British Empire are vitally involved, and they cannot permit them to be questioned by any other Power. In pursuance of this principle they would regard as an unfriendly act any attempt at interference in the affairs of Egypt by another Power, and they would consider any aggression against the territory of Egypt as an act to be repelled by all the means at their command.
On the other hand, we of course accept the protection of foreign interests and minorities in Egypt as a responsibility inseparable from the special position which we claim in the country. These responsibilities have not infrequently been brought home to His Majesty's Government in the course of the last few years when the passions of the masses in Egypt have been inflamed against all foreigners. It is to be hoped that with the recognition of their status as an independent nation the Egyptians will themselves realise how imperative it is to keep political passions within their proper bounds, and the efforts of any Egyptian Government in this direction will always enjoy the sympathy and support of His Majesty's Government.
The Soudan calls for more than a passing word. The combined efforts of Great Britain and Egypt were needed to rescue that vast country from the devastation and ruin into which the Mahdist movement had plunged it. Since the reconquest more than twenty years ago, Great Britain and Egypt have alike contributed men and money towards the restoration of peace and prosperity to what should one day prove a country as fertile and populous as it is now barren and empty. His Majesty's Government will never allow the progress which has already been made, and the greater promise of future years to be jeopardised. Service in the Soudan is 239 unpopular with Egyptians and one of the main reasons why conscription is disliked is due to the fact that it entails such service. On the other hand Egyptian officials are not welcomed by the Soudanese, in whose minds the memories of Egyptian misgovernment fifty years ago still rankle. Nor can His Majesty's Government agree to any change in the status of that country which would in the slightest degree diminish the security for the many millions of British capital which are already invested in its development.
Egypt, on the other hand, has undeniable right to the most ample guarantees that the development of the Soudan shall never threaten or interfere with her existing water supply, or with that which she may require in order to bring her own territory under full cultivation. Such guarantees His Majesty's Government will be ready to afford, and there is no reason why they should in any way hamper or retard the progress of the Soudan.
The Declaration conforms closely to the policy laid down by agreement at the Imperial Conference, and fully covers all matters there defined as essential to Imperial security. It has been notified to the Dominion Governments in a telegram published in the White Paper.
His Majesty's Government have complete confidence in Lord Allenby. As the correspondence in the White Paper shows, the points on which he was invited home for consultation related to the Imperial and international effect of his proposals, on which His Majesty's Government had to be completely satisfied. As already explained, it was essential that the method of procedure to be adopted should thoroughly safeguard the special relations between His Majesty's Government and Egypt recognised by other Powers and essential to Imperial security. Lord Allenby fully concurred in our proposals for this end, and has returned to Egypt in complete agreement with the course of action now recommended to Parliament. His character, his achievements, and his handling of a very difficult situation during the past three years in Egypt, have given him an exceptional position with the Egyptian people, and His Majesty's Government have complete confidence that the interests of the British Empire and the cause of a good understanding between ourselves and the Egyptian people are equally secure in his hands.
THE MARQUESS OF CREWEMy Lords, first of all I desire to express regret at the cause which, as the noble Earl has stated, brings about the absence of the Foreign Secretary and prevents him from making the statement which in the ordinary course he would have made. We all hope that he will soon be recovered. I cannot pretend to make any general observations on the statement which the noble Earl has just made, but I am sure that in its general terms it will be received with satisfaction by your Lordships' House. There has been a feeling that the purposes of the Government in relation to Egypt, during the last few months or longer, have not been thoroughly decided. There appear to have been sonic changes of purpose, so far as we could gather from the ordinary sources of information, for which it was not easy to account. That, however, will not diminish the satisfaction which the country will feel at finding that there is now a good prospect of a happy termination to the difficulties which have existed in that country.
Those difficulties have, of course, not been underrated by public opinion. As the noble Earl has stated, the safeguarding of our communications with the East has necessarily been a paramount consideration in our dealings with Egypt. There has also been the difficulty, to which the noble Earl alluded, that the citizens of foreign countries have to be safeguarded against possible outbreaks of fanaticism or racial prejudice, which in the past have brought about serious incidents in Egypt. Those are considerations which have to be borne in mind in considering the claim of Egypt to complete independence such as that which is now enjoyed by countries possessing an independent Sovereign. But it has been the feeling of those who have any knowledge of the subject that the time has come when, as far as possible, Egypt ought to be able to regard itself as free, subject to the conditions I have mentioned, and we are glad to know from the statement the noble Earl has made that, so far as her internal affairs are concerned, there seems a prospect that Egypt will have them under her own control.
The only other observation which I desire to make has reference to the tribute paid by the Government to Lord Allenby, in which I join most heartily. It is quite clear that he has filled the difficult post at Cairo with the utmost distinction, backed, 241 of course, by his great military reputation and also enforced by the admirable common sense he has shown in a civil capacity there. I am sure the House will all wish to join in the tribute the noble Earl has paid to him.