Lords Sitting of 26 November 1914

DEFENCE OF THE REALM CONSOLIDATION BILL. (No. 10.)
Brought from the Commons; read 1a; to be printed; and to be read 2a To-morrow (The Lord Chancellor).
LOCAL AUTHORITIES (DISQUALIFICATION RELIEF) BILL.
Brought from the Commons; read 1a; to be printed; and to be read 2a To-morrow (The Lord Stanmore). (No. 11.)

THE PROGRESS OF THE WAR.
THE SECRETARY OF STATE FOR WAR (EARL KITCHENER): My Lords, since I last addressed your Lordships on the general military situation there have been certain important changes in the scene and scope of the operations on the Continent, and at the risk of repeating what is already common knowledge I think it may not be undesirable if I briefly allude to some of the salient features of the campaign since early in October. In France the German Army was then attempting an outflanking movement to the north of the French lines, and our troops were being transferred to the left flank of the French forces in order to prevent the enemy from pushing West, and thus threatening Dunkirk and Calais. The Germans were also besieging Antwerp and, owing to the overwhelming superiority of their heavy artillery which had been brought into action a against that place, it soon become manifest that the comparatively out-of-date fortifications of Antwerp would not be able to resist much longer and though the fall of the town was delayed, and the gallant Belgian garrison was safely removed by British efforts, Antwerp was occupied by the Germans on October 9. With their flank and rear thus secured the German forces were pushed rapidly forward in considerable strength, their objective being to capture the northern coasts of France. But the delay which had been caused in the release of the besieging forces in front of Antwerp just gave time for Sir John French, by a bold forward march and by taking up an extended position from La
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Bassée to Dixmude, to meet this German movement and prevent the Germans from obtaining their objective.
At this period Sir John French's force was increased by an Infantry and a Cavalry Division from England. Very severe fighting took place for several days, as the Germans, in considerably superior forces, vigorously attacked our left line of defence. As an instance I may state that our Cavalry Divisions, extended for seven miles of front in trenches, threw back the fierce attacks of a whole German Army Corps for more than two days. The arrival of the Indian Divisions on the scene was of great assistance to Sir John French, and with French reinforcements which were being pushed up to the front the Germans gradually realised that their public boast to advance to Calais resembled closely their statement with regard to Paris. During all this time the long line from Lille to Verdun was maintained intact by our French Allies against constant attacks from the German forces. The French Army have shown the greatest tenacity and endurance, and have displayed the highest fighting qualities in thus defending their positions against any advance of the Germans. For although they have made notable advances at various points, they have never yielded up a yard of their country since I last addressed your Lordships.
On our left, the gallant Belgian Army held the line from Dixmude to the sea and fought with their well-known pluck, throwing back vigorous and incessant attacks on their positions. Their fine resistance was supported with energy by the co-operation of our Fleet, which effectively shelled the German positions within range of our guns. Through the whole of the period I am now reviewing, the Belgian Army has been constantly led in the field by their King, who, though hard pressed, has never yet left Belgian territory, and does not intend to do so. Sir John French's successful resistance to the German advance was maintained notwithstanding German supports being pushed up in large numbers. At this time no less than eleven corps were attacking his position. At this critical period the 8th Division was despatched to join our forces in the field, and the valuable co-operation of General Foch's armies on our left materially strengthened the British position. On November 11 a supreme

