THE EARL OF MEATHMy Lords, I rise to ask His Majesty's Government whether they are aware that "Stop-the-War" post-cards are being anonymously sent through the Post Office; whether the persons sending these post-cards are liable to prosecution under the Defence of the Realm Act; and if so, whether His Majesty's Government will take steps to stop the circulation of such literature through the Post Office, and to discover and prosecute the offenders.
The ill-advised people who send these post-cards are probably very few in number, and if we had only to consider our own insular interests I, for one, should say that the wisest thing would be to ignore them and give them as much rope as they cared to hang themselves with. But I think we have to look upon the matter from a different point of view. Who are the people who are sending these post-cards through the post? It appears to me that they fall under one of three categories. Probably the largest category are those whose hearts and heads are equally soft. In the next category, perhaps, are those who unconsciously have imbibed the idea that the patriotic thing to do is to stop the war at any price. And as to the third category, I think we shall be justified by the past conduct of the German Government in saving that it is not at all unlikely that a certain amount of German money and initiative may be at the back of this attempt to influence public opinion through the Post Office.
We must not forget that the Central Powers are at this moment endeavouring to pose in the eyes of the world as maligned Governments and peoples whose real object is to bring about peace. They want to influence neutral opinion, especially in the United States, and to get to their support those whose intelligence is not very great but whose hearts are very good; and we know that in every direction German money has been squandered—there is no other word—all over the world for the purpose of getting public opinion to side with them. Millions, we hear, have been spent in the United States, practically to no purpose; and everywhere—in China, Japan, and in every country all over the world—money has been spent in this way. Last winter about this time, when I was living in Italy, the Italians were being deluged with literature, and 533 the British who were there were deluged similarly. The people who sent this literature evidently did not know to whom they were sending it. One Englishman showed me literature that stood as high as that [indicating the height] from the floor which he had received, and he had kept it all. We know, then, that German money is being spent in every direction for this purpose. Is it not possible that something of the sort may be going on in regard to this attempt to influence public opinion through the Post Office?
The Germans hope also to introduce the apple of discord between the Allies, and I think we must remember that some of our Allies manage their affairs in a different way from what we do at home and may not realise why we give so much latitude to those who we have reason to suspect may not be entirely friendly to us. We have signed a solemn agreement with France, with Russia, and with Japan that we will not make peace upon our own account, that we will wait until the Allies are agreed upon this point. This has been renewed quite recently by the addition of Italy to those of the Allies who have signed that agreement. It therefore appears to me that we owe it, not only to ourselves but to our Allies and to the world, that there should be no talk of peace until the common enemy has been thoroughly subdued, and until effectual guarantees have been given which, in the opinion of all the Allies, would justify the cessation of the war, and render the enemy incapable of renewing it for many years to come.
These are the reasons why I have brought this subject before your Lordships' House. Although the matter is a small one it is important to act on the principle of obsta principiis, because we do not know whether, if we allow this to go on, it may not assume larger proportions. I ask His Majesty's Government whether they do not consider that the Defence of the Realm Act applies 534 to this matter. It appears to me that it does, but I am not a lawyer. Therefore I desire to ask whether the words "endanger the successful prosecution of the war," which are used in that Act, do not render these people liable to prosecution.
§ THE LORD PRIVY SEAL (EARL CURZON OF KEDLESTON)My Lords, in replying to the noble Earl I will confine myself to the question of the post-card, to which I confess I think he has attached an importance rather in excess of anything that it deserves. The attention of the Home Secretary had not previously been called to this matter. He has been in communication with the Postmaster-General, who forwarded to him a specimen post-card. I have the post-card here, and I think it must have been one that was supplied by the noble Earl himself. No previous application in regard to these post-cards had reached the Postmaster-General, and he has no information that they are being sent in any numbers through the post. The card, as the noble Earl is aware, is anonymous. There is no clue whatever as to the person who sent it, and even if he could be traced it would not seem possible—this is in reply to the last question put by the noble Earl—to take any proceedings under the Defence of the Realm Regulations. I have the post-card here, and will show it to any noble Lord who desires to see it, but I roust say for myself that it does not strike me as a document which is in the least degree likely to impress any one seriously, or to affect the judgment of those who may receive it as to the prosecution of the war. In fact, I entirely agree with one remark made by the noble Earl—that the person who originated this scheme must have a very ill-balanced mind.
§ House adjourned at twenty-five minutes before Six o'clock, till To-morrow, a quarter past Four o'clock.