THE SHOOTING OF BRITISH PRISONERS. (Hansard, 11 May 1915)

THE MARQUESS OF CREWE

The noble Viscount will remember that this communication was received in the form in which it was published through an official source. He will therefore understand that we have no other confirmation of the statements which were made by the German soldiers who gave the information to our representatives, but we have no reason—as, indeed, the noble Viscount will have gathered from the manner in which the information was conveyed to us—to doubt the authenticity of the statements or to question their truth.

As regards the latter part of the noble Viscount's Question—as to what steps it is proposed to take—I would refer him to a reply which was given by the Prime Minister yesterday to the hon. Member for the Carmarthen Boroughs in another place. That hon. Member asked what steps, having regard to the continued breaches of The Hague Convention by the Germans—and then he gave a list, beginning with the poisoning of wells in Africa and proceeding through all the items which are only too well known to us—what steps it was proposed to take, and whether the Government intend to continue to allow Germany to pray in aid the articles of The Hague Convention when it suits her purpose. The Prime Minister replied that Germany began the war by a flagrant breach of a Treaty, and it has since been carried on by her with continual disregard of the previously accepted rules and conventions of warfare. In the Prime Minister's opinion there is no object in approaching neutral Governments unless and until the latter are prepared to take some action in the matter, and he expressed the hope that neutral nations generally are growing more and more sensible to what is involved in these actions, 972 and are beginning to realise that the issues affect the whole of the civilised world and the future of humanity. I do not know that I can add anything to what was here expressed by the Prime Minister.

I recollect that in the quite early days of the war, speaking of the invasion of Belgium and the atrocities that accompanied it, I expressed the opinion that sooner or later, by one means or another, those who were guilty of such acts would have to pay for them, and pay to the uttermost farthing. Many things have happened since then to confirm me, and I believe also others, in that opinion. Of the particular form which such payment must take it is, I am sure, premature to attempt to speak; and in some ways I think the less said the better in the direction of expressing intentions, and still less is it desirable to utter anything in the nature of threats. There are various possibilities, some of which have been mooted in debate, which would occur to any of us of the manner in which those responsible may in the long run be called to account. Suggestions have been made, at any rate with regard to some of these breaches of the conventions of war, of various forms of pecuniary indemnity. Others have suggested that whenever the terms of peace come to be decided these things will not be forgotten. Others, again, have expressed the hope that individuals, especially those who must be held to be ultimately the most responsible, may have to give personal account of what has happened. I will not attempt to discuss those possibilities or to express any opinion, either on my own behalf or on that of the Government, as to what course it may be well to pursue, or which, if any, of those alternatives it may be preferable to take. But I do most confidently repeat the opinion that before it is all over, proved excesses either of this kind or of many others which have occurred, will have to be paid for, and paid for, as I said, to the uttermost farthing.