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effort was made by the Germans, the Prussian Guard being ordered to force its way through our lines at all costs and to carry them by sheer weight of numbers. But this desperate attempt failed, as had failed its predecessors.
General Joffre having sent up strong reinforcements, a considerable portion of the British trenches in front of Ypres was taken over by them, and the British front being thus appreciably shortened our troops—which for over fourteen days and nights had never left the trenches, and never allowed the enemy to sustain a footing in them—have been enabled to enjoy a partial but most certainly well-earned rest. Several battalions of Territorial troops have joined -Sir John French's forces, and have made their presence felt. Our losses, naturally, have been very heavy during such strenuous fighting, but they are slight in comparison with those inflicted on the enemy. Reinforcements have replaced our casualties, and the troops under Sir John French are now refitted, in the best of spirits, and confident of success under their leader.
There have been two other prominent changes in the military situation which I should like to bring to your Lordships' notice—-the advance of Russia and the entrance of Turkey into the field against the Allies. Early in October the Russian Army was massing on the line of the Vistula and San. The Germans were invading Poland from Silesia, and about October 11 had reached the neighbourhood of Warsaw. The Russian Army then took the offensive with overwhelming force, and drove the Germans back to their frontier, a distance of about 133 miles. Recently, by making use of their strategic railways and massing troops in the neighbourhood of the fortress of Thorn, the Germans were able to bring a preponderating force to bear upon the Russian right flank on the Vistula, causing them to retire. After a hotly-contested battle the reinforced Russian troops in this neighbourhood have been able to check and defeat the Germans with, I believe, heavier losses than they have ever sustained before. In the meantime the Russian advance on Cracow and in the Carpathian Mountains has been uninterrupted, and has driven the Austrian forces before it.
At the end of October, without any warning, Turkey violated her neutrality by
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suddenly bombarding Odessa and other Black Sea ports. Previous to this she had already massed troops in order to invade Egypt, and armed Bedouins had crossed our frontier. We are now in touch with the advanced parties of the Turkish forces about thirty miles east of the Suez Canal. On the declaration of war by Turkey the Russian Armies in the Caucasus immediately took the offensive, and they are now successfully advancing on Erzeroum. Fighting is also now going on in the mountainous district in the neighbourhood of Van. The hostile action of Turkey has further induced us to send an Indian expedition against the Turkish provinces at the northern end of the Persian Gulf. This force has twice met and twice defeated the Turkish troops, and has occupied the important town of Basra. Active operations are also going on in South and East. Africa.
This short summary of recent military events gives me the opportunity to say that the Government desire to keep back nothing from the public that cannot be utilised to advantage by our enemies. It is not always easy to decide what. information may or may not be dangerous, and whenever there is any doubt we do not hesitate to prevent publication. It must be remembered that in this war our troops form part of a much larger force engaged in the same campaign, and the dissemination of news in regard to one part of the forces must affect the whole. It is, therefore, the Commander-in-Chief of the whole Allied Army, General Joffre, who is the man responsible in this and every other matter connected with the operations of the Army in the field. And I feel in the strongest possible way that it is my duty loyally to co-operate with him and to see that his wishes are carried out. Subject, however, to these considerations, I recognise that it is in the highest degree desirable that news from the front which can be circulated without detriment to the military position should be communicated to the country, and it has always been my aim, while regarding military considerations as paramount, to facilitate the circulation of all news which can be given with safety. I feel confident that the public will respond to the call which we have to make upon their patience and moderation with that grit which has always been the pride of the British nation, and will realise that such reticence as is preserved by the other combatants is impera-

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tively demanded of them in the interests of their Armies.
Your Lordships may very reasonably expect a word from me as to the preparations that are being made for prosecuting the war in addition to keeping up the forces we now have in the field. The difficulties with which the War Office have had to contend are many and various, but I may confidently say that they are being met and dealt with in a more satisfactory manner than I at first thought possible. We feel strongly that our soldiers have a right to be placed in the field provided with all the material of war which modern conditions demand—fully equipped as well as efficiently trained. The wastage of the fighting force naturally demands a large stock of men on which to draw, but although the number of casualties reported is heavy, our actual losses are relatively low, and it must not be forgotten that wounded officers and men returning to the front are the more valuable from having learnt the caution horn of experience which adds to the qualifications of the bravest soldier who is taking part in such a campaign as this. As regards numbers, there is real need and ample room for all the men who are ready to come forward and serve their country, and when further special calls are made on the manhood of England I am confident they will be responded to—as before—in a manner and in a spirit which will ensure the prosecution of the war to its successful conclusion.
EARL CURZON OF KEDLESTON: My Lords, your Lordships will, I am sure, feel that a statement of the great importance of that to which we have just listened should not pass without some appreciative continent from the Benches on this side of the House. We are grateful to the noble and gallant Earl for the manner in which on more than one occasion he has come down to this House and from his place on that Bench has given us in a singularly clear and concise fashion an account of the military situation as it is at the moment at which he speaks, and of his expectations with regard to the future. I am tempted to say, attaching as we all do the highest value to these periodical statements, that it would be an excellent thing—if I may venture to commend the suggestion to the noble Marquess opposite and to the noble and gallant Earl himself—if from time to time during the Parliamentary recess
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which is about to begin similar statements could be issued from the War Office with a view of informing the public. We shall not be here to ask questions; the noble and gallant Field-Marshal himself will be otherwise employed; and it would not only be very encouraging to the spirit of the nation but I think it would greatly stimulate the recruiting which we all desire if from time to time statements of that nature could be heard.
The noble and gallant Earl, in the remarks to which we have just listened, has covered a wide field. He has described to us what he himself called the salient features of the campaign, and in his brief summary he has done admirable justice to the various combatants who are concerned. We gather from his remarks that in his opinion the German troops have, at any rate up to date, failed in the objective of their campaign in the West, and that, just as they failed to reach Paris, so they have up to the present time failed to reach Calais and Dunkirk. He spoke of the singularly gallant conduct of our own troops in the trenches. The House will well understand how such praise coming from him will infuse fresh spirit into those gallant men, and for my own part I must thank him for the reference that he made to the Indian soldiers. To those who, like myself, advocated the employment of those forces in the field and who have followed their operations with daily increasing interest, it is indeed a source of delight to know that they have comported themselves on the field of battle with a gallantry not less than that of our European Allies or of the British comrades by whose sides they are placed.
Glad I was to hear the noble and gallant Earl include in his tribute words regarding the tremendously heavy part that is being played by the French. I think we in this country are apt—it is a pardonable fault, concentrating our attention, as we naturally do, on the fifteen or twenty miles where cur own troops are fighting—to think that this is the centre and focus of the war. Do not let us forget that it is not, perhaps, more than one-tenth—I do not know the exact proportion—of the line that is being held by our Allies, and that to their patience, to the strategy of the French Commander-in-Chief, to their endurance, is due the fact that France, who is fighting our battle as much as her own, has so gallantly held her

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own all the way from Switzerland to the sea. It was not without a thrill of satisfaction that we heard the noble and gallant Earl include in his tribute a word of praise for the valiant; little Belgian Army, reduced in numbers but indomitable in character, and the patriot King who, at its head, has made a name which will live in history.
The Secretary of State passed on to consider the Russian position, and we were gratified to learn from him an official confirmation of that which we had gathered from the newspapers of this morning—namely, that a substantial victory has been won in that theatre of war. It is indeed an encouragement to us to witness the progress of our Allies, so patient in their movements, so silent except in the hour of victory, and to gather from them an inspiration for our own conduct. The noble and gallant Earl then referred to the war with Turkey. With this he dealt so fully that words from me would be superfluous. But I would like to join in the congratulations which I understood him to offer to the Indian troops for their singularly successful operations in capturing the very considerable port of Busra. Anybody who knows the East will believe that this exploit will ring throughout Asia, and that it will be regarded there not merely as the capture of a substantial position but as a damaging blow to Turkish prestige in those parts of the world.
The noble and gallant Earl passed on to a matter in which we all take supreme interest, and which we have more than once presumed to raise in this House. I speak of the question of greater publicity as regards the movements and deeds of our soldiers in the war. I hope the noble and gallant Earl will believe that we thoroughly realise the weighty character of the considerations that he placed before us. We fully understand the obligations of loyalty to the French Commander-in-Chief. We realise that it would be impossible for one plan of action to be adopted over nine-tenths of the field of war and to insist upon an exception for ourselves. But I hope I was not wrong in drawing from one sentence of his remarks the conclusion that he is disposed to make a greater concession to popular sentiment in the matter, and that whatever news he can give to the public consistent with loyalty to our colleagues and the highest military considerations be will give. If I am right in
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that interpretation I believe I may thank him on behalf of those who sit in every quarter of the House.
It is not that we are curious about things; it is that we look to the effect that good news produces upon our people. We must remember that the Press is almost the only literature of the greater number of our population. It is practically the sole educator of the people. Many of them know very little about this war, and it is only by reading in the newspapers the details of what happens, the deeds and achievements of their fellow-countrymen, that they understand what is passing, and that their spirits are raised to a high and becoming level.
The noble and gallant Earl added a word or two about the administration of the War Office. I am sure he will believe me when I say that no criticism that has been heard on this side of the House has been of a carping or censorious nature. We have never made any remarks about War Office administration except in the desire to strengthen the hands of the noble and gallant Field-Marshal. And may I, as Parliament is about to adjourn for the present, take the opportunity not merely of confessing our realisation of the great strain under which he and his colleagues have worked, but also our recognition of the manner in which they have risen to the difficulties of the case and removed many of the obstacles of which complaint has been made. The question of the conditions under which recruits are kept in camp, the question, of allowances and pensions, the question of surrounding the movement of our troops with greater colour and pageantry, have all engaged the attention of the War Office, and I take this opportunity of acknowledging the substantial advance in all these respects that has been made.
Upon one point I think we should have been glad if the noble and gallant Earl had been a little more explicit—namely, as to the question of numbers. We know that large numbers have been called for and that large numbers are still required; the measure of the demands of the noble and gallant Earl we do not know. We see accounts in the newspapers that recruiting is in some parts of the country going slowly; anon comes the more reassuring statement that men are coming in with all the readiness that is required. I hope that

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some opportunity will be taken before Parliament separates of giving us rather more precise information on the matter. The noble and gallant Earl concluded by appealing to the steadfast and continued spirit of the nation. Upon that I believe he may confidently rely. That spirit, I think, could not be better expressed than in a letter which I received this morning from a friend of mine who had sent to the war three sons, one of whom had already given up his life. He answered my mingled condolences and congratulations by the phrase, "If I had twenty sons and £20,000 a year I would give them all to the same cause." That spirit, I believe, is one which animates not only the members of your Lordships' House but the entire nation, and it is a spirit which is incompatible with anything but ultimate victory.

RECRUITING.
LORD CHARNWOOD*LORD CHARNWOOD rose to ask the Secretary of State for War whether he is making use of, or will make use of, the services of the County Territorial Force Associations for the purpose of ensuring that recruits shall present themselves for enlistment in such numbers as may from time to time be required.
The noble Lord said: My Lords, in the impressive speech which the noble and gallant Field-Marshal made to your Lordships in the month of August last he gave voice to the determination of this country that its military forces should grow as the war went on. I think I may assume that, for obvious reasons, in carrying out that purpose recruits will be wanted in larger numbers at one time and in smaller numbers at another, but it is obviously impossible to regulate the flow of enlistment, which first and last must be enormous, by any simple process comparable to the turning on and turning off of a tap. There are two things which add force to that consideration. What quite inevitably happened when the first rush of recruits came, and came in such large numbers that it had to be checked, has had a damping effect which to some extent lasts. That would not by itself matter very much, but a large number of the people of this country only very dimly realise the character of the continuing national emergency in which we stand. I do not think that it would be reasonable to expect the mothers of the working
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classes, who have such an important say in this matter of enlistment, to have any very clear realisation of the position in which the country stands. Day by day people read the newspapers and see news which, taken altogether, shows a satisfactory and continued progress in the war, and they are apt to draw the very natural inference that the war will speedily be at an end. But in spite of revolting incidents such as occurred at Chelsea the other day, when the appeal of Colonel Burne was treated in the horrible manner in which it was treated—in spite of occasional incidents of that kind here and there, I by no means wish to suggest that the recruiting problem is an alarming one. Nevertheless it presents serious difficulty, more serious in some parts of the country than perhaps is easily realised in a large centre such as London.
A step is being taken to deal with this matter which, so far as it goes, is excellent. I mean the circular letter signed by the leaders of Parties, which I believe in some districts has already been received by every householder upon the register. I think your Lordships would welcome, if it be convenient to give any such explanation, some statement of how it is proposed to follow up that step. Clearly there must be on the top of that some canvass of those who neglect to fill up the returns. The business of educating those who do not understand the country's need must go on hand in hand with this canvass. The calling up of the willing men must proceed with careful regard to the needs of industry, and, so far as possible, to special domestic circumstances. Men anxious to serve with their friends and neighbours should be enabled so far as possible to do so. Men honestly distracted between conflicting duties should, as I believe they can, be enabled to put themselves at the disposal of some authority in close touch with them.
This, my Lords, is a task which no centralised authority could possibly perform completely or satisfactorily. I believe that in the County Associations, with the district committees which they now command, the Secretary of State has at hand an organisation admirably fitted to perform any task of this kind which he may lay upon it. I would not, even remotely, hint any sort of minute criticism of a Minister bearing responsibilities so varied and so vast as are borne by the Secretary of State for War.

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Nor do I wish to trouble him with any detailed suggestions. But I venture earnestly to hope that the Secretary of State will in this matter consult the Lords Lieutenant, many of whom are in some ways the best organisers of public opinion and of public effort in this democratic country. I think that before the House adjourns for a long time, as I understand it will to-morrow, your Lordships would welcome some assurance that full use will he made of the County Associations in this matter. The larger the responsibility that the Secretary of State for War may see tit to put upon them the more effectually will they be able to help him. I beg to ask the Question standing in my name.
EARL KITCHENER: My Lords, I am very glad to have this opportunity of expressing not only my own grateful thanks, but those of the War Office and of the Recruiting Department, for what the Parliamentary Committee have done to help us in this matter. I can assure the noble Lord that the problems which he has mentioned are having our most sincere consideration. We are trying to work out things on practical lines to help recruiting in every way. On August 7 last I addressed a letter to all the Lords Lieutenant and chairmen of County Associations inviting their co-operation in the work of raising recruits, and I am very glad to have this opportunity of expressing my thanks for what they have done.
The noble Earl opposite [Earl Curzon of Kedleston] asked me to give some information as to the number of recruits we were obtaining. Of course, it is a variable quantity, and I myself, as I said at the Mansion House, have nothing of which to complain. We get approximately 30,000 recruits a week besides regiments that are being formed by different localities. I do not say that that number will be sufficient. I think it will be understood from what I said before that the time will come when we shall require many more. When that time comes—and I shall certainly let it be thoroughly well known—I feel sure that we shall have the response which this country always gives on such an occasion.

HOUSE OF LORDS OFFICES.
First Report of the Select Committee considered (according to Order), and agreed to.

ARMY CONTRACTS.
LORD NEWTON LORD NEWTON rose to ask whether, in view of the statement made on behalf of His Majesty's Government in this House on July 27—that no new contracts under any circumstances were to be entered into with Liptons, Limited — there is any present intention of reinstating their name upon the list of firms eligible for Army contracts; and whether it is proposed to give early effect to the recommendations made in the Interim Report of the Committee on Garrison and Regimental Institutes.
The noble Lord said: My Lords, I have put this Question on the Paper in consequence of a circular of an extremely impudent nature to which my attention has been called and which has been sent to members of the House of Commons requesting them to use their influence to get this firm reinstated upon the War Office list and pointing out that there are many shareholders in every constituency. I do not imagine that the Government are likely to give way on this point, but I should like a re-affirmation of the statement which was made in this House towards the end of July last with regard to the cessation of the employment of this particular firm. No doubt it is highly distressing to the shareholders in Liptons, Limited, to see other large firms nothing considerable profits out of the war, but I hope that this feeling of disappointment is not likely to make any impression upon his Majesty's Government. I observed, somewhat to my surprise, that in the circular to which I have alluded it is stated that Liptons, Limited, are to-day serving the Admiralty and giving complete satisfaction. I asked some months ago whether this firm was employed by the Admiralty, and the noble Lord who replied to me stated that he was unable to give the necessary information. I do not know whether the standard of morality is lower in the Admiralty than it is in the War Office, but I should have thought that in view of the revelations which have taken place a Government Department would have been only too glad to cease dealing with this firm at the earliest opportunity.
EARL KITCHENER: My Lords, the answer to the first part of the noble Lord's Question is in the negative. As regards the recommendations made in the Interim Report of the Committee on Garrison and Regimental Institutes, that matter is under our consideration and will be dealt with, I hope, shortly.

THE INDIAN EXPEDITIONARY FORCES.
THE LORD PRIVY SEAL AND SECRETARY OF STATE FOR INDIA (THE MARQUESS OF CREWE): Your Lordships may remember that when it was decided that Indian troops should be brought to Europe to join the forces there, I submitted a Motion to the House in similar terms to that which your Lordships now see on the Paper. That was necessitated by a section of the Act of 1858, the great Constitutional Act under which India is now governed, whereby a charge may not be placed upon India in respect of Indian troops serving in other parts of the world without the consent of both Houses of Parliament. Since then various other Indian forces have been sent to different parts of the world, as is quite familiar to the House—in fact, their various destinations have already been mentioned in the course of the speeches which have been delivered this evening. It is my duty, therefore, to submit, with The agreement of the Government of India, a similar Resolution in respect of that fact. The House may remember that on the former occasion I went rather fully into the question and described the various occasions when Indian troops had been employed outside India and the various degrees in which the charge had been placed either upon this country entirely, or upon India entirely, or upon both in varying proportion.
It may fairly be said, I think, that "the direct interest of India"—the phrase that was used by the Commission appointed to inquire into this matter in the year 1899—in the fate of the various places in which operations by Indian troops are being conducted greatly varies. The obvious interest of India is far plainer in some of those places than it is in others, but I venture to submit that, if ever a time comes for making a nice calculation of less or more in that matter of direct interest, this is not the moment to attempt it, and that for the present all that we need do here is to express our appreciative thanks to India for the generous and spontaneous manner in which she comes forward to make this offer of bearing a share of the expenses. Therefore I submit this Resolution to the agreement of the House without further preface.
Moved, to resolve, That His Majesty, having directed military forces charged
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upon the revenues of India to be despatched out of India for service in the war in which this country is engaged, this House, in compliance with Section 55 of Government of India Act, 1858, consents that the ordinary pay and other ordinary charges of any troops so despatched, or that may be so despatched during the continuance of the War, as well as the ordinary charges of any vessels belonging to the Government of India that may be employed in these expeditions which would have been charged upon the resources of India if such troops or vessels had remained in that country or seas adjacent, shall continue to be so chargeable, provided that if it shall be necessary to replace the troops or vessels so withdrawn by other vessels or forces, then the expense of raising, maintaining, and providing such vessels and forces shall be repaid out of any moneys which may be provided by Parliament for the purposes of the said expeditions.—(The Marquess of Crewe.)
EARL CURZON OF KEDLESTON: My Lords, I will only say, in a sentence, that I think the noble Marquess is right in attaching at the present juncture a wide and generous interpretation to the phrase "the interest of India"; that the present moment would be an inopportune one to enter into any minute discussion of such a topic; and that we may certainly renew on this occasion the support which we gave to a similar Motion in the month of September last.
On Question, Motion agreed to.

THE CONTINGENCY OF INVASION.
LORD PARMOOR: My Lords, I rise to ask His Majesty's Government for information as to the position of civilians towards belligerents. In a certain contingency there is no doubt that the relationship between civilians and belligerents may become a matter of the most vital importance, and, whether the contingency is remote or not, if it can be foreseen as possible it ought to be provided against. The reason why I have put this Question, which I hope the noble and learned Viscount on the Woolsack will be able to answer, is that, so far as I have seen, there have been no regulations issued which are sufficiently plain to the ordinary citizen.

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The necessity for some such statement is emphasised by this consideration. The systematised rules, which for convenience are called Rules of International Law, prevail not as regards individuals but as between States, and each State becomes at once liable to she charge of having violated these rules unless it does all that is practicable to secure that individual citizens should have knowledge of them and abide by their provisions. I think myself that the violation of International Law during a war is to be reprobated in the strongest possible terms. Indeed, we have had too much of it so far in the present war. I am anxious that in this country, even in times of stress and trial, every effort should ha made to secure that there should be no violation of what are the recognised international rules as between civilians on the one side and belligerents on the other. Of course, it is known generally that if a civilian as such becomes a combatant without. any other qualification, he is liable to what may be very severe punishment indeed—punishment because he is infringing, the international rule which has been laid down in order that war may be carried on in a more humane, manner as regards non-combatants than it was centuries ago.
The real position of a civilian is this. If he is attacked or wounded or subjected to what I may call the violence of war, he has a right to say that International Law has been infringed; but, on the other hand, if he purports to take any part in warfare he runs considerable risks. At the present, moment the rules under which non-combatant irregular forces my take part in war are laid down in Article I of The Hague Convention No. 4. In a certain sense the provisions are specific. But when we examine them as guides for the ordinary individual there is much left which ought to be filled up by some statement made by the Government. The first of those rules is this, that noncombatants or irregulars may put themselves in a position to have the advantages which are due to them when engaged in legitimate warfare if they are "commanded by a person responsible for his subordinates." That is a very vague phrase, and it is necessary that the ordinary citizen should know what constitutes the conditions under which an irregular force of this kind is commanded by a person responsible for his subordinates. In my
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view any one in such a position ought to have a commission in some form direct from the Crown. It is exceedingly difficult to see under what other conditions a person in that position is really responsible for the subordinates whom for the time being at any rate he is going to command. When a very crucial and vital question may arise as to the violation of what are called the legitimate rules of warfare, people in this country are entitled to have precise information upon what a rule of this kind really means and how it ought to be applied.
I have had a large number of letters upon this very point, the question asked being under what conditions are civilians entitled to be regarded as combatants in the unfortunate event of an invasion of our country. I ask the Lord Chancellor, in the first instance, whether he will tell us, either now or in some circular which may be issued later by the Government, what is really meant, by the words "commanded by a person responsible for his subordinates." The second rule of The Hague Convention No. 4 is not difficult to follow. It is that there must be a fixed distinctive emblem recognisable at a distance. I do not propose to dwell upon that point, because it is a matter which can probably be easily determined. The third rule is that the civilian, to have the protection which The Hague Convention will give him, has to carry his arms openly. That is sufficiently specific and does not need further elucidation. The last of the four rules laid down by The Hague Convention requires much more definition if it is to be of practical use as a guide for civilians who may desire to take up arms in defence of their country. It says, "Operations must be conducted in accordance with the laws and customs of war." Now what are the laws and customs of war which would protect a civilian if he complies with them, but which would render him subject to be punished summarily if he does not comply with them? I ask the noble and learned Viscount on the Woolsack whether on a point of that kind far more information might not be available than has heretofore been given, in order that a due distinction may be raised between civilians who are complying with the rules of International Law and those who, by not complying with them, would not only-submit themselves to punishment but might commit the whole of the districts in which

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they live to the horrors of war, from which, on other grounds, they ought to be free.
There is one other point to which I have to refer in order that I may completely review the matter we have to consider. In The Hague Convention it is recognised that before a territory is occupied—it is different after a territory has been occupied —the citizens are entitled to arise en masse in their protection, but even when they so arise they have to comply with two of the rules of The Hague Convention—that is to say, they have to carry their arms openly and conduct operations in accordance with the laws and customs of war. It is of vital importance that the true position of civilians as against belligerents should be explained in a way that can leave no doubt upon the mind of the ordinary man. What is a civilian entitled to do, and what would render him liable to the severe punishments and penalties to which I have referred? Personally feel very strongly that civilians should he warned against taking any part in warlike operations unless they have been in some form enrolled under a recognised officer. Any step short of that may subject them to very great risks.
I should like to ask what is the position of the police and of special constables in a matter of this kind. In my view neither the police nor special constables would be justified, without having special authority conferred upon them, in taking any part in warlike matters; in other words, they would have the status of civilians. This is a matter of great importance. Suppose that the contingency should arise and it is necessary to have civilian forces to deal with civilian difficulties—and I know that counties likely to be affected are earnestly considering this question at the present moment. But if our constables and special constables are, as I have heard suggested, to be made into what is really a military combatant force, then we should lose the advantage of their assistance for civilian purposes just at the moment when that assistance would be most needed. I apologise for having said so much in asking this Question, but I could not explain more shortly the information which I desire to obtain on this matter, which is one of vital importance at the present moment.
THE LORD CHANCELLOR (VISCOUNT HALDANE): My Lords, the noble and learned Lord is well justified in raising this subject, which is one of importance, and if I cannot give him a specific and detailed answer on all points to-day he will recognise that it is for reasons of weight. The questions which he has raised have been under the consideration of the Committee of Imperial Defence, and their report on the subject has passed into the hands of the noble and gallant Field-Marshal the Secretary of State for War. My noble and gallant friend has himself taken this question in hand, and when the moment comes the instructions for which the noble and learned Lord asks will be given. It is not desirable that details should be published beforehand about things in respect of which there will be ample opportunity for making the arrangements when the time comes. But I may say that broadly the principle is that the military authorities should assume direction in this matter and should give directions to the civilian population. I agree with my noble and learned friend that it is not desirable that the police and special constables should be diverted from their proper purpose. They will no doubt have important functions to perform at a time of this kind and they should not be regarded as combatants. Their functions are quite different, and it would be only confusing those functions and diminishing the activities of these officers to divert them to other forms in which they may be probably less useful to the State.
The noble and learned Lord is quite right in saving that this question of the position of civilians is no longer in the vague condition in which it was formerly. It is regulated by The Hague Convention, to which he has referred, the first of those rules relating to the laws of war. That Convention divides itself into two parts—the rules which were agreed on as rendering it permissible for a civilian who is not a regular combatant to take part in war without exposing himself to the penalties attaching to irregular and illegitimate participation, and the provisions to regulate the case of a levee en masse to protect territory not yet occupied. The noble and learned Lord quite correctly laid down the conditions. He is no doubt right in suggesting that the person responsible for the direction of any corps of irregulars must be a person who has some recognition as repre-

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senting the Crown—that is to say, he must be an officer appointed by the military authorities. At least, that is highly desirable, and, without it, it is impossible to be sure that the interpretation which would be placed upon the first of these rules would be generally accepted by other countries. Therefore I think the noble and learned Lord may assume that arrangements will be made which will prevent the irregular assembling in corps of the civilians of whom he speaks.
As regards the other point—a distinctive badge—steps have been taken to that end. Conforming to the laws of war, which is the important thing, is, after all, something that is not very difficult, because the laws of war are, contained in The Hague Convention and in the Handbook of Military Law. They are simple, and not very difficult to follow. The carrying of arms in an open fashion is practically one of them. It is put separately, but it is really one of the regulations under which warfare is to be conducted in modern times. As regards a levee en masse, that can only take place in the case of territory which has not vet been occupied, and there certain conditions, which the noble and learned Lord correctly defined, must be complied with. All these things have been under careful consideration, and are in the hands of the Secretary of State for War. The military authorities are busily engaged organising the defence of this country, and plans have been carried to a very detailed point. The question of what civilians are to do is one of those questions with which, of course, they have to deal, and in due time the Secretary of State for War will provide information in a public fashion which it is not desirable at the present; moment to discuss in detail.

SEDITIOUS IRISH NEWSPAPERS.
VISCOUNT MIDLETON VISCOUNT MIDLETON had the following Notice on the Paper—
"To ask His Majesty's Government whether it is proposed to take any, and if so what, steps with regard to certain Irish newspapers who have published articles calculated to impede recruiting for the Army and gravely misrepresenting the action of this country in relation to the war in Europe."
The noble Viscount said: My Lords, I understand that this subject is undergoing the earnest attention of the Government, that they are fully alive to the importance of it, and that it would not he possible for them to make a statement on the subject to-day. Therefore I will not pursue the question.

LOSS OF THE "BULWARK" BATTLESHIP.
VISCOUNT MIDLETON: My Lords, I should like to ask the noble Lord who represents the Admiralty whether he has any information he can give the House with regard to the alleged loss of H.M.S. "Bulwark."
LORD WIMBORNE: My Lords, I have to say that H.M.S. "Bulwark" was blown up at eight o'clock this morning while at anchor in the Medway. Both the Admirals on the spot are of opinion that the cause was internal magazine explosion. An inquiry will be held tomorrow. I regret to add that all the officers on board lost their lives and that twelve only of the ship's company were saved.

BUSINESS OF THE HOUSE.
THE MARQUESS OF CREWE: My Lords, I understand that it will be necessary for the House to meet formally later this evening in order to receive some Bills which will be coining up from another place with a view of their being at our disposition to-morrow. I will therefore move that the House do adjourn during pleasure. But I may state, for the information of noble Lords opposite, that we propose that the House should meet at half-past three to-morrow afternoon, if that hour is convenient to them, and we hope that it will be possible for the Commission for giving the Royal Assent to the Bills to take place in the course of the evening. The House would then be able to adjourn for a lengthened period.
House adjourned during pleasure.
House resumed by the Lord COLEBROOKE.

CONSOLIDATED FUND (No. 1) BILL.
Brought from the Commons, endorsed with the Certificate from the Speaker that the Bill is a Money Bill within the meaning of the Parliament Act, 1911 read 1a; to be printed; and to be read 2a To-morrow (The Lord Stanmore). (No. 13.)
FINANCE BILL.
Brought from the Commons, endorsed with the Certificate from the Speaker that the Bill is a Money Bill within the meaning of the Parliament Act, 1911; read 1a; to be printed; and to be read 2a To-morrow (The Lord Privy Seal (M. Crewe)). (No. 12.)
TRADING WITH THE ENEMY ACT (1914) AMENDMENT BILL.
Brought from the Commons; read 1a; to be printed; and to be read 2a To-morrow (The Lord Chancellor). (No. 14.)
TRUSTS BILL.
Brought from the Commons; read 1a; to be printed; and to be read 2a To-morrow (The Lord Chancellor). (No. 15.)
POOR RELIEF (IRELAND) BILL.
Brought from the Commons; read 1a; to be printed; and to be read 2a To-morrow (The Lord Wimborne). (No. 16.)
NATIONAL INSURANCE (NAVY AND ARMY) BILL.
Brought from the Commons; read 1a; to be printed; and to be read 2a To-morrow (The Lord Stanmore). (No. 17.)
ROYAL MARINES BILL.
Brought from the Commons; read 1a; to be printed; and to be read 2a To-morrow (The Lord Wimborne). (No. 18.)
NAVY AND MARINES (WILLS) BILL.
Brought from the Commons; read 1a; to be printed; and to be read 2a To-morrow (The Lord Wimborne). (No. 19.)
INJURIES IN WAR (COMPENSATION) BILL.
Brought from the Commons; read 1a; to be printed; and to be read 2a To-morrow (The Lord Wimborne). (No. 20.)
COURTS (EMERGENCY POWERS) (IRELAND) BILL.
Brought from the Commons; read 1a; to be printed; and to be read 2a To-morrow (The Lord Wimborne). (No. 21.)

LAW AGENTS APPRENTICESHIP (WAR SERVICE) (SCOTLAND) BILL.
Brought from the Commons; read 1a; to be printed; and to be read 2a To-morrow (The Lord Emmott). (No. 22.)
House adjourned at half-past Eleven o'clock, till To-morrow, half-past Ten o'clock